IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


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I.I 


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■  40 


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Photographic 

Sciences 

Corporation 


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33  WIST  MAIN  STRUT 

WIUTIR.N.Y.  MSIO 

(71*)l7a-4»03 


;\ 


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CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHM/ICMH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institutt  for  Hlitorlcal  MIcroraproductlont  /  Instltut  Canadian  de  mlcroraproductlons  hl.torlquaa 


« 


\ 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notas/Notes  techniques  at  bibliographiques 


The  Institute  has  attempted  to  obtain  the  best 
original  copy  available  for  filming.  Features  of  this 
copy  which  may  be  bibliographicaliy  unique, 
which  may  alter  any  of  the  images  in  the 
reproduction,  or  which  may  significantly  change 
the  usual  method  of  filming,  are  checked  below. 


D 


D 


n 

D 
D 
D 


D 


Q 


Coloured  covers/ 
Couverture  de  couleur 


I      I    Covers  damaged/ 


Couverture  endommagie 


Covers  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Couverture  restaur^  et/ou  pelliculAe 


I      I    Cover  title  missing/ 


Le  titre  de  couverture  manque 

Coloured  maps/ 

Cartes  giographiques  en  couleur 


Coloured  ink  (i.e.  other  than  blue  or  black)/ 
Encre  de  couleur  (i.e.  autre  que  bleue  ou  noire) 

Coloured  plates  and/or  illustrations/ 
Planches  et/ou  illustrations  en  couleur 

Bound  with  other  material/ 
Relii  avec  d'autres  documents 

Tight  binding  may  causa  shadows  or  distortion 
along  interior  margin/ 

La  re  liure  serrie  peut  causer  de  I'ombre  ou  de  la 
distortion  le  long  de  la  marge  intirieure 

Blank  leaves  added  during  restoration  may 
appear  within  the  text.  Whenever  possible,  these 
have  been  omitted  from  filming/ 
II  se  peut  que  certainas  pages  blanches  ajouties 
lors  d'une  restauration  apparaissent  dans  le  texte, 
mais,  lorsque  cela  Atait  possible,  ccs  pages  n'ont 
pas  «t«  filmies. 


Additional  comments;/ 
Commentaires  supplAmentaires 


Irrtgulsr  pagination  :   [1] 
film  lilghtly  out  of  focui. 


L'Institut  a  microfilm^  le  meilleur  exemplaire 
qu'il  lui  a  M  possible  de  se  procurer.  Les  details 
de  cet  exemplaire  qui  sont  paut-Atre  uniques  du 
point  de  vue  bibliographique,  qui  peuvent  modifier 
une  image  reproduite,  ou  qui  peuvent  exiger  une 
modification  dans  la  mithode  normale  de  filmage 
sont  indiquAs  ci-dessous. 


□    Coloured  pages/ 
Pages  de  couleur 


Pages  damaged/ 


I I    Pages  endommag^es 

Pages  restored  and/oi 

Pages  restaurtes  et/ou  pelliculAes 

Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxe( 
Pages  dAcolories,  tacheties  ou  piquAes 

Pages  detached/ 
Pages  d6tachies 


I      I    Pages  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
I      I    Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxed/ 
I      I    Pages  detached/ 


-y 


Showthrough/ 
Transparence 


r7j    Quality  of  print  varies/ 


Quality  inAgale  de  I'impression 

Includes  supplementary  material/ 
Comprend  du  materiel  supplAmentaire 


D 
D 


Only  edition  available/ 
Seule  Edition  disponible 

Pages  wholly  or  partially  obscured  by  errata 
slips,  tissues,  etc.,  have  been  refilmed  to 
ensure  the  best  possible  image/ 
Les  pages  totalement  ou  partieilement 
obscurcies  par  un  feuillet  d'errata,  une  pelure, 
etc.,  ont  M  filmies  A  nouveau  de  fapon  A 
obtanir  la  meilleure  image  possible. 


35,  [31,  [371  •  04, 97,  96,  96,  98-506  p.  Wrinklad  pagai  may 


Tl 
to 


Tl 

P< 
of 
fil 


Oi 
be 
th 
sic 
ot 
fir 
si( 
or 


Th 
sh 
Til 
w» 

Mi 
dif 
em 
bei 
rig 
rec 
me 


This  item  is  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 

Ce  document  est  film*  au  taux  de  reduction  indiqu*  ci-dessous. 


10X 

UX 

18X 

22X 

26X 

30X 

^' 

12X 

16X 

20X 

24X 

28X 

32X 

B 

itaiis 
B  du 
lodifier 
r  une 
Image 


The  copy  filmed  here  has  been  reproduced  thank* 
to  the  generosity  of: 

La  Blbllothique  da  la  Villa  da  Montreal 


The  images  appearing  here  are  the  best  quality 
possible  considering  the  condition  and  legibility 
of  the  original  copy  and  in  keeping  with  the 
filming  contract  specifications. 


L'exemplaire  f  ilmi  f  ut  reproduit  grflce  i  la 
ginArositA  de: 

La  Biblioth^ua  da  la  Villa  da  Montrtel 


Les  images  suivantes  ont  iti  reproduites  avec  le 
plus  grand  soin,  compte  tenu  de  la  condition  et 
de  la  nettet6  de  rexemplaire  film*,  et  en 
conformity  avec  les  conditions  du  contrat  de 
filmage. 


Original  copies  in  printed  paper  covers  are  filmed 
beginning  with  the  front  cover  and  ending  on 
the  last  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, or  the  bacit  cover  when  appropriate.  All 
other  original  copies  are  filmed  beginning  on  the 
first  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, and  ending  on  the  last  page  with  a  printed 
or  illustrated  impression. 


Les  exemplaires  originaux  dont  la  couverture  en 
papier  est  imprimte  sont  filmte  en  commenpant 
par  le  premier  plat  et  en  terminant  soit  par  la 
dernlAre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration,  soit  par  le  second 
plat,  selon  le  cas.  Tous  les  autres  exemplaires 
originaux  sont  filmte  en  commenpant  par  la 
premidre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration  et  en  terminant  par 
la  dernlAre  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 


The  last  recorded  frame  on  each  microfiche 
shall  contain  the  symbol  ^^>  (meaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  the  symbol  y  (meaning  "END"), 
whichever  applies. 


Un  des  symboles  suivants  apparaftra  sur  la 
derniire  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
cas:  le  symbols  — ►  signifie  "A  SUIVRE",  le 
symbols  V  signifie  "FIN  ". 


Maps,  plates,  charts,  etc.,  may  be  filmed  at 
different  reduction  ratios.  Those  too  large  to  be 
entirely  included  in  one  exposure  are  filmed 
beginning  in  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  as 
required.  The  following  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


Les  cartes,  planches,  tableaux,  etc.,  peuvent  Atre 
f ilmAs  A  des  taux  de  reduction  diffArents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  Atre 
reproduit  en  un  seul  cliche,  11  est  film*  A  partir 
de  I'angle  supArieur  gauche,  de  gauche  A  droite, 
et  de  haut  en  bas,  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'images  nAcessaire.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrent  la  mtthode. 


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RBCOMMSMDATIONS  OV  THB  OUVE  BRANCH. 


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Ertract  of  a  letter  from  Jamet  Maditon,  Etq.  Pretident  of  the  United  States. 

Wuihinglon,  January  2f8,  1815. 

"  I  have  not  been  able  as  yet  to  do  more  than  glance  at  the  plan  of  tlie  work, 
and  nin  over  a  few  of  its  pages.  The  course  adopted  of  assennbling  authentic 
and  striking  facts,  and  addressing  them  impartially  and  independently,  but  with 
becoming  emphasis,  to  the  attention  of  the  public,  was  best  fitted  to  render  it 
a  valuable  anti  seasonable  senicc  :  and  it  appears  tliat  the  success  of  your  la- 
bours will  well  reward  the  laudable  view<<  witn  winch  it  was  undertaken." 

Extract  of  a  kUer  f'otn   Tliotnat  Jefferami,  E»q.  ex-pre$ident  of  the  United  States. 

Monticello,  Feb,  9,  1815. 
*'  I  thank  you  for  the  copy  of  the  O.ive  Branch  you  have  been  so  kind  as  to 
tflcnd  me.     Many  extracts  from  it  whi  :h  I  had  seen  in  the  newspapers,  had  ex- 
cited  a  wish  to  procure  it.     A  cursor/  view  over  the  work  has  confirmed  the 
opinion  excited  by  the  extracts,  that  .t  will  do  great  good." 

Extract  of  a  letter  from  W.  Sampton,  Esq. 

New  York,  Feb.  15,  1815. 
"  I  have  read  your  Olive  Branch ;  and  I  can  now  express  my  sincere  satisfac- 
tion .    I  must  otter  you  my  best  compliments  upon  a  pvoduction,  which  breathes, 
the  sentiments  of  pure  and  manly  patriotism. 

Ertract  of  a  letter  from  Orchard  Cook,  E»q. 

Wiscaaset,  Me,  April  2,  1815. 
"  Permit  me  to  offer  yott  my  thanks  for  your  incomparable  work,  the  Olive 
Bn\nch.    You  can  hardly  imagine  how  much  it  is  admired,  and  how  much  good 

it  is  doing."  

Extract  of  a  Utter  from  JS'.  Biddle,  Etq.  a  member  of  the  Senate  of  Pennsylvania,  q 

decided  Feikralitt. 
'*  Mr.  Riddle  takes  thin  opportunity  of  expressing  to  Mr.  Carey  the  satisfkc- 
tion  which  ho  has  derived  fV(»m  reading  his  manly  appeal  from  the  passions  to 
the  reason  of  contending  parties."  Dec.  2,  1814. 

Extract  of  a  letter  from  Ihi-  Hon.  Wm.  Eiiatia,  Esq.   novf  minister  oft/te  United 

Slates,  in  Nulland. 

Boston,  Nov.  16,  1814. 
"  Tlic  Olive  Branch  is  certainly  calculated  to  do  great  good.     It  bears,  as 
you  obHor\e,  the  marks  of  rapidity  : — but  it  is  the  rapid,   rectilineal  course  of 
:<n  enlightened  mind,  directed  by  strong  common  sense." 

Extract  of  a  Htirfrom  a  literary  Gentleman  in  Baltimore. 

Nov.  20,  1814. 
"  Accept  my  sincere  an<l  lieartv  thanks  for  the  Olive  Branch,     So  iar  as  my 
opinion  goes,  it  Is  the  btst  timecl  and  most  masterly  performance  1  ever  saw.'* 

Hctruct  of  a  tetter  from    Rie'iurd  Rti.ifi,  Esq.  now  ,Wmste}'  Plenipotentiary  of  the 
United  Suites  itt  the  Court  of  St.  James's. 

WiwlnnKton,  April  28,  1815. 
*•  R.  R.  has  been  free  to  ileclare  upon  all  occasions,  iind  the  sentiment  is  now 
still  further  Htrtnt^tlieiud,  tiiat  lie  thiiiks  the  coimtry  owch  Mr.  ('.  a  very  large 
debt  for  the  patriotic,  the  /.caloiis,  and  the  intelligent  efforts  of  his  pen  during 
the  lute  Hinigt^li' ;  for  hi*  energetic,  spirited,  yet  canilitl  defence  of  pulilic  prin- 
ciplt's  und  public  nicitsiirt  >< ;  for  his  jirnt  cxjxiMition  of  our  institutions;  for  his 
d>s«'riiniiiHtuig  uiul  iiiil(-f':«ti^;tMe  selection  of  aiitlioiiiic  dociuncnts  illustrative  of 
our  bi.ttorv,  ami  the  f(ii«  ilde,  perspicuous,  and  iiniinsweniblo  commcntarieii 
which  he  liuH  sup<rin(lnr<il  upon  till  tn.  R  R.  p!;tc«s,  at  a  very  high  rate,  the 
shure  wlilch  Mr  Cany's  pulilicatiouN  have  had  in  sk-rvinn'  to  rescue  <is  from  dan- 
g<'r,  and  to  H<-cure  our  triumphs  ;  and  hi-  uutu  ipiitcsin  the  mussuf  tiuth  whicli 
they  have  <lif)'used  tliroughuut  the  Lnion,  cnocts  from  them  of  fuftlicr  and 
more  laHting  Itenefit." 

" 'I'hcre  is  perhaps  no  book  extant,  that  in  so   small  a  eomnass  contains  so 
great  a  iiuantity  of  momentous  political  tnith.     Like  the  two-edged  swortl,  said 
to  have  tx  i-n  wielded  liy  the  an^'el  of  light  against  "  Natan  and  his  angels,"  it 
dispel.*  M\i\  puts  to  flight  an  anny  of  rrror  and  falsehood  "—H   >'kfif  Hrtriftr^' 
v6l    vii  page  J7l 
•  A 


.) 


RECOMMENDATIONS  OF  THE  OUVE  BRANCq[. 

Exh-act  of  0  letter  from  Phillip  Frenetnt,  Etq. 

Mount  Pleasant,  October  30, 1815. 
"  Your  Olive  Branch  hits  excited  much  attention,  wherever  people  will  at  all 
Kad.     According  to  an  old  saying,  it  is  worth  its  weight  in  gola  ;  and  since 
tlie  publication  of  Thomas  Paine 's  Common  Sense,  I  know  notbingthat  has  \m- 
sued  from  the  American  press,  of  equal  solid  utility." 

l^ract  of  a  Utter  from  Jamea  J.  Wilson,  E»q.  Member  of  the  United  Stalet^  Senate. 

Trenton,  June  21, 1815. 
"  1  consider  your  work  not  only  as  a  great  present  acquisition,  but  as  likely 
to  produce  good  effects  for  a  long  time  to  come." 

^__  • •   '  ■ -  t 

Kclract  of  a  letter  from  Benjamin  ^iiistin,  Etq. 

Boston,  Oct.  24,  1815. 
"  I  consider  the  Olive  Branch  as  the  most  lucid  publication  that  has  appear- 
ed since  tlio  violence  of  party  has  plunged  the  pubhc  mind  into  a  chaos  of  po- 
litical error." 


Extract  of  a  letter  from  the  author  of  the  British  Sf»y. 

Kichmond,  Nov.  1,  1815. 
"  1  consider  the  Olive  Branch   as  valuable  in  a  high  degree,  and  all  that  I 
have  heard  speak  of  it  in  this  quarter,  express  themselves  in  the  warmest 
terms  of  approbation."  ■     , 

Extract  of  a  letter  from  Jeite  Moore,  R»q.  Preriding  Judge  oftlte  D.  C.  Permiyb- 

vania. 

Mcadville,  September  29,  1815. 
**  I  have  no  hesitation  in  saying  that  by  writing  and  publishing  tlie  Olive 
Branch,  you  have  been  a  bcnifactor  to  the  public  ;  and  that  in  this  opinion, 
after  the  present  mists  of  party  spirit  shall  have  evaporated,  a  very  g^eat  pro- 
portion of  the  candid,  honest,  and  intelligent  men  oi  every  party  will  at  length 

concur."  

Rrtract  of  a  letter  from  Ih.Jnme*  Tilton. 

Wilmington,  Oct.  10,  1815. 
"  All  that  I  hear  of  the  Olive  Branch,  indicates  that  it  passes  with  the  same 
cdat  among  the  people  that  Common  Sense  did  in  the  Kcvolution." 

From  "  Uberly  Hall,"  a  Vincinatti  J^'irwufiaper. 
"The  Olive   Hranrh,  published  l>y  M.  (-"urey,  of  Philadelphia,  has  perhaps 
been  the  most  popiiliir  and  useful  publication  ever  printed  in  America.  It  will 
hereafter  be  a  matter  of  re^o^l  of  the  most  important  transacUoiui  and  docu- 
ments resulting  from  the  war,  and  the  causes  that  led  to  it." 

E.I  tract  from  the  tfeiitrni  Herald,  July  1R15. 
"  The  Author  of  the  Olive  llranch  deserves  tlie  thanks  and  gratitude  of  the 
nation.     We  have  no  hesitation  in  su\  in^,'  tlmt  every  man  who  can  allord  to  buy 
a  single  b<M»k  more  tlian  the  Holy  Scriptures,  ought  to  buy  the  Olive  Branch." 

Ej  tract  of  a  Utter  from  Jouatlutn  Rultrrti,  l'.»q  mrmher  of  the  Senate  of  the  f/Aited 

.SV(i/f». 
"  Your  labours  have  coMtril)Uted  more  than  those  of  any  other  person,  to  re- 
move the  mists  of  pr<  ju'lire  and  niisrepitsentatioii  Nouhuve  not  oidy  la- 
bdurctl  sueiessfuljy  to  prrMiit  u  eiritivuu  <ifthr  conduct  of  both  sides — bill 
voii  have  pminulguted  >our  writli));s  with  such  diligence  and  suceess  as  to  dou- 
ble your  merits." 

JiCtterfivm  Aluhlon  ttukmun,  F.rnj.  late  (iorrrnov  uf  th<^  ntatr  of  .\'rw  Jrrirv 

■"  I'nMitoni  Dec   ,5,  1817 

*'  I  will  thank  you  t<>  sit  inc  down  as  a  suhHrriber  to  your  eightli  <'dilioii  of 
the  Olive  HraiK  h  I  hnvr  hut  two  rditious  of  thut  work — hut  sliouhl  liave  liud 
all,  eould  I  have  pnu'iu'ed  them  iiniiK-dialely  on  thi  ir  first  t oniiiig  out. 

"  Be  aMHin  il  no  man  thinks  inor«-  hi)^hlv  of  this  work  than  I  <lo.    It  is  so  com* 

f>leli:ly  and  peruliarly  yours,  that  1  should  have  discovered  tin-  author  on  rend- 
<}g  four  pages.    Intlccdt  while  reading  it,  I  think  1  hear  your  vuiqe,   and  sec 
yvur  manner." 


1 


/ 


:H. 


»er  30, 1815. 
ople  will  at  all 
•la  ;  and  since 
ng  that  has  is. 


States^  Senate. 
nc  21,  1815. 
I  but  as  likely 


t.  24,  1815. 
kt  has  appear> 
i  cliuos  uf  pQ. 


1,  1815. 
and  all  that  I 
the  warmest 


C.  Penntyt- 

p29,  1815. 
i)|^  U)e  Ulive 
this  opinion, 
'  great  pro- 
ill  at  length 


10,  1815. 
h  tlic  same 


las  perhaps 
rica.  It  Will 
•  and  docu' 


tudc  of  the 
ibnl  to  buy 
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t  0- 


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J  %j  '^  u  -1 
TTHE 


-     OLIVE  BRANCH: 

■    ,  ,  ,      ,^  -.   ■  ■       ■■     ,.  ..li  .»"     ^      - 

FAULTS  ON  BOTH  SIDES, 


FEDERAL  AJSTD  DEMOCRATIC. 


A  SERIOUS  APPEAL  ON  THE  NECESSITY 


OF 


MUTUAL  FORGIVENESS  AND  HARMONV. 


BY  M.  CAREY. 


TENTH  EDITION,  IMPROVED. 


"  Faction  is  the  niadncss  of  the  many  fur  the  benefit  of  the  few." 

"  rrenzicd  be  the  head — palsied  be  the  hand — that  attempts  to  destroy  the 
union."     lien.  Euton 

"  Truths  would  you  teach— or  save  a  sinking^  land  : 
"  All  fear— none  aid  you — and  few  understand."  Pope. 

••  Evei'y  kiu^rdom  divided  aguimt  itself,  it  brought  to  DESOLA'  7(^  J.'» 

Mat.  xii.25 

"  In  (tissemione  nulla  mlua  consfiicitur."     Catsar. 

••  If  we  pay  a  proper  regartl  to  truln,  we  shall  find  it  necessary  not  only  to 
condemn  our  friends  upon  some  occasions,  and  commend  our  enemies,  but  also 
to  (onmicnd  and  coikIl  nin  the  tame  persons,  as  different  cinnmistances  may  re. 
quire  ;  fiir  as  it  is  not  to  be  imag-ined,  that  those  who  are  cuf^aped  in  <,,Teat  af- 
fairs, .should  always  be  pursuing  false  or  mistaken  measiu'cs;  so  neither  is  it 
probable  tliat  their  coudcut  can  be  at  all  times  exempt  from  error."  I'ohjbiut. 


PniL.\l)KLPIII,\  : 
PRINTED  AND  PUHI.ISIIKI)  IIY  M  fAREV  AND  SON, 

J\'o.  126,  Clu-mut  Sirei't 


yutif  1,   1818. 


# 


(*V'  tlif  \ Anous  topics  onibi.u.i?  _  _  ^ 

wliii'li  so  (freat  it  ilivui-sity  of  opinioii  pri-vHils,  as  inipirssiiieiit.  I'lu-  oIliTKil 
(lociiiiK-iits  of  two  svcrclurifs  of  mate,  Timolliy  Piokerinjf,  C!«|.  and  Ju(l){c 
Mai'slial  i  of  ;i  iiiiiiistrr  at  tlio  court  of  I.omlf.n,  Ittifiis  King,  owj. ;  uf  Silas 
T.illiol,  anil  W  illiam  l.yinan,  csqin.  afftMits  for  tlie  relief  of  impressed  sea- 
men ;  and  of  eominiMlore  KiKlgem,  establish  licyond  contradiction  tlie  hor- 
rible enormity  of  the  practice.  Kvidence,  h(>»e\er,  of  »  varitly  of  persons 
of  respictabi'litVi  examined  on  oath,  by  the  le^rislaliire  of  Massachusetts, 
is  as  conlnin  to  these  documents,  xs  light  is  to  darkness. 

The  subject  is  iminenHely  important.  Our  future  welfare  may  depend 
on  it.  It  certainly  demanils  the  most  serious  and  solium  consideration. 
'I'he  public  mind  ought  to  be  fully  and  completely  informrd  upon  it.  I 
haM-,  therefore,  judged  it  advisable  to  submit  to  llie  reailer,  a  t;ibulMr  view 
of  it,  eollerted  from  the  oflicial  returns  u)ade  li\  t.eorge  \V.  Irving,  and 
colonel  l.ymau,  agents  of  the  Iniled  Slates  in  London. 

This  taiile  lias  iiii  u  kindly  funiisbcd  by  Dr.  .Vilaui  Seybert,  who  has 
devoted  a  large  portion  of  his  leisuiv  hours  to  the  investigation  of  Anie- 
rirun  statistics 


the  sliort  hveiTpiai  I  TIT  "MiTTT 
ber,  IKIU,  which  is  seven  and  a  half  Neurs  A  eliasni  fiiim  .Septcmbt  i  I, 
lt)U4,  till  March  .!!,  lUUO,  reduces  tlie  time  to  less  than  si\  years.  Tliis 
chasm  the  extreme  and  unaccountable  dilficulty  of  procuring  documents 
from  Washing^mi  has  prevented  mc  from  tilling,  notwillislanding  I  made 
a  variety  of  elt'orts  to  procure  materials. 

■  hiring  six  )ears,  therefore,  it  appears  that  the  number  of  persons  im- 
pressed oil  boani  American  vessels  was,  -  -  -  4.579 
<)f  wlicmi,  acknowledged  to  be  Americans,  were  discharged,  iJ'il 
There  were  detained  merely  for  want  of  documents,  -  5j4 
On  boaiil  of  ships  on  foreign  stations,  -  -  •  363 
I'here  were  applications  unanswered,  -  -  -  493 
Of  Ibe  whole  number  retained,  there  were  claimed  us  British  subjects,  413 
Having  voluntarily  entered,       .....  .iug 

The  other  particulars  are  of  minor  moment. 

Kaeli  of  these  items  would  atl'ord  subject  for  a  separate  chapter.  Hut  I 
merely  reconmiend  them  to  the  must  serious  consideration  of  ''  -  reader 


.'III  .Ihstract  (if  Rt'titnis  or  Lists  of  .liitericim  SiHimi'it  and  Citizens  who  licwi'  Iwfn  impre.iscd  oml held  on  hoard 
his  Britaiinic  Miijrstifs  Ships  of  Jt'iir,  diiriiiir  the  time  specified,  accoidnig  to  the  Returns  made  by  George 
ir.  Irving,  and  If'illiam  Lyman,  to  the  J)epartinent  of  State. 


HKASON   WHY   UKllSKIl    I'O  UK   UliSCII AUt.Kl). 


luipressiiK'iiis 

frciMi 

March  11,  IKOj 

to 
Aug.  .il,   1H(;4' 


(^Having  no  documents  to  prove  tlieir  cili/.eiislii) 


!  1(1  III  born 


I  (irrat  Hritutii. 


Nut  biing  Aniericaiis,     - 
Having  voliinlarily  eiitired, 


UeiiiK 
Living 


.lr>eltrrN, 

bri  11  i.iken  in  enemy's  privateers. 


II 

Having  I'raiiiliilcnt  piotcclioiis 

Nut  answering  tin   (lisiription  in  lluir  protect 

Itl'lUg    I 


ativts  of  oilier  cuiinlni' 


tin    I  lilted   Stall 


'  <;r>'al  ilntaiii, 

>  rt  .Lsolis  ;ls.ili;il 


■d, 


\\.i\  in.n  'isc.l  till-  M-a  1)1  llpi-i-  being  lioiiiiil, 


Itiiiig 


;iilarl\  CM  hanged  as  lliilisli  siibjeils  from  em-    / 


ui\'s  iiri.iuiis. 


Iking  igiiiirant  of  Anierii a. 

Said  to  l)c  tnanii  d  in  t.real  llritaiii, 

Saul  to  III-  impostors, 


l*rotertl( 


.  MTlgll 


l.ir  :is  lo  il.ile  ;iii       idorsi  nient. 


Hi  iiig  n  leased  Iruiii  prisciiiH  li)  llr.      li  i  onsuls, 

Having  utli  ni|iliil  to  distil, 

Said  to  111-  ilfscrtcn. 

Hiving  lornii  rlv  bi longed  to  the  navv 

Saiil  111  be   llnllsll  siibjrils. 


III  III  be  pi 


ITS  of  war. 


.1)11  noi  appear  lu  liavi   In  in  impressed, 
?    rl'iotntiiins  ti-oni  i  onsuls  and  vn  r  iniisiils 


Notarial  atliilii 


made  in  tin    I  iiiled  Slates, 


Notarial  :itli<Iavi1s  made  ill  iireut  Hnlaiii, 
CiilliTiiirs' pnitfi  lions, 
lihiintiiri-s, 

IKMiuinnts  from  the  ilepailiiient  of  stale, 
■^   ~x'\  Onilitales  of  disi  barge  liniii 'In    lliitisli  iiuvv  lu 

I  an  I  ili/ins,     -  -  ■  ^ 

M.iniagr  11  rlilii-.itis, 
\.liiiiialtv   jifi.ti  ilinns, 
Olditlireni    ilesiripiiuiis,   and  vvbicli   wire    kept    by  tin  ( 


.\ni< 


^      impless 

Not 


1  b 


llesi  11.  d, 
llni 

llivaliilt'd, 
Saul  111  111- 


nlb.irs, 
iinl  till,  ships  a 


slattd. 


.1  m  ill 


■  in  huanl  li^  ships  vvhii  b  are  not  in  toniinissK 


On  liiianl  nt  sliips  iin  Imrign  stal 
Nut  kiiovtii  u  here  nr  in  ulial  ships  tin  \  are  st-rviiig, 
.\ppln  alums  iiiiansw  en  il. 
Kili.il,      ... 

Ships  lost  (111  bii.ifd  vvlmli  ibiy  wire  sialid  lo  tie, 
11.1V  iiig  erased  pnilei  I  mils,  .... 

Siiit  iiitu  tin   scrvu  V  111  I  111-  iiustepi  uf  I  be  vissi  Istii  wlinli  / 
lliiv  111  li.iigiil  (111  ai  ('Hint  ut  iiiiitiny,  S 

I'lsiteeii'iiis  t.iki  II  Iruiii  tin  111, 
Hi  iiig  linliim  n  .111(1  Hill'  mill  tlie  sirvii  e  by  Ihe  i  ivil  puw  ■  \ 


er,  on  .niuu 


ml  111   niisilrniiaiiiitirs 


Cerlitii  ales  III'  birth, 

111  I'l  rrrd  til  till   Iranspiiri  buar.t, 


lak 


akin  111  a  vi  SSI 


(I  III  defruinliiig  Ibi    reviirii, 


11. IV  lllg   Im  VVIsli   1(1  ({lilt    Ins  lll.l|i  slv  's  MIV  ICI 

Si  III  111  KraiH'C  III  1  \i  li.ingi   iil   pnsiitiers, 

I  iil.il  tiunilii  r  ol  imprissi  d  iii'  n  n  Insid  lo  be  disi  luigi  d 
luUl  111  timsi    uliii  wi  re  iirdered  to  lie  disi  liaigi  d, 


I  111  li  'i|   iiiiiiiissiiieiits 


JM,! 


IJI) 


17 


49 


m 

l.i 


lintircHsiiieiiis 


I'lien 


April  I,  IBUfi, 
to 

Sept.  .;i),   1807. 


'I' Id 
4111 


r«97 


M) 


15 


4-t 


11 


I'i 


l.s 


U'l 


liii|ir('ssniiiits 

from 
Oct.  1,  1H07, 

to 
Mar  ,>1.  18ii9^ 


II 

91 


11 

44 


64 


IK 


111.; 


4  Ml  I 


7.). 


Inipi'i  ssnniils 

fniiii 
April  1,  IHW, 

lo 
Sept.  )U.  IKld. 


.iR4 


H71 


III. I  Al'l  I  I  I    \  I  |i  IS      1. 1  and  total  111  till    nninln  r  nf  iiiiprissnniiiU  as  abov 


li/7 
■J.'9 


49 


.")() 


21 
19 


11 


7H 
4.1 


II 


.5H 


11' 


I'll 


(■rand  luial  ul  lb 


iiinilnr  of 


lip 


I  nil  n  diseliarg'  il, 


i»eiaiii((|  111  tin   llnllsll  servi 


Iinl 


J17 


Kill 


I  iii,ii|( 


ubi'dii'iii  1  III  a  n  suliiliiiii  lit  ihr  II    11    lit    ,1st  III    Dteeiiilier,  IHIU. 


I  I  (iiit.iiiii  i|  III  till    ri  pint  (Uli  (I    lib  M.in  b,  I'ViiIi 
I  I  iiiiUineil  111  Ihr  II  purr  ilaliil   ."lib  Ki  biiiaiv,  IHIiH. 
'  I  uiilaii'iil  III  III!    n  purl  lUtnl  4tli   \plil,  IHln 
I  (ihi.itiK  d  III  lb'    II  p(ir<  (l.ilid  I  lib  .laiiiiarv ,  |l<l. 


Ill' 


id    cll 


.  I'  l<  Mink,  vvuiild  I  uiiipri'lieiid  II 


inipt-i  ssnii  I 


Its  Ir.iin  llii    Isl  Si'iitiiiibi-r,  I«II4,  lu  'be  .'iHi  March,  IH'ifi 


,■    JKxtraet  fnm  Oavemor  Stro^g'a  Speech,  ITth  January,  1806. 

"  Changes  in  the  constitution  of  government  are  more  injurious  than  in  the 
System  of  kws :  even  a  tmaU  innavauoH  may  deetroy  Ut  prineiplee.  The  framen 
of  the  constitution  bad  betbre  them  not  only  the  forms  which  had  been  prefer- 
red by  the  several  states ;  but  those  also,  wliich,  before  that  time,  had  been  de- 
vised in  other  ages  and  nations.  And  though  the  repeated  experiments  which 
have  since  taken  place  in  Europe,  may  suggest  matter  for  warning,  they  afford 
nothing  for  imitation.  If,  notwithstanding,  it  is  found  by  experience,  that  the 
constitution  operates  very  unequally,  or  the  construction  of  any  partis  doubt- 
ful, amendments  may  be  necessary  to  alter  or  explain  it.  Att  it  i*  in  vain  to 
expect  that  all  -will  be  tatisfied. — ^Free  governments  admit  of  an  endless  variety  of 
modihcations;  When  the  constitution  was  estabUshed,  perhaps  no  man  that 
became  subject  to  it  was  perfectly  pleased  with  every  part.  It  -was  the  result 
of  mutual  concession :  and  such,  indeed,  must  always  be  the  case,  when  a  form 
of  government  is  voluntarily  accepted  by  a  con\munity. 

"  In  the  mind*  of  some  men,  there  seems  to  be  a  restletsneu,  vMch  renders  them 
tKssfttisfied  with  any  uniform  course  of  things,  and  makes  them  eager  in  the  pursuit 
of  novelty.  They  abound  in  projects,  and  are  ever  meditating  somefancifid  change 
in  the  plan  of  government,  -which  their  imaginations  represent  as  usefid.  But  men 
of  great  ambition  are  still  more  dangerous  ;  they  commonly  make  the  fairest  pretences 
to  piindples,  though  they  are  actuated  only  by  self  interest.  If  the  constitution  or 
laws  of  their  country  present  obstacles  to  the  accomplishment  cf  their  wishes,  they 
employ  every  artifice  to  alter  or  abolish  them  ;  and  if  individuals  ^pose  their  at- 
tempts, they  are  equally  artjul  and  solicitous  to  destroy  their  influence  and  render 
them  odious  to  their  fellow  citizens. 

"  Few  men,  even  in  a  prosperous  community,  are  fully  satisfied  inth  tlieir 
condition.  A  great  part  are  easily  induced  to  believe,  that  there  is  something 
wrong  in  the  government  or  laws,  which  might  be  rectified  to  their  advantage^ 
They  therefore  readily  embrace  any  specious  proposal  to  effect  an  alteration. 
The  crafty  and  ambitious  know  how  to  avail  themselves  of  this  disposition  to  change, 
and  encourage  their  followers  to  expect  that  the  amendments  they  propose  will  per' 
fectly  suit  their  case,  and  produce  the  vei'y  blessings  they  wish :  in  this  way  they 
not  only  effect  their  immediate  object,  but  acquire  an  influence  which  enables 
them  afterwards  to  accomplish  the  most  ^sastrous  innovations.  Such  persons 
encourage  hopes  that  can  never  be  realized,  and  excite  complaints  which  the 
most  wise  and  benevolent  administration  is  unable  to  remove. 

"  Our  forms  of  government  are,  doubtless,  like  all  other  human  institutions, 
imperfect ;  but  they  will  insure  the  blesnngs  of  freedom  to  the  citizens,  and 
preserve  their  tranquilUty,  as  lon^  as  they  are  virtuous  ;  and  no  constitution 
that  has  been  or  can  be  formed  will  secure  those  blessings  to  a  depraved  and 
vicious  people." 

Extract  from  the  Answer  of  the  Massachusetts  /Senate  to  the  above  Speech. 

"  We  shall  look  witli  a  still  more  cautious  eye  upon  every  innovation  attempt- 
ed to  be  made  upon  our  national  coiistftution.  The  integrity,  experience,  and 
extensive  information  discovered  by  the  illustrious  characters,  who  framed  that 
x'aluable  instrument,  and  the  series  of  public  prosperity  enjoyed  under  it,  enti- 
tle it  to  our  highest  veneration;  its  excellence  appears  wiui  still  greater  lustre, 
when  compared  with  the  ephemeral  constitutions  of  many  nations  which  have 
flitted  across  the  eye  in  rapid  succession,  and  then  sunk  into  total  oblivion. 
We  are  not  insensible,  that  our  ibrm  of  gfovemment  must  be  imperfect,  as  was 
the  nature  of  its  authors  :  but  we  recollect,  at  the  same  time,  that  any  proposed 
alteration,  under  the  name  of  amendment,  is  liable  to  the  same  imperfections. 

"  Believing,  therefore,  that  the  piindples  of  the  constitution  are  as  well  adjusted 
as  human  infirmity  willperrmt,  and  that  a  small  innovation  may  essentially  pervert 
its  original  tendency,  we  shall  exert  ourselves  to  preserve  it  tn  i(«  present  form, 
excejpt  in  cases  where  its  operation  shall  be  found  extremely  unequal  and  op- 
pressive.'* 


|M 


«  , 


THIS  BOOK, 

(AS  A  MARK  OP  GRATITUDE  POR 

INESTIMABLE  BLESSINGS  ENJOYED,  IN 

LIBERTY  OF  PERSON,  LIBERTY  OF  PROPERTY,  AND  LiBERTIf 

OF  OPINIONS, 

TO  A  DEGREE  NEVER  EXCEEDED  IN  THE  WORLD,) 

IS    RESPECTFULLY    DEDICATED 

TO  A  BELOVED  BUT  BLEEDING  COUNTRY, 

TORN  IN  PIECES 

BY 

FACTIOUS,  DESPERATE,  CONVULSIVE,  AND  RtHNOUS 
STRUGGLES  FOE  POWER. 


Vr   IS  LIKEWISE   DEDICATED   TO  THOSE 

MILLIONS  OF  HUMAN  BEINGS, 

WHO  NEITHER  HOLD  NOR  SEEK  OFFICE  ; 

BUT  WHO  ARE  MADE  THE  INSTRUMENTS  OF  THOSE 

WHO  DO  SEEK  THEM : 

AND  WHO,  WHILE  A  FOREIGN  ENEMY  PRESSES 

AT  THEIR  DOORS, 

ARE  ENFEEBLED  AND  KEPT  FROM  UNION, 

TO  GRATIFY  THE  AMBITION  OF 

A  FEW  MEN, 

(NOT  ONE  IN  FIVE  THOUSAND  OF  THE  WHOLE  COMMUNITY) 

WHO  HAVE  BROUGHT 

TO  THE  VERY  VERGE  OF  DESTRUCTION, 

THE  FAIREST  PROSPECT 

EVER  VOUCHSAFED  BY  HEAVEN  TO  ANY  NATION. 

BY  THB  AUTROIt, 


Jfhilad.  J^ov.  8, 1814, 

O.  B. 


S 


GO,  OLIVE  BRANCH, 

INTO  A  COMMUNITY,  WHICH,  DRUGGED  INTO 

A  DEATH-LIKE  STUPOR,  ^ 

WITH  UNPARALLELED  APATHY  BEHOLDS 
THE 
PILLARS  OF  THE  GOVERNMENT  TEARING  AWAYj 

THE  NATION  ,  , 

NEARLY  PROSTRATE  AT  THE  FEET  OF  A   RUTHLESS  FOE  i 
ANARCHY  RAPIDLY  APPROACHING; 
A  NUMBER  OF  AMBITIOUS  LEADERS,  REGARDLESS 

OF   THE 
J       COMMON  DANGER, 
STRUGGLING  TO  SEIZE  UPON  THE  GOVERNMENT ; 
•-:■-"■■'*"'      AND  ''  ''   '*  " 

APPARENTLY  DETERMINED  THE  COUNTRY  SHALL  GO  TO 

PERDITION, 

UNLESS  THEY  CAN  POSSESS  THEMSELVES  OF  POWER  ; 
.     AND,  WITH  THIS  VIEW,  OPPOSING  AND  DEFEATING 
EVERY  MEASURE, 
CALCULATED  TO  INSURE  SALVATION. 


APPEAL  TO  THE  PATRIOTISM, 
THE  HONOUR,  Tllii  FEELINfi,  THE  SELF  INTEREST  OF  YOUR 

READERu, 
'  TO  SAVE  A  NOBLE  NATION  FROM  RUIN 
Flalad.  Jan.  4,  1815. 


PREFACE 

TO  THE  FIRST  EDITION.  , 


Philadelphia,  Nov,  8^  1814.* 

This  work  is  submitted  to  the  public  with  an  uncommon  de- 
gree of  solicitude  and  anxiety.  The  subject  it  embraces,  and  the 
objects  it  has  in  view,  are  of  inexpressible  magnitude.  The  for- 
mer is  the  present  critical  situation  of  the  United  States,  with 
the  causes  that  have  led  to  that  situation  j  the  latter,  the  mitiga- 
tion of  party  rage  and  rancour,  and  the  restoration  of  harmony. 

It  is  no  lunger  doubtful  that  a  conspiracy  exists  in  New  Eng- 
land, among  a  few  of  the  most  wealthy  and  influential  citizens, 
to  effect  a  dissolution  of  the  union,  at  every  hazard,  and  to  form 
a  separate  confederacy.  This  has  been  believed  by  some  of  our 
citizens  for  years,  and  strenuously  denied  by  others,  deceived  by 
the  mask  the  conspirators  wore,  and  by  their  hollow  professions. 
But  it  requires  more  than  Boeotian  stupidity  and  dulness,  to  he- 
sitate on  the  subject,  after  the  late  extraordinary  proceedings, 
which  cannot  possibly  have  any  other  object. 

Eighteen  years  have  elapsed  since  this  dangerous  project  wi;'i 
iirst  promulgated.!  From  that  period  to  the  present,  it  has  never 
been  out  of  view.  The  end  and  the  means  were  equally  unholy 
and  pernicious.  Falsehood,  deception,  and  calumny,  in  turn, 
have  been  employed  to  aid  the  design.  The  passions  of  the  ci- 
tizens have  been  kept  in  a  constant  state  of  the  most  extravagant 
excitement.  Every  act  of  the  government  has  been  placed  in 
the  most  revolting  point  of  view.  And  to  the  public  function- 
aries have  been  unceasingly  ascribed  the  most  odious  objects, 
pursued  by  the  most  detestable  means. 

About  two-thirds  of  the  papers  published  in  the  eastern  states, 
are  opposed  to  the  present  administration.  They  are  all  ex-parte. 
A  single  number  of  the  Centincl,  Repertory,  Boston  Ciazette, 
he.  rarely  appears  free  from  al)use  of  the  administration.  And 
I  am  pretty  well  convinced  that  attempts  at  vindication  are 
hardly  ever  admitted.     The  object  steadily  and  invariably  pur. 

•  The  reader  is  requcslcil,  in  rcndin^f  the  diflereiil  Prefuces,  to  pfty  pRiticu* 
litr  uttchtion  totlieir  datcH. 

t  III  a  Ncrii'Hof  cHHaySi  published  uiiJcv  the  sljj'imture  of  Pclliain,  in  the  Con- 
necticut Courant,  1796. 


/ 


10 


PREFACE  TO  THE  FIRST  EDITlOK. 


sued,  is  to  run  down  the  incumbents  in  office  at  all  events.  To 
this  object  every  thing  is  made  subservient,  and  every  means  of 
effecting  it  is  regarded  as  lawful. 

On  the  injustice,  the  cruelty  of  this  procedure,  it  is  needless 
to  descant.  It  is  treating  the  highest  public  functionaries  of  the 
country,  chosen  by  the  unbiassed  suffrages  of  a  free  people,  with 
more  cruelty  and  injustice  than  we  should  display  towards  the 
veriest  rascal  in  society.  Were  he  accused  of  any  crime  what- 
ever,  hiu  defence  would  be  patiently  heard  before  sentence  would 
be  pronounced.  But  our  first  magistrate,  and  other  public  offi- 
cers, arc  accused,  tried,  and  condemned,  without  a  possibility  of 
defence. 

This  is  a  great  and  deplorable  evil — an  evil  so  inveterate,  as 
to  render  a  remedy  almost  hopeless.  It  is  hardly  possible  for  any 
government  to  stand  agamst  such  an  unjust  system,  which  is 
pregnant  with  the  most  awful  consequences  to  society. 

It  will  be  said  that  there  are  many  newspapers  devoted  to  the 
defence  of  the  administration,  as  well  as  to  destroy  it.  This 
does  not  remove  the  difficulty.  Such  are  the  folly  and  madness 
of  the  times,  that  the  mass  of  our  citizens  confine  themselves  to 
those  papers  calculated  to  strengthen  their  prejudices.  They 
rarely  read  defences,  if  any  appear. 

And  thus  it  is  not  surprising  that  those  prejudices  daily  be- 
come more  violent,  and  more  extensive  in  tneir  operation — and 
that  through  the  address  and  industry  of  artful  men,  some  of 
pur  citizens,  otherwise  highly  estimable,  are  prepared  to  de- 
stroy that  constitution,  to  whose  abuse  and  perversion  they 
fiacribe  all  those  sufferings  which  have  really  flowed  from  the 
rapacity  and  injustice  of  the  belligerents. 

Besides  the  party  in  New  England,  who  are  determined  on  a 
separation  of  the  states  for  their  own  aggrandizement — there  is 
one  in  the  middle  states  equally  dangerous.  They  are  daily  en- 
gaged in  preparing  the  public  mind  for  seizing  the  reins  of  go- 
vernment by  violence,  and  expelling  the  public  functionaries. 

With  tliese  gentlemen,  it  is  a  favourite  idea,  to  send  "  the 
president  to  Klba,*'  and  supply  his  place  with  one  of  their  own 
iViends,  and  thus  save  the  people  the  necessity  of  another  elec- 
tion. Mr.  Barent  ( lardenier,  of  New  York,  editor  of  the  Cou- 
rier, and  a  few  violent  men  in  congress,  are  the  most  active  of 
this  party.  All  their  talents  and  industry  are  devoted  to  this 
vile  purpose. 

Bloocl  and  murder — lanterns  and  guillotines  apart,  this  is  as 
revolutionary,  as  disorganizing,  as  jarobinical  a  project  as  any  of 
those  conceived  by  Danton,  I.egendre,  Marat,  Petion,  or  no- 
bespierrc,  in  the  early  stages  of  the  French  revolution.  And, 
reader,  **  /«//  not  thr  flnttrnut^  unction  to  your  va?//,"  that  we  shall. 
In  this  event,  escape  blgocishcd.     It  is  as  impossible  that  such 


PREFACE   TO   THE   FIRST   EDITION. 


fl 


a  flaglt'r  project  should  be  carried  into  operation,  without 
rivers  •  lood  being  shed,  as  that  you  could  tear  away  the  foun- 
dationr  ..a  which  a  mighty  edifice  rests,  without  the  edifice  it- 
self crumbling  to  ruins ;  or  remove  the  dykes  which  oppose  the 
violence  of  rushing  torrents,  and  not  have  the  circumjacent 
country  overflowed. 

A  favourite  phrase  with  Mr.  Gardenier  is,  that  "  the  present 
administration  must  come  down."  This  is  quite  explicit.  It  is 
impossible  to  mistake  the  intention,  or  the  mode  of  effecting  it. 
The  latter  is  very  simple.  History  furnishes  numerous  exam- 
ples. It  is  the  mode  by  which,  after  the  Rubicon  was  passed, 
Julius  Caesar  rose  to  power  on  the  ruins  of  the  commonwealth  ; 
by  which  Cromwell  expelled  the  Rump  parliament,  and  seized 
the  reins  of  government ;  and,  to  come  to  a  later  period,  it  is  the 
mode  whereby  Bonaparte  made  himself  master  of  the  destinies 
of  France. 

But,  Mr.  Gardenier,  we  are  not  ripe  for  this  project  yet.  Can 
you,  or  can  general  Robert  Wharton,  (Mayor  of  Philadelphia) 
who  has  given  the  toast—"  James  Madison,  on  the  island  of 
£lba"—can  you,  I  say,  be  mad  enough  to  believe,  that  the  hardy 
yeomanry  of  New  York,  New  Jersey,  or  Pennsylvania,  will  al- 
low any  band  of  desperadoes  with  impunity  to  tear  the  highest 
public  functionaries  of  the  nation  from  their  seats — men  chosen 
m  strict  conformity  with  the  terms  of  the  social  compact  ? 

If  you  flatter  yourselves  with  any  such  pleasing  delusions, 
awake,  and  shake  off  the  mighty  error.  Rely  upon  it,  that  those 
who  may  make  the  sacrilegious  attempt,  will,  with  their  deluded 
followers,  suffer  condign  punishment  as  traitors. 


For  a  considerable  time  past,  the  United  States  have  exhibited 
a  spectacle  of  the  most  extraordinary  kind,  and  almost  unique  in 
the  history  of  the  world. 

Our  constitution  has  prol)ably  but  one  material  defect.  It 
wants  a  due  degree  of  energy,  particularly  pending  war.  If  it 
were  free  from  this,  it  might  endure  as  many  ages  as  the  Spar- 
tan or  Roman  government. 

This  defect  must  be  a  subject  of  deep  and  serious  regret  to 
all  good  men,  not  merely  our  cotemporanes  or  countrymen,  but 
to  those  in  future  times  and  distant  countries,  who  may  feel  an 
interest  in  the  happiness  of  their  fellow  men.  In  perusing  his- 
tory, we  lament  tne  errors  of  our  ancestors — ours  will  be  a  sub. 
ject  of  lamentation  to  posterity. 

This  serious  defect  in  the  frame  of  our  government,  renders  it 
the  imperious  duty  of  all  good  citizens  to  uphold  and  support  it 
with  all  their  energy.  But,  all  considerations  of  duty  apart, 
mere  selfishness  ought  to  prompt  those  who  have  any  interest  in 


12 


PREFACE   TO   THE    FIRST   EDITION. 


the  welfare  of  the  country,  who  may  lose,  but  cannot  gain  by  con- 
vulsions, an^  tumults,  and  confusion,  and  anarchy,  with  all  their 
efforts  to  uphold  the  government  which  protects  them  in  the  en- 
joyment of  all  the  blessings  of  life. 

It  is,  however,  awful  to  relate,  that  a  large  proportion  of  the 
wealthiest  men  in  the  community  have  been  as  sedulously  em- 
ployed in  tearing  down  the  pillars  of  the  government — in  throwing 
every  obstacle  and  difficulty  and  embarrassment  in  the  way  of  its 
.  administrators,  as  if  it  were  equally  oppressive  with  that  of  Al- 
giers or  Turkey,  or  as  if  they  could  derive  advantage  from  anar- 
chy. Should  they  be  cursed  with  final  success  in  their  endea- 
vours, they  and  their  posterity  will  long  mourn  the  consequences. 

The  national  vessel  is  on  rocks  and  quicksands,  and  in  danger 
of  shipwreck.  There  is,  moreover,  a  larger  and  more  formidable 
vessel  preparing  all  possible  means  for  her  destruction.  But,  in- 
stead of  efforts  to  extricate  her,  the  crew  are  distracted  by  a  dis- 
pute how  she  came  into  that  situation.  The  grand  and  only  ob- 
ject with  a  part  of  them  is  to  seize  the  helm — and,  rather  than 
not  succeed,  they  are  resolved  she  shall  run  the  risque  of  going  to 
perdition.  This  party  swears  that  all  our  difficulties  and  dangers 
are  owing  to  the  imbecility,  the  corruption,  the  madness,  the 
folly  of  the  pilot,  whom  they  threaten  with  "  a  halter,"  or  to  put 
him  ashore  "  on  the  island  of  Elba."  The  others  swear  with 
\^  -»  equal  vehemence,  that  the  refractory,  turbulent,  and  factious  spi- 
rit of  the  mutinous  part  of  the  crew  has  run  the  vessel  aground. 
They  are,  accordingly,  determined  to  defend  the  pilot.  A  few 
individuals,  who  see  that  both  parties  have  contributed  to  pro- 
duce this  calamitous  event,  in  vain  hold  out"  the  Olive  Branchy' 
and  implore  them  to  suspend  all  enquir)'  into  the  cause  of  the 
danger  till  the  ship  is  extricated.  But  it  is  in  vain.  While  the 
parties  are  more  and  more  inflamed  against  each  other,  the  ves- 
sel bilges  on  a  sharp  rock — down  she  goes — pilot — and  support- 
ers— and  mutineers — and  peace  makers— all  in  one  common  de- 
struction ! 

This,  I  am  fearful,  will  be  our  fate.  But  it  may  be  prevented. 
All  that  is  necessary  is  that  a  few  influential  men  in  the  diflennt 
states  unite — I)ury  the  hatchet — and  lay  aside  all  minor  conside- 
rations while  the  vessel  of  state  is  in  danger.  This  policy  is  so 
obviously  just,  that  one  hundred  individuals  throughout  the 
union  setting  the  example,  would  have  sufficient  influence  to  ac- 
complish the  blessed  object  of  saving  their  countr}'. 

Will  the  Clarksons,  the  Hays,  the  Ludlows,  the  Remsens,  the 
Ogdens,  the  Pearsalld,  the  Lenoxes,  the  Harrisons,  the  Lawren- 
ces, the  M'Connicks,  of  New  York — the  Willings,  the  Fran- 
cises, the  Norrises,  the  Biddies,  the  Latimers,  the  Tilghmans, 
the  Wains,  the  Ralstons,  the  Lewises,  of  Philadelphia — theCiil- 
mors,  the  Olivers,  the  Stcrets,  the  Howards,  the  Smiths,  the 


PREFACE  TO  THE  FIRST  EDITION. 


tH 


Bryces,  the  Grahams,  the  Cookes,  of  Baltimore— and  other  such 
estimable  federalists  throughout  the  union,  continue  to  regard 
with  apathy  the  dangers  of  their  country,  and  not  make  a  bold 
and  decisive  stand  to  rescue  her?  No,  It  cannot  be.  Heaven 
has  not,  I  hope,  so  far  blotted  us  out  of  its  favourable  remem- 
brance, as  to  abandon  us  to  such  a  frightful  destiny.  It  will,  I 
hope,  at  this  late  hour,  interpose  for  our  salvation,  and  dispel 
the  horrible  mists  of  passion  and  prejudice^-of  madness  and 
folly — which  intercept  from  our  view  the  abyss  that  yawns  be- 
fore us,  ready  to  swallow  us  up  in  remediless  destruction. 

In  England,  the  opposition  to  the  ministry  is  always  violent, 
and,  like  the  opposition  here,  is  too  generally  directed  against 
alLthe  measures  of  gcvernmenty  Mvhcther  meritorious  or  other- 
wise. But  there  is  in  parliament  a  substantial  country  parti/, 
which  occasionally  votes  with  the  minister,  and  occasionally 
with  the  opposition — supporting  or  opposing  measures  as  con- 
science dictates. 

It  is  a  most  unfortunate  fact,  that  in  congress  the  number  of 
members  of  this  description  is  very  small.  That  body  may  be 
generally  classed  into  federalists  and  democrats,  who  too  fre- 
quently vote  in  solid  colums.*  There  are,  I  grant,  laudable  ex- 
ceptions. But  they  are  too  rare. 

This  is  one  of  the  worst  features  in  the  situation  of  the  coun- 
try. The  indiscriminate  adherence  to  party,  and  uniform  sup- 
port of  party  arrangements,  encourage  the  leaders  to  proceed  to 
extremities^  and  to  adopt  violent  and  pernicious  measures,  which 
the  good  sense  of  their  followers  may  reprobate,  but  from  which 
they  have  not  fortitude  enough  to  withhold  their  support.  I'his 
has  been  in  all  countries  the  most  frightful  of  the  consequences 
of  the  unholy  and  deleterious  spirit  of  faction.  Men,  originally 
of  the  purest  hearts  and  best  intentions,  are,  by  this  ignis  fatuus, 
gradually  corrupted,  and  led  step  by  step  to  unite  in  acts,  at 
which  they  would,  at  the  commencement  of  their  career,  have 
recoiled  tvith  horror  and  affright.  I  believe  it  is  a  sound  politi- 
cal m^ydm^ihvX  a  thoroughgoing  party-man  cannot  be  a  perfectly 
honest  politician  ;  for  there  perhaps  never  yet  was  a  party  free 
from  errors  and  crimes,  more  or  less  gross,  in  exact  proportion 
to  the  folly  or  the  wickedness  of  its  leaders. 

The  Jews,  besieged  by  Titus,  within  the  walls  of  their  metro- 
polis, availed  themselves  of  the  cessation  of  the  hostile  attacks 
of  their  external  enemies,  to  glut  their  vengeance,  and  malice, 
and  factious  spirit,  by  butchering  each  other — and  thus  both  par- 
ties fell  an  easy  prey  to  the  invaders.  To  this  deplorable  pitch  of 
madness,  xve  have  not  yet  arrived.  But  that  we  have  hitherto  es- 
caped this  calamity,  is  not  for  want  of  industry  on  the  part  of 
those  who  arc  unceasingly  employed  as  incendiaries  in  blowing 

•  This  itate  orthiiigf)*  has  nintcrially  chnnpfcil  since  tlic  war.    I'arty  spirit  in 
CotiKresti  has  very  iicurly  Miibsiilcd.     May,  1H18. 


■ 


14 


PREFACE  TO  THE  FIRST  EDITION. 


up  the  flames  of  discord,  and  preparing  us  for  similar  scenes. 
The  cool,  and  calm,  and  temperate  part  of  the  community,  ap- 
pear torpid  and  languid,  and  take  no  steps  to  avert  the  awful  ca- 
tastrophe. Let  them  awake  from  their  slumbers  soon ;  or,  at  no 
distant  day,  the  evil  may  be  remediless,  and  they  will  in  vain 
mourn  over  their  folly. 

I  believe  Mr.  Madison  perfectly  upright ;  that  his  administra- 
tion of  the  government  has  been  conducted  with  as  pure  inten- 
tions, as  ever  actuated  a  first  magistrate  of  any  country ;  and 
that  lord  Chatham,  or  the  great  Sully,  would  have  found  it  a 
very  arduous  task  to  manage  the  helm  under  the  difficulties,  ex- 
ternal and  internal,  that  he  has  had  to  contend  with.  But  were 
it  a  question  that  related  wholly  to  Mr.  Madison  o'  his  admi- 
nistration, I  should  never  have  trespassed  on  the  public— Were 
Mr.  Madison  as  patriotic  as  Curtius,  or  the  Decii,  as  just  as 
Aristides — and  as  immaculate  as  an  archangel — nay,  were  all 
the  heroes  and  statesmen  of  the  revolution  restored  to  life,  and 
entrusted  with  the  administration — I  should  consider  their  ho- 
nour, their  interests,  their  happiness,  or  their  safety,  as  dust  in 
the  balance,  compared  with  the  salvation  of  eight  millions  of 
people. 

It  is  difficult  to  conceive  an  object  more  worthy  of  the  efforts 
of  an  ardent  mind.  A  review  of  history  will  convince  any  rea- 
sonable or  candid  person,  that  there  probably  never  was,  and  in- 
dubitably there  is  not  at  present,  a  more  interesting  portion  of 
the  human  species,  than  the  inhabitants  of  the  United  States. 
There  never  was  a  nation  in  which  all  the  solid  blessings  and 
comforts  of  life  were  more  fully  enjoyed  than  they  are  here, 
and  were  secured  by  such  slender  sacrifices.  I  am  not  so  blind 
an  admirer,  as  to  presume  that  the  nation  has  no  defects.  There 
never  was  a  nation  or  individual  free  from  them.  But  take  all 
the  leading  points  that  give  assurance  of  happiness,  and  afford 
the  necessary  indications  of  respectability ;  and  at  no  period  can 
there  be  found  a  nation  standing  on  more  elevated  ground. 

The  former  points  of  difference  between  the  federalists  and 
democrats  have,  for  the  present,  lost  all  their  importance.  They 
are  merged  in  objects  of  incomparably  higher  moment.  Evils  of 
incalculable  magnitude  menace  us.  A  powerful  enemy,  flushed 
with  success,  and  with  superabundant  means  of  annoyance,  ho- 
vers on  our  coasts ;  and,  tnrough  his  formidable  navy,  can  inflict 
on  us  deep  and  lasting  injury.  And  what  is  pregnant  with  more 
terror  by  far,  instead  of  aiding  to  extricate  us  from  this  perilous 
situation,  the  opportunity  of  a  season  of  difficulty  and  danger  is 
seized  on  to  attempt  the  dissolution  of  the  union  ;  to  raise  up 
hostile  and  jarring  confederacies ;  and  to  rlcstroy  the  hopes  man- 
kind have  formed  of  our  noble  governmental  experiment. 

To  dispute  about  the  minor  points  that  have  divided  the  par- 
ties heretofore,  is  madness.     How  superlative  would  be  the  tolly 


PREFACE  TO  THE  FIRST  EDITION. 


U 


ap- 


can 

and 

hey 
lis  of 
shed 

ho- 
iflict 
nore 
lous 

r  is 

an- 

)ar- 
>lly 


and  absurdity  of  two  men,  who  were  fighting  about  the  interior 
decorations  and  arrangements  of  an  edifice,  regardless  of  the 
operations  of  two  others,  one  of  whom  was  undermining  and 
preparing  to  blow  it  up  in  the  air,  and  the  other  providmg  a 
torch  to  set  it  on  fire  i  A  strait  jacket  would  be  too  slender  a  re- 
straint for  thenu  Such  are  the  folly  and  madness  of  those  demo- 
crats and  federalists  who  continue  their  warfare  about  the  mode 
of  administering  the  government,  or  the  persons  by  whom  it 
shall  be  administered,  at  a  time  when  the  government  itself  is  in 
danger  of  being  destroyed  root  and  branch.  ^ 

The  plan  of  this  work  requires  some  short  explanation.  I  be-> 
Heve  the  coutitry  to  be  in  imminent  danger  of  a  convulsion, 
whereof  the  human  mind  cannot  calculate  the  consequences. 
The  nation  is  divided  into  two  hostile  parties,  whose  animosity 
towards  each  other  is  daily  increased  by  inflammatory  publica- 
tions. Each  charges  the  other  with  the  guilt  of  having  pro- 
duced the  present  alarming  state  of  affairs.  In  private  life,  when 
two  individuals  quarrel,  and  each  believes  the  other  wholly  in 
the  wrong,  a  reconciliation  is  hardly  practicable.  But  when 
they  can  be  convinced  that  the  errors  are  mutual— ^as  is  almost 
universally  the  case— they  open  their  ears  to  the  voice  of  reason^ 
and  are  willing  to  meet  each  other  half  way.  A  maxim  sound 
in  private  affairs,  is  rarely  unsound  in  public  life.  While  a  vio- 
lent federalist  believes  all  the  evils  of  the  present  state  of  things 
have  arisen  from  the  guilt  of  the  administration,  nothing  less  wdl 
satisfy  him  than  hurling  Mr.  Madison  from  the  seat  of  govern- 
ment, and  "  sending  him  to  Elba,'"  While,  on  the  other  hand,  a 
violent  democrat  persuades  himself  that  all  our  dangers  have  ari- 
sen from  the  difficulties  and  embarrassments  constantly  and  stea- 
dily thrown  in  the  way  of  the  administration  by  the  federalists, 
he  is  utterly  averse  to  any  compromise. — Each  looks  down  upon 
the  other  with  scorn  and  hatred,  as  the  Pharisee  in  the  Gospel, 
upon  the  publican.  I  have  endeavoured  to  prove,  and  I  believe  I 
have  fully  proved,  that  each  party  has  a  heavy  debt  of  error,  and 
folly,  and  guilt,  to  answer  for  to  its  injured  country,  and  to  pos- 
terity— and,  as  I  have  stated  in  the  body  of  this  work,  that  mu- 
tual forgiveness  is  no  more  than  an  act  of  justice— and  can  lay 
no  claim  to  the  character  of  liberality  on  either  side. 

But  even  supposing  for  a  moment — what  probably  hardly  ever 
occurred  since  the  world  was  formed — that  the  error  is  all  on 
one  side,  is  it  less  insane  in  the  other  to  increase  the  diffi- 
culty of  extrication-*-to  refuse  its  aid — to  embarrass  those  who 
have  the  management  of  affairs  ?  My  house  is  on  fire.  Instead 
of  calling  for  aid-i-or  providing  fire-engines — or  endeavouring 
to  smother  the  flames — I  institute  an  inquiry  how  it  took  fire— 
%vhether  by  accident  or  design— and  if  by  design,  who  was  the 

O.B.  3 


■  • 


16 


PREFACE  TO  THE  FIRST  EDITION. 


I'''; 


incendiiaiy ;  and  further  undertake  to  punish  him  on  the  spot  for 
his  wickedness!  a  most  wise  and  wonderful  procedure— and  just 
on  a  level  with  the  wisdom,  and  patriotism,  and  public  spirit  of 
those  sapient  members  of  congress,  who  spend  days  in  making 
long  speeches  upon  the  cause  of  the  war,  and  the  errors  of  its 
management— every  idea  whereof  hag  been  a  hundred,  perhaps 
a  thousand  times  repeated  in  the  newspapers— instead  of  meeting 
the  pressing  and  imperious  necessity  of  the  emergency. 

I  claim  but  one  merit  in  this  production,  and  that  is  by  no 
means  inconsiderable.  It  is,  that  with  a  perfect  knowledge  of  the 
furious,  remorseless,  never-dying,  and  cut-throat  hostility,  with 
which  Faction  has  in  all  ages  persecuted  those  who  have  dared 
oppose  her— and  perfectly  satisfied,  that  with  us  she  is  an  impla- 
cable, as  malignant,  and  as  inexorable  a  monster  as  she  has 
ever  been,  I  have  dared,  nevertheless,  to  state  the  truth,  regard- 
less of  the  consequences.  I  was,  it  is  true,  reluctant.  I  should  by 
far  have  preferred,  for  the  remainder  of  my  life,  steering  clear 
of  the  quicksands  of  politics.  None  of  the  questions  that  have 
heretofore  divided  parties  in  this  country,  could  have  induced 
me  to  venture  upon  the  tempestuous  ocean.  But  at  a  crisis  like 
the  present,  neutrality  would  be  guilt.  The  question  now  is  be- 
tween the  friends  of  social  order,  and  jacobins,  who  are  endea- 
vouring to  destroy  the  whole  fabric  of  government,  with  the 
slender  chance  of  building  it  up  again — ^between  peace  and  har- 
mony on  one  side,  and  civil  war  and  anarchy  on  the  other.  A 
lamentable  delusion  prevails.  The  community  shut  their  eyes 
against  the  truth  on  the  subject.  But  this  is  the  real  state  of  the 
case,  or  I  am  as  grossly  deceived  as  ever  was  human  being. 
And  unless  some  of  our  influential  men  exert  themselves  to  ^- 
lay  the  storm,  a  few  short  months  will  change  doubt  into  aw- 
ful and  dreadful  certainty. 

While  I  was  deliberating  about  the  sacrifice  which  such  a 
publication  as  this  requires,  one  serious  and  affecting  considera- 
tion removed  my  doubts,  and  decided  my  conduct.  Seeing 
thousands  of  the  flower  of  our  population — to  whom  the  spring  of 
life  just  opens  with  all  its  joys,  and  pleasures,  and  enchantments- 
prepared  in  the  tented  field  to  risk,  or,  if  necessary,  sacrifice 
their  lives  for  their  country's  welfare ;  I  thought  it  would  be 
baseness  in  me,  whose  sun  has  long  passed  the  meridian,  and  on 
whom  the  attractions  of  life  have  ceased  to  operate  with  their 
early  fascinations,  to  have  declined  any  risk  that  might  arise  from 
the  effort  to  ward  off  the  patricidal  stroke  aimed  at  a  country  to 
which  I  owe  such  heavy  obligations.  With  this  view  of  the  sub- 
ject, I  could  not  decide  otherwise  than  I  have  done. 

On  the  execution  of  the  work  it  behoves  me  to  offer  a  few 
remarks.    I  know  it  is  very  considerably  imperfect.    It  is  hard- 


PREFACE  TO  THE  FIRST  EDITION. 


it 


ice 

be 

Ion 

leir 

3m 

to 

lb- 

;w 


ly  possible  to  prepare  any  literary  production  under  greater  dis- 
advantages than  have  attended  the  Olive  Branch.  A  large  por< 
tion  of  it  is,  therefore,  crude,  and  indigested,  and  without  order. 
Were  it  a  treatise  on  morals,  religion,  history,  or  science,  which 
could  not  suffer  by  the  delay  necessary  to  mature  and  methodize 
it,  I  should  be  unpardonable,  and  deserve  the  severest  castiga- 
tion  of  criticism,  for  presenting  it  to  the  public  in  this  unfinished 
state.  But  the  exigencies  of  the  times  are  so  pressing,  that 
were  it  delayed  till  I  could  digest  it  properly,  it  might  be  wholly 
out  of  season. 

It  would  be  unjust  were  I  not  to  acknowledge  the  numerous 
and  weighty  obligations  I  owe  to  "  The  Weekly  Register," 
edited  by  H.  Niles,  the  best  periodical  work  ever  published  in 
America,  from  which  I  have  drawn  a  large  portion  of  the  facts 
and  documents  I  have  employed.  I  venture  to  assert  that  no 
American  library  can  be  complete  without  this  work. 

I  have  carefully  studied  to  be  correct  in  point  of  fact  and 
argument.  But  the  circumstances  under  which  I  have  written, 
render  it  probable  that  I  may  have  fallen  into  errors.  I  shall 
therefore  regard  it  as  a  most  particular  favour,  if  any  gentleman 
who  discovers  them,  however  minute,  will  frankly  point  them 
out,  and  they  shall  be  most  cheerfully  corrected.  If  of  sufficient 
importance,  I  shall  make  a  public  acknowledgment  in  the  news- 
papers. If  the  cause  I  espouse  cannot  be  supported  by  truth, 
candour,  and  fair  argument,  may  it  perish,  never  to  find  another 
advocate ! 


PLAN  OF  AN  UNION  SOCIETY. 


"  Above  all  things  hold  dear  yovir  national  union.  Accustom  yotirsctvca  to 
estimate  its  infinite  value  to  your  individual  and  national  happiness.  Look  on 
it  as  the  palladium  of  your  tranqtiillity  at  liome ;  of  your  peace  abroad ;  of 
your  safety ;  of  your  prosperity ;  ami  even  of  tiiut  liberty  which  you  so  highly 


WASMINOTOM'S  FARBWELL  AODBSSa. 


WHEREAS  many  disaffected  citizens  have  long  laboured 
to  prepare  the  public  mind  for  a  dissolution  of  the  union,  and 
the  formation  of  separate  confederacies ;  and  whereas  they  have 
at  length  publicly  and  daringly  avowed  their  flagitious  designs ; 
and  wliereas  the  experience  of  all  history  to  the  present  time 
affords  the  most  complete  proof  that  such  dissolutions  of  exist* 
ing  forms  of  government,  and  the  formation  of  new  ones,  have 
almost  invariably  produced  bloody  civil  wars,  the  greatest  curse 
that  ever  afflicted  mankind ;  and  whereas  the  present  form  of 
the  general  government,  if  duly  supported  by  our  citizens,  is* 
calculated  to  produce  as  high  a  degree  of  happiness  as  has  ever 
fallen  to  the  lot  of  any  nation ;  and  whereas  the  separate  con- 
federacies, contemplated  as  substitutes  for  the  present  general 


t% 


PREFACE  TO  THE  FIRST  EDITION'. 


confederacy,  even  if  it  were  possible  to  establish  them  peace- 
ably, would  be  pregnant  with  interminable  future  wars,  such  as 
have  .almost  constantly  prevailed  between  neighbouring  states, 
with  rival  interests,  real  or  supposed ;  and  would  hold  out  every 
possible  inducement,  and  every  desirable  facility,  to  foreign  na- 
tions, to  array  each  against  the  other,  and  thus  subjugate  the 
whole,  or  at  least  render  them  dependent  upon,  or  subservient 
to  those  foreign  nations ;  and  whereas,  finally,  it  would  be  ab- 
solute madness  to  throw  away  the  incalculable  blessings  we 
enjoy,  for  the  mere  chance  of  bettering  our  condition,  and  still 
more  for  the  absolute  certainty  of  rendering  it  much  worse : 

Therefore  resolved^  that  we  the  subscribers  do  associate  un- 
der the  title  of  THE  WASHINGTON  UNION  SOCIETY, 
of  which  the  following  is  the 

CONSTITUTION. 

I.  We  solemnly  pledge  ourselves  to  support  by  every  ho- 
nourable and  legal  means  in  our  power,  the  existing  form  of  the 
general  government. 

II.  That  we  will  use  our  utmost  endeavours  to  counteract, 
as  far  as  in  our  power,  all  plots  for  the  dissolution  of  the  union. 

III.  That  we  will  correspond  and  cheerfully  co-operate  with 
all  individuals,  and  bodies  of  men,  in  all  parts  of  the  union,  who 
have  the  same  views  with  us  on  the  object  embraced  in  the  se- 
cond article,  however  they  may  differ  from  us  on  other  political 
topics. 

IV.  That  the  officers  of  the  society  shall  be  a  president,  vice- 
president,  secretary,  treasurer,  committee  of  correspondence, 
and  committee  of  elections. 

V.  That  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  committee  of  correspon- 
dence, to  invite  the  good  citizens  of  this  state,  and  of  the  other 
states,  to  form  similar  societies,  and  to  correspond  with  them ; 
to  investigate  and  expose  to  public  abhorrence,  the  various  plans 
that  have  been  adopted  from  time  to  time,  to  effect  the  parri- 
cidal purpose  of  dissolving  the  union ;  to  place  in  the  strongest 
point  of  light  the  advantages  of  our  blessed  form  of  govern- 
ment, with  the  tremendous  consequences  of  civil  war,  and  (the 
inevitable  result  of  a  separation)  our  being  instruments  in  the 
hands  of  the  great  powers  of  Europe,  to  annoy,  ravage,  depo- 
pulate, slaughter,  and  destroy  each  other. 


■*iN 


.*■» 


\;P, 


ri.- 


:*-  ,: 


^vn 


PREFACE 

TO  THE  SECOND  EDITION. 

Philadelphiay  January  Ay  1815, 


THE  unequivocal  and  decided  approbation  with  which  the 
former  edition  of  this  work  has  been  favoured  by  respectable 
men  of  both  the  hostile  parties  that  divide  this  country,  I  regard 
as  among  the  most  grateful  circumstances  of  my  life.  Its  nu- 
merous defects — its  want  of  method — and  the  great  imperfec- 
tion of  its  style  and  manner — were,  1  presume,  regarded  as 
atoned  for  by  its  obvious  and  undeniable  object — the  object  of 
contributing  my  feeble  efforts  towards  allaying  the  effervescence, 
the  turbulence,  the  animosity  that  pervade  the  community,  and 
are  pregnant  with  such  alarming  consequences. 

Of  the  time  that  has  elapsed  since  its  first  appearance,  I  have 
availed  myself,  to  amplify— to  methodize — and  to  improve  it. 
And  although  I  am  very  far  indeed  from  presuming  it  to  be 
perfect,  yet  I  hope  it  will  be  found  more  entided  to  patronage 
than  it  was  in  its  original  deshabille. 

It  embraces  a  very  convulsed  period  of  our  history ;  and  has 
been  written  under  no  common  disadvantages.  I  have  laboured 
under  a  great  deficiency  of  various  materials  and  documents, 
which  no  exertions  have  enabled  me  to  procure — and  it  has  been 
begun,  carried  on,  and  completed  in  moments  constantly  sub- 
ject to  those  interruptions  inevitable  in  the  pressure  of  business. 
To  suppose,  then,  it  were  perfect,  would  argue  a  degree  of  in- 
sanity which  the  fondest  and  most  doting  delirium  of  paternal 
vanity  could  hardly  palliate.  It  would  be  a  case  unparalleled 
in  the  annals  of  literature.  The  world  has  had  numerous  in- 
stances of  men  of  most  splendid  talents — of  laborious  research, 
with  abundant  materials  and  documents — enjoying  full  leisure 
to  do  justice  to  their  subjects — and  employmg  years  for  the 
purpose— yet  falling  into  egregious  errors.  It  could  not  then 
be  expected  that  a  work  embracing  such  a  variety  of  objects, 
and  written  under  such  disadvantages  as  I  have  stated,  should 
be  free  from  them.  But  the  reader  may  rest  assured  that  what-, 
ever  they  may  be,  they  have  not  resulted  from  design.  They 
are  the  offsprmg  of  slenderness  of  talents — deficiency  of  mate- 
rials—inadvertence—or that  bias  to  which  all  men  are  subject, 
In  a  greater  or  less  degree,  when  treating  on  subjects  wherein 


I 


ll^'iV 


20 


PREFACE  TO  THE  SECOND  EDITION. 


they  feel  deeply  interested  :  of  the  latter,  however,  I  have  la- 
boured to  divest  myself. 

Had  I  written  with  any  view  to  literary  reputation,  the  work 
would  have  made  a  totally  diiFt^rent  appearance.  Instead  of 
presenting  the  reader  with  so  many  documents  verbatim,  I 
should,  as  is  usual  with  other  writers,  have  given  abstracts  of 
them  in  my  own  words-~-and  thus  formed  a  regular  connected 
narrative  of  events,  far  more  agreeable  to  read  than  the  work 
in  its  present  form,  and  rather  easier  to  write ;  for  the  reader 
may  rest  assured,  that  I  have  frequently  written  three  pages  in  less 
time  than  I  employed  in  the  search  for  a  document,  which  does 
not  occupy  a  single  page,  and  whereof  I  could  have  readily  given 
an  analysis  ;  and  long  laborious  researches  for  a  document  or 
newspaper  paragraph  or  essay,  have  not  unfrequently  been  wholly 
in  vain. 

But  though  a  thirst  for  literary  reputation  is  far  from  illaud- 
able — and  though  it  inspires  to  great  exertions,  it  has  not  had 
the  slightest  influence  on  me  in  this  case.  It  would  have  been 
utterly  unavailing  to  counteract  the  loathing,  the  abhorrence  I 
felt  at  entering  into  political  discussion,  or  for  making  myself 
6nce  more  an  object  of  newspaper  abuse,  of  which  few  men  in 
private  life  have  been  honoured  with  a  greater  share. 

No.  I  appeal  to  heaven  for  the  truth  of  what  I  now  declare. 
I  soared  to  higher  objects,  far  beyond  such  narrov.'  views.  I 
believed — I  still  believe — that  a  dissolution  of  the  union  is  con- 
templated by  a  few  ambitious  and  wicked  men ;  that  in  the  state 
of  excitement  to  which  the  public  mind  is  raised,  and  which  is 
hourly  increasing  by  the  most  profligate  disregard  of  truth  and 
of  the  welfare  of  the  country — and  by  the  utmost  prostitution  of 
talents — a  mere  trifle  would  suiflce  to  produce  a  convulsion — 
(as,  when  you  have  collected  together  a  quantity  of  highly  com- 
bustible materials,  a  single  spark  suffices  to  produce  a  conflagra- 
tion)—that  a  dissolution  of  the  union  would  infallibly  produce  a 
civil  war ;  that  in  the  event  of  a  civil  war,  there  would  be  a 
struggle  throughout  the  country  for  ascendency,  wherein  would 
be  perpetrated  atrocities  similar  to  those  which  disgraced  the 
French  revolution ;  that  even  if  we  escaped  a  civil  war,  or,  (if 
we  did  not)  after  its  termination,  and  the  establishment  of  sep- 
arate confederacies,  the  country  would  be  cursed  with  a  con- 
stant border  war,  fomented  by  the  nations  of  Europe,  to 
whom  we  should  be  a  sport  and  a  prey ;  and  that,  in  one  word, 
a  nation  most  highly  favoured  by  heaven,  is  on  the  very  verge 
of  perdition. 

These  views  may  be  erroneous.  Would  to  heaven  they  were  ! 
They  differ  from  tnose  of  most  of  my  friends.  The  mass  of  the 
community  do  not  accord  with  them.  But  they  are  unalterably 
impressed  uuon  my  mind,  and  I  cannot  shake  them  off.    They 


■4 
1 

11 


J 


PREFACE  TO  THE  SECOND  EDITIOK* 


Si 


ate  all  supported  by  the  instructive  but  neglected  voice  of  his- 
toiy.  I  possess  not  the  happy  faculty  with  which  so  many  are 
endowed,  to  believe  an  event  will  not  take  place,  because  I 
hope  and  pray  it  may  not.  I  am  disposed  to  envy  those  who 
are  thus  gifted.  It  diminishes  the  hours  of  suffering.  In  a  life 
so  chequered  as  ours,  this  is  some  advantage.  But  it  has,  like 
all  other  blessings,  a  counterpoising  evil.  When  we  disbelieve 
in  the  approach  of  danger,  we  make  no  preparations  to  repel  it. 

With  these  impressions,  I  preferred  risking  any  consequences, 
however  pernicious  to  myself,  that  might  arise  from  the  present 
work,  to  a  state  of  torpor  and  inactivity — to  perishing  without 
an  effort.  In  a  sanguine  moment,  I  indulged  the  flattering,  the 
fond,  (pfay  heaven  it  may  not  be  the  delusive)  hope  that  my  ef- 
forts might  be  so  far  crowned  with  success,  as  to  make  me  the 
happy,  the  blessed  instrument  of  arousing  even  one,  two,  or 
three  active  influential  citizens  from  the  morbid,  the  lethargic 
slumber,  into  which  the  community  has  been  so  fatally  lulled  ; 
that  these  might  arouse  others  ;  and  that  thus  the  potent  spells 
might  be  dissolved,  which,  in  a  manner  unexampled  in  the  his- 
tory of  the  world,  make  us  regard  with  stupid,  torpid  apathy 
and  indifference,  the  actual  bankruptcy  of  our  government  (pro- 
duced by  a  most  daring  conspiracy) — the  impending  destruc- 
tion of  our  glorious  constitution,  the  work  of  Washington, 
Franklin,  Livingston,  Hamilton,  &c.  the  depreciation  of  every 
species  of  property — and  the  approaching  ruin  of  our  country. 
Should  heaven  thus  bless  me,  die  afterwards  when  I  may,  I  shall 
not  have  lived  in  vain.  Should  I  fail,  on  my  tombstone  shall  be 
engraven,  "  magnis  excidit  ausisj*^ 


agra- 
uce  a 

be  a 
'ould 

the 

S  (if 
sep- 

icon- 

to 

ord, 

erge 

ere! 

the 

bibly 

[hey 


I  offer  these  great  and  solemn  truths  to  the  consideration  of 
all  who  have  an  interest  in  the  welfare  of  this  country. 

I.  A  separation  of  the  states  cannot  be  effected  without  an  im- 
mediate CIVIL,  and  almost  continual  BORDER  W AR  ;  and 
must  inevitably  place  us  at  the  mercy  of  Ejigland,  and  make  this 
country  the  sport  of  the  European  powers  at  all  future  times. 

II.  As  well  might  we  expect  to  re-unite,  without  a  flaw,  the 
fragments  of  an  elegant  porcelain  vase,  shattered  to  pieces,  as 
to  restore  the  union,  if  dissolved  but  for  one  hour. 

III.  A  period  of  war,  and  invasion,  and  danger,  is  utterly  un- 
fit for  repairing  or  amending  a  constitution.  Nothing  but  con- 
vulsion can  arise  out  of  the  attempt. 

IV.  General  Washington,  in  his  legacy,  one  of  the  noblest 
efforts  of  human  wisdom,  impressively  urged  his  countrymen 
to  frown  indignantly  upon  any  attempt  to  impair  or  dissolve  the 
union. 

V.  To  hostile  European  powers  a  dissolution  would  be  of 
immense  and  incalculable  advantage. 


^ 


a» 


PREFACE  TO  THE  FOURTH  EDITION. 


VI.  It  would  be  inexpressible  folly  and  madness  to  reject  the 
policy  dictated  by  Washington,  and  follow  that  which  would  be 
dictated  by  those  powers  of  Europe  who  regard  our  prosperity 
with  jealousy ;  to  abandon  the  maxims  of  our  most  devoted 
friend  for  those  of  ovu-  most  deadly  enemies. 


PREFACE 


TO  THE  FOURTH  EDITION.* 

Philadelphia^  April  lOylBiS. 

I  COMMENCE  this  preface,  with  feelings  very  different  indeed 
from  those  by  which  I  was  actuated,  when  I  penned  the  former 
ones.     Prospects,  public   and  private,  have  wonderfully  im- 

{)roved.  A  revolution,  immense,  striking,  glorious,  and  de- 
ightful,  has  taken  place  in  the  aifairs  of  our  blessed  country,  for 
which  we  cannot  be  sufficiently  grateful  to  heaven.  We  have 
not — I  say  emphatically,  we  have  not — merited  the  change.  I 
could  assign  various  satisfactory  reasons  in  proof  of  this  opinion, 
extraordinary  as  it  may  seem.  I  waive  them.  It  is  unnecessary 
to  enter  into  the  recapitulation.  But  whatever  may  have  been 
our  past  merits  or  demerits,  I  hope  our  prosperity  is  now  fixed 
on  a  basis  as  firm  as  the  rock  of  Gibraltar. 

In  the  present  tranquillized  state  of  the  public  mind,  when  the 
fears  and  solicitudes  excited  by  the  late  alarming  state  of  affairs 
have  subsided,  it  will  be  difficult  for  the  reader  to  justify,  or 
even  to  account  for,  the  warmth  which  many  parts  of  this  work 
display.  It  is  therefore  but  justice  to  myself,  to  give  a  rapid 
sketch  of  the  scenes  through  which  we  have  passed,  in  order  to 
account  for  the  excitement  of  mind  so  obvious  to  every  reader 
in  the  perusal  r  T  some  of  the  chapters. 

The  government  had  been  nearly  reduced  to  bankruptcy, 
and  unable  to  raise  money  to  discharge  the  most  imperious 
engagements.  There  was  no  general  circulating  medium  in 
the  country*  The  banks  from  New-York  to  New-Orleans,  in- 
clusively, had,  with  perhaps  one  or  two  exceptions,  suspended 
the  payment  of  specie.  The  bank  notes  of  Philadelphia  and 
New -York  were  depreciated  in  Boston  from  15  to  25  per  cent, 
below  par.  And  every  feature  in  our  political  aifairs  wore  an 
equally  awful  aspect.  Whether  the  causes  I  have  assigned  in 
chapter  LI  I.  really  produced  this  state  of  things  or  not,  is  imma- 
terial. Be  the  cause  what  it  may,  the  fact  existed.  Want  of 
money  had  partially  suspended  the  recruiting  service.    And 

*  The  third  edition,  of  1350  copies,  wa»  printed  in  BoMon. 


PREFACE  TO  THE  FOURTH  EDITION. 


sd 


or 

work 

rapid 

er  to 

reader 


IS,  in- 

:nded 

and 

cent. 


the  pacification  of  Europe  had  quadrupled  the  disposable  force 
of  our  enemy,  and  in  the  same  degree  increased  our  danger,  , 
and  the  necessity  for  energy  and  vigilance. 

Under  these  circumstances,  congress  was  convened  on  the 
19th  of  September,  nearly  two  months  earlier  than  the  period 
fixed  by  law,  in  order  to  make  provision  for  such  an  extraordi- 
nary emergency.  The  state  of  the  nation  was  fully  detailed  in 
various  executive  communications,  which  called,  imperiously 
called,  for  energy  and  decision. 

Rarely  has  a  legislative  body  had  more  important  duties  to 
fulfil,  or  a  more  glorious  opportunity  of  signalizing  itself,  ^md 
laying  claim  to  the  public  gratitude.  Rarely  have  stronger  mo- 
tives existed,  to  arouse  every  spark  of  public  spirit  or  patriot- 
ism that  had  lain  dormant  in  the  heart.  And  I  venture  to  as. 
sert,  there  hardly  ever  was  a  legislature  that  more  completely 
disappointed  public  expectation — that  more  egregiously  failed  of 
its  duty. 

The  imbecility,  the  folly,  the  vacillation,  the  want  of  system, 
of  energy,  and  of  decision,  displayed  by  the  majority — and 
the  unyielding,  stubborn,  violent,  and  factious  opposition  of 
the  minority,  to  all  the  measures  for  which  the  occasion  so 
loudly  called — have  affixed  an  indelible  stain  on .  the  memory 
of  the  thirteenth  congress.  It  will  be  long  remembered  with 
emotions  neither  of  gratitude  nor  respect.  No-  where,  I  am 
persuaded,  in  the  annals  of  legislation,  is  there  to  be  found  an 
instance  of  precious  time  more  astonishingly  wasted.  It  had 
been  in  session  nearly  five  months  when  the  news  of  peace  ar- 
rived— and  had  but  three  weeks  to  sit.  The  spring,  the  season 
of  hostility  and  depredation,  was  rapidly  approaching.  And 
what  had  it  done  to  serve  or  save  its  country  ?  What  provision 
had  it  made  of  men  or  money  ?  Little  or  none.  Nearly  all  the 
measures  adapted  to  the  emergency  that  had  been  brought  for- 
ward in  congress,  had  been  defeated.* 

That  this  state  of  public  affairs  was  calculated  to  excite 
warmth  of  feeling,  and  to  call  forth  a  strong  expression  of 
that  warmth,  must  be  obvious — and  will  not  merely  account 
for,  but  justify  the  high-wrought  passages  to  be  found  in  the 
work,  which,  under  other  circumstances,  might  perhaps  be  in- 
defensible. 

•  I  havp  Asurted  elsewhere,  that  Enprknil  presents  much  to  admire  and 
cop;f'.  In  this  point  she  is  trunscendcntly  superior  to  us.  Hud  tite  British 
parliament  been  called  in  such  a  crisis  as  existed  lust  vSeptenibcr  in  this  coun- 
try, ull  the  effective  preparations  necessary  to  breast  the  stoim,  would  have 
been  made  In  one  weelt.  Some  of  the  declamatory  speeches,  of  two  or  throe 
days  \nng,  occupied  as  much  time  as  that  parliament  would  have  reipiired  to 
raise  fifty  millions  of  money,  and  to  provide  means  for  cmbodyii)|{  an  army  of 
50,000  men. 

O.  U.  4  ,  .         . 


PKEFACE  TO  THE  FOUR'TH  EDITIOK. 


/.J 


It  will  be  asked,  what  good  purpose  can  the  re-publication  of 
diis  work  answer  at  present  ?  Is  it  not,  it  will  be  said,  far  better 
to  bury  the  hatchet,  and  to  consign  these  things  to  oblivion,  than 
to  keep  alive  animosity  and  discord  ? 

Were  the  tendency  of  the  Olive  Branch  to  keep  alive  discord, 
I  should  unhesitatingly  consign  it  to  the  flames.  But  I  utterly 
disbelieve  this  can  be  the  consequence.  I  cannot  admit  that  a 
fair  detail  of  the  mutual  follies  and  wickedness  of  the  two  par- 
ties, has  a  tendency  to  perpetuate  hostility  between  them.  It 
is  contrary  to  reason,  common  sense,  and  die  universal  experi- 
ence of  mankind. 

k*eace,  or  harmony,  or  conciliation,  is  not  to  be  hoped  for, 
while  both  parties  clothe  themselves  in  the  deceptions  mantle 
of  self-righteousness — while  they  not  only  believe  themselves 
immaculate,  but  their  opponents  **  monsters  unredeemed  by  any 
virtue.*^*  Nothing  but  a  serious,  solemn,  and  deep-rooted  con- 
viction on  both  sides,  pf  egregious  misconduct,  can  lead  to  that 
temper  of  mind  which  is  necessary  to  produce  a  mild,  concilia- 
ting spirit.  While  each  acts  the  part  of  the  self-approving  pha- 
risee,  we  might  with  equal  chance  of  success  attempt  to  unite 
fire  and  water— light  and  darkness — virtue  and  vice,  as  to  re- 
concile them.  But  when  both  re^d  themselves  in  their  true 
light,  as  offenders  against  their  duties  to  their  country,  they  will 
be  disposed  to  forgive,  that  they  may  be  forgiven.  This  idea, 
which  is  the  basis  whereon  this  work  rests,  cannot  be  too  often 
repeated,  and  inculcated  on  the  public  mind. 

I  fondly  hope  the  Olive  Branch  will  have  other  uses— that  it 
may  serve  as  a  beacon  to  other  times  than  ours.  When  a  navi- 
gator discovers  new  shoals,  and  rocks,  and  quicksands,  he  marks 
them  on  his  chart,  to  admonish  future  navigators  to  be  on  their 
ffuard,  and  to  shun  the  destruction  to  which  ignorance  might 
Mad. 

This  strongly  applies  to  our  case.  By  an  extraordinary  mix- 
ture of  folly  and  wickedness,  we  had  run  the  vessel  of  state  on 
rocks,  and  quicksands,  and  breakers,  where  she  was  in  immi- 
nent danger  of  perishing.  We  had  brought  to  the  verge  of  per- 
dition the  noblest  form  of  government,  and  the  most  free  and 
happy  people,  that  the  sun  ever  beheld.  But,  thanks  to  heaven 
— not  to  our  virtue,f  our  public  spirit,  or  our  liberality— we 


*  Monitra  nulla  nrtute  rtdembta. 

t  The  illuBtriuui  heroes  of  the  western  country— ^iirnllftnt  navy — Heveral 
of  our  generals  and  armies  on  the  hnes — the  citizens  of  Haltimorc  and  of  Hto- 
ningtoii — the  gfiirrisoii  at  Crany  island — and  the  people  of  some  other  places — 
are  obviously  exempt  from  this  censure.  And  never  was  there  greater  energy 
displayed  than  in  New  York,  in  making  preparations  for  the  warm  reception 
of  an  enemy.  Hut  when  we  consiiler  the  violence  of  Uic  easteni  states  against 
the  nilers  chosen  bv  the  people,  the  toriior  and  iiidiflTercncc  of  the  mights- 
state  of  Pennsylvania,  and  of  other  portion!  of  Uie  union,  we  nmst  h«ave  a 
•igb,  and  draw  A  veil  over  past  scenes. 


PREFACE  TO  THE  TOURTR  EDITIOK* 


per- 
and 


ever»I 
»f  8lo- 

ftCCU 

ncrgy 
ption 

Kve  » 


have  escaped.  We  have  arrived  safe  in  port.  I  have  endeavour- 
ed to  delineate  a  chart  of  the  most  formidable  of  the  rocks  on 
*7hich  our  vessel  was  striking,  to  serve  as  a  guide  to  future  state 
pilots.  I  trust  the  chart  cannot  be  examined  attentively  without 
benefit.  It  establishes  an  important,  but  most  awful  political 
maxim,  that  during  the  prevalence  of  the  destructive,  and  de- 
vouring, and  execrable  spirit  of  faction,  men,  otherwise  good 
and  respectable,  will  too  frequently  sacrifice,  without  scruple  or 
remorse,  the  most  vital  interests  of  their  countiy,  under  the  dic- 
tates, and  to  promote  the  views,  of  violent  and  ambitious  lead* 
ers !     What  a  terrific  subject  for  contemplation ! 

The  publication  of  this  book  has  established  one  point,  of  con- 
siderable importance  to  the  tiruth  of  history,  and  to  the  happi- 
ness of  mankind ;  that  it  is  not  quite  so  dangerous,  as  has  been 
supposed,  for  a  writer  to  draw  a  portrait  of  his  cotemporaries— • 

Provided  the  features  be  faithfully  and  impartially  delineated, 
t  has  been  too  generally  presumed  to  be  utterly  unsafe  to  write 
of  our  own  times  with  truth.  Wit^i  this  idea  I  was  impressed 
when  I  first  engaged  in  the  work.  And  it  required  no  common 
stimulus  to  inspire  me  with  the  hardihood  the  undertaking  re- 
quired. 

But  the  event  has  falsified  the  anticipation.  Without  any  of 
the  advantages  that  office,  or  rank,  or  connexions  afford,  I  have 
dared  publicly  to  stigmatize  faction,  and  jacobinism,  and  disor- 
ganization—- as  well  as  factious  men,  and  jacobins,  and  disorga- 
nizers — by  their  proper  names,  without  distinction  of  party* 
And  the  reliance  I  placed  upon  the  good  sense  of  the  public  has 
not  been  disappointed.  My  efforts  have  been  received  bv  a 
large  proportion  of  the  good  and  great  men  of  the  nation  with  a 
favour  and  kindness,  which  fill  my  heart  with  the  most  exqui- 
site pleasure — and  amply  repay  my  trouble  and  my  risk—- the 
sacrifice  of  my  business  and  of  my  enjoyments,  during  the  pro- 
gress of  the  work— and  hold  out  encouragement  to  political 
writers  to  shun  that  slavish  and  dishonourable  devotion  to  party, 
whereby  truth  is  sacrificed,  and  history  made  a  mere  tissue  of 
fables.  If  no  other  effect  had  been  produced  by  this  book,  I 
should  not  have  written  in  vain. 

The  advantages  of  cotemporaneous  writing  are  numerous  and 
weighty.  When  the  passing  events  are  recorded  and  comment- 
ed on,  while  they  are,  as  it  were,  spread  before  our  eyes,  it  only 
requires  honesty  of  intention  to  make  the  portrait  a  tolerable 
likeness.  But  when  we  treat  on  occurrences  of  *^  years  that  are 
pant  and  gone,"  it  is  like  tracing  the  features  of  a  deceased 
friend  from  memory.  The  great  and  leading  outlines  may  be 
correct — but  in  filling  up  the  drawing,  many  of  the  most  impor- 
tant characteristics  must  escape. 


le 


PREFACE  TO  THE  FOURTH  EDITION. 


It  may  not  be  improper  to  warn  the  reader,  that  I  am  at- 
tached to,  and  in  general  approve  of  the  political  views  and 
most  part  (not  the  whole  by  any  means)  of  the  conduct  of  that 
party  which  was  stigmatized  as  antifederal,  before  the  adoption 
of  the  federal  constitution,  and  is  now  styled  democratic  or 
republican.  We  were  called  antifederalists,  because  we  were 
eager  to  have  the  federal  constitution  amended  previous  to  its 
ratification,  doubting  the  practicability  of  amendment  after- 
wards. We  were  wild  and  extravagant  enough  to  see  despo- 
tism in  many  of  its  features ;  and  were  so  fatuitous  and  blind 
as  not  to  have  the  slightest  idea  of  danger  from  the  state  go- 
vernments. We  have  lived  to  see  our  miserable  infatuation, 
and  to  deprecate  and  deplore  its  consequences. 

My  reason  for  this  explicit  avowal  is,  to  induce  the  reader  to 
receive  my  opinions  and  inferences  with  the  caution  which  is 
necessary,  from  the  probability  of  my  being  under  the  influence 
of  that  bias,  which,  more  or  less,  every  man  feels  towards  the 
party  to  which  he  is  attached ;  and  which,  notwithstanding  I 
nave  sedulously  endeavoured  to  guard  against  its  influence, 
may  have  occasionally  led  me  astray.  To  no  human  being  has 
heaven  deigned  to  impart  infallibility  :  and  it  would  be  almost 
a  miracle,  if,  in  such  a  wide  scope  as  I  have  taken,  I  were  not 
sometimes  warped  by  passion  or  prejudice. 

But  to  this  it  is  proper  to  add,  that  I  believe  no  man  ever 
wrote  a  book  of  this  extent,  and  embracing  such  a  variety  of 
subjects,  who  made  lighter  demands  on  the  complaisance  or 
credulity  of  his  readers  than  I  have  done.  For  as  the  subjects 
I  have  discussed  are  of  incalculable  moment — as  the  happmess 
or  misery  of  unborn  millions,  as  well  as  of  this  generation,  de- 
pends on  the  course  we  steer — as  that  course  must  be  materially 
affected  by  the  correctness  or  error  of  the  A'iews  we  may  take 
of  our  past  system  of  conduct — and  as  I  have  dared  to  cite 
before  the  bar  of  the  public,  men  of  high  standing — great  ta- 
lents— great  wealth — and  powerful  influence — I  have  judged  it 
proper  to  support,  as  far  as  in  my  power,  and  to  a  degree  hardly 
ever  exceeded,  all  the  important  facts,  by  documents  of  undeni- 
able authority.  Many  of  my  readers  will  probably  believe  that 
I  have  gone  unnecessary  lengths  in  this  respect.  But  I  trust  I 
have  not.  It  is  at  all  events  far  better  to  produce  too  much 
evidence  than  too  little.   . 

Were  every  line  of  my  own  writing  in  this  work  annihilated, 
the  documents,  which  are  its  bones,  and  sinews,  an<'  muscles, 
would  be  amply  adequate  to  establish  the  positions  I  meant  to 
prove. 

The  strong  style  I  have  used  in  treating  of  the  conduct  of 
the  eastern  f«.'dci.iliHts,  will  be  censured.  Hut  it  may  be  de- 
fended on  impregnable  ground.  In  all  their  luculirations  on  the 
motives  of  the  war— -the  proceedings  of  the  administration — 


.    PREFACE  TO  THE  FOURTH  EDITION.  t/f  . 

and  the  conduct  of  their  opponents — they  uniformly  employ  the 
most  unqualified  terms  of  reprobation  and  condemnation.  To 
sheer,  downright  wickedness,  all  the  errors  and  misfortunes  that 
have  occurred,  are  ascribed.  There  is  not  the  slightest  dbade 
of  allowance  made  for  human  imperfection.  A  deep,  wicked, 
and  desperate  conspiracy  to  destroy  commerce  is  assumed  as 
the  leading-  motive  of  government.  And  all  its  measures  are 
charged  to,  and  accounted  for  by,  this  absurd,  this  unfounded, 
this  contemptible,  this  often-refuted  allegation. 

Those  who  shew  no  mercy,  and  hardly  any  justice,  have  no 
right  to  complain,  if  they  are  themselves  treated  with  strict  and 
unrelenting  justice.  "  n  ith  what  measure  ye  mete,  it  shall  be 
measured  to  you  again." 

I  have  in  the  appendix,  commencing  with  chapter  60,  consi- 
derably extended  the  subjects  of  this  work. 

The  pacific  policy  which  our  local  situation  affords  us  rea- 
son to  hope  we  may  safely  pursue,  and  which  our  interest  die 
tates,  has  induced  me  to  review  the  restrictive  system,  and  to 
point  out  its  decisive  effects  on  the  prosperity  of  England.  It 
is  a  most  potent  weapon — and,  had  not  faction  deprived  it  of  its 
efficacy,  would  have  insured  us  complete  justice,  and  averted 
the  horrors  of  warfare.  To  the  defeat  of  this  mild,  but  power- 
ful instrument,  we  may  justly  charge  all  the  carnage  and  the  ex- 
pense of  the  war. 

An  efficient  and  safe  mode  of  defence,  whereby  foreign  ag- 
gressions may  be  prevented,  and  internal  tranquillity  preserved, 
is  the  greatest  desideratum  in  our  political  system.  It  is  the 
key-stone  of  the  arch  of  our  freedom  and  happiness.  I  have 
therefore  gone  most  copiously  into  the  consideration  of  the 
subject. — The  authority  I  have  produced  is  irresistible.  Nei- 
ther Pringle,  nor  Cullen,  nor  Sydenham,  on  .nedicine — nor  La- 
voisier, nor  Chaptal,  nor  Davie,  on  chemistry — nor  Luther,  nor 
Calvin,  nor  Wesley,  among  their  respective  followers,  on  reli- 
gion— are  superior  authority  to  general  Washington  on  militia 
service.  I  have  therefore  availed  myself  of  his  testimony,  to  an 
extent  which  nothing  but  the  immense  magnitude  of  the  subject 
could  justify.  < , 

I  have,  likewise,  in  the  appendix  anali/ed  a  small  pamphlet, 
which  I  published  last  November,  entitled  "  A  calm  address  to 
the  people  of  the  eastern  states,"  wherein  I  have  given  a  full 
view  of  the  very  erroneous  opinions  entertained  respecting  thr 
slave  representation ;  and  I  think  fully  proved,  that  notwith- 
standing the  unceasing  outcry  and  clamour  on  this  subject  in 
the  eastern  states,  from  the  ovganizatifm  of  the  govcrnnu-nl, 
those  states  have  uniformly  had  more  than  their  share  of  influ- 
ence in  the  legislature  of  the  union,  without  having  any  regard 


SB 


PREFACE  TO  THE  VOURTH  EDITIOK. 


to  the  slave  population.  In  the  course  of  this  investigation  I 
have  made  two  curious  discoveries— one,  that  New- York  and 
Delaware  have  each  a  slave  representative— and  the  other,  that 
Massachusetts,  although  she  has  no  slaves,  has  a  representative 
of  her  black  population. 

Before  I  dismiss  the  work  from  my  hands,  feeling  the  soli- 
citude of  a  parent  for  his  offspring,  I  cannot  refrain  from  once 
more  requesting  the  reader,  when  he  discovers  any  errors  of 
style  or  matter — any  deficiency  or  redundancy— <or,  in  a  word, 
any  thing  to  censure,  that  he  will  bear  in  mind  the  disadvan- 
tages under  which  I  have  written — in  hours  stolen  from  sleep, 
and  during  the  pressure  of  a  business  which  in  no  common  de- 
gree requires  all  the  energies  of  body  and  mind  ;  that  I  have 
in  my  various  editions,  and  in  the  public  papers,  solicited  the 
suggestion  of  errors,  which,  if  pointed  out,  I  promised  to  cor- 
rect ;— -and  that  I  have  also  in  the  papers,  and  privately,  in  vain 
solicited  communications  from  those  who  could  and  ought  to 
have  afforded  them. 

On  subjects  that  have  employed  so  many  thousand  pens  and 
tongues,  much  novelty  cannot  be  expected.  It  is  possible  that 
there  is  not  a  new  idea  in  the  whole  work.  All  that  Dr.  Frank- 
lin or  Patrick  Henry  could  claim  in  the  investigation  of  topics 
so  long  hacknied,  is  merely  the  arrangement. 

I  fondly  flatter  myself  that  in  this  work  will  be  found  mate- 
rials for  a  complete  defence  of  the  American  nation  in  its  in- 
tercourse with  England.  I  am  grossly  deceived,  if  the  mild, 
forbearing,  pacific  system  pursued  by  this  country  for  so  many 
years,  amidst  such  grievous,  such  outrageous,  such  contumelious 
provocations,  will  not  universally  receive,  as  it  deserves,  the 
praise— and  the  oppressive  and  injurious  conduct  of  England  to 
us,  the  censure— 01  all  Christendom. 

It  would  be  gross  injustice  to  suppose,  that  I  wish  to  perpet- 
uate the  hatred  between  the  two  nations.  It  is  very  far  from 
my  intention.  It  is  the  interest  of  the  United  States,  and  will 
be  their  policy,  if  treated  with  common  decency  or  justice,  to 
cultivate  peace  with  all  the  world.  And  I  am  much  deceived, 
if  a  plain  and  candid  exposure  of  the  vexatious,  harassing,  in- 
sulting, and  lawless  policy  pursued  by  the  successive  ministers 
of  England,  from  the  year  1793,  will  not  be  the  best  means  of 
preventing  a  recurrence  of  such  impolitic  and  unjust  conduct. 
They  have  deeply  injured  us.  But  the  injury  they  inflicted  on 
the  vital  interests  of  their  own  nation,  has  far  exceeded  what  we 
have  suffered. 


^'f',: 


■p\-<'S  ''f-Ji '■':-s(l^ 


U, 


PREFACE 


TO  THE  SIXTH  EDITION.* 


Philadelphia^  September  &^\B\3. 

Once  '  more,  and  probably  for  the  last  time,  I  offer  the 
*^  Olive  Branch,"  to  my  fellow  citizens ;  improved  and  enlarged 
as  far  as  in  my  power.  I  feel  grateful  for  the  kindness  and  in- 
dulgence extended  to  its  imperfections. 

Of  the  origin  and  progress  of  a  work,  which  has  succeeded  so 
far  beyond  all  human  expectations,  I  may,  perhaps,  be  permit- 
^ted,  without  incurring  the  charge  of  vanity,  to  give  a  brief  ac- 
count. Should  the  detail  be  really  chargeable  to  that  source, 
(no  man  can  judge  correctly  of  himself;  I  hope  it  will  be  re- 
garded as  a  venial  failing. 

Early  in  September,  1814, 1  was  under  as  great  ade|..ession 
of  mind,  about  the  state  of  affairs,  public  and  private,  as  any 
man  ever  experienced.  A  deep  and  awful  gloom  pervaded  the 
thinking  part  of  the  community !  Thick  clouds  and  darkness 
covered  the  horizon !  The  keenest  eye  could  not  behold,  and 
could  hardly  anticipate  a  single  spark  of  uunshine !  Washing- 
ton had  been  taken — and  its  public  buildings  destroyed  with 
Gothic  barbarity  !  Alexandria  had  been  pillaged  and  plundered ! 
Hampion  had  suffered  rape  and  rapine !  Baltimore  was  menaced 
with  signal  vengeance,  and  pointed  out  for  military  execution, 
in  papers  published  by  citizens  of  the  United  States  !  !  !  !  !  ! 
Philadelphia  and  New  York  were  held  in  a  state  of  the  most 
alarming  suspense,  and  in  daily  expectation  of  a  hostile  visit — 
and  of  perhaps  sharing  the  fate  of  Washington  and  Alexandria ! 
And  a  proclamation  by  admira  Cockbum  had  been  received  by 
our  (government,  wheiein  he  stated  that  he  had  received  orders 
to  desolate  such  parts  of  our  country  as  were  assailable. 

At  this  awful  moment,  the  horrible,  the  disorganizing,  the 

J'acobinical  idea  was  not  unfrequently  advanced  in  our  coffee- 
louse,  in  our  streets,  and  in  our  newspapers,  that  the  war  hav- 
ing been  begun  by  the  democrats,  they  must  carry  it  on;f 
that  they  had  no  right  to  call  on  the  federalists  for  assistance, 
which  the  latter  ought  not  to  afford ;  that  if  the  democrats 
compromitted  the  honour  and  the  interests  of  their  country,  by 
a  dishonourable  peace,  the  federalists  should  take  the  power 

•  The  MidiUebury  Edition,  of  1920  copies,  is  the  Fifth, 
t  See  the  contents  of  the  75th  chuptcr,  for  ample  details  in  full  proof  of  this 
Allegation. 


80 


PREFACE  TO  THE  SIXTH  EDITION. 


w-m:> 


out  of  their  hands,  and  then  contend  for  the  violated  honour  and 
dignity  of  the  country ;  that  the  British  could  not,  nor,  consist- 
ently with  a  regard  to  their  honour,  ought  they  to,  treat  with 
Mr.  Madison,  who  should  be  compelled  to  resign ;  with  a  vast 
variety  of  the  same  patriotic  doctrines,  which  were  publicly  pro- 
mulgated in  some  of  our  newspapers.  At  the  same  time,  a  few 
desperate  men  were  preparing  to  add  to  the  general  distress  and 
difficulty  by  a  dissolution  of  the  union.  =>*' 

I  was  appalled  at  this  horrible  and  factious  violence  of  some 
of  the  leaders  of  the  federalists ;  and  equally  so  at  the  odious  im- 
becility and  inactivity  of  the  democrats.  As  the  government, 
chosen  by  the  free  voice  of  a  large  majority  of  the  nation,  did 
not  exercise  the  energy  and  decision,  that  were  requisite  tocon- 
troul  and  coerce  the  refractory  minority,  it  appeared  far  better 
to  make  a  change,  than  let  the  country  become  a  prey  to  a  foreign 
enemy — or  be  torn  in  pieces  by  internal  discord,  which  seemed 
the  only  alternative.  A  frightful  and  sorrowful  alternative! 
But  the  violence  of  party  and  faction  seemed  to  force  it  on  the 
country. 

With  a  mind,  harrowed  up  with  these  terrific  considerations, 
I  sat  down  to  write,  on  the  6th  of  September,  On  a  careful  ex- 
amination of"  the  whole  ground,''  the  least  of  the  mighty  evils 
before  the  nation,  appeared  to  be,  to  submit  to  swallow  the  bitter 
pill  presented,  and  make  a  radical  change  in  the  administration 
— so  as  to  hold  out  inducements  to  the  federalists  to  unite  their 
exertions  to  rescue  the  country  from  impending  ruin.  This  ra- 
dical change,  I  thought,  ought  to  be  introduced  by  resignation 
on  the  part  of  the  incumbents. 

This  confession  will  excite  different  emotions.  Some  readers 
will  smile  at  the  arrogance  of  daring  to  suggest  such  a  plan. 
Others  yrill  abuse  the  imbecility  of  the  proposal,  to  give  an  inch 
of  ground.  '•'  He  jests  at  scars  who  never  felt  a  wound.'''*  And 
no  man  who  cannot  most  distinctly  and  clearly  place  before  his 
eyes,  the  gloomy  and  frightful  prospect,  then  in  view,  is  capa- 
ble of  forming  a  correct  judgment  on  the  subject.  But  I  feel 
tlie  most  perfect  indifference,  as  to  the  opinion  that  may  be  en- 


*  It  may  serve  to  display  the  high  fever  of  the  public  mind,  to  annex  an  ar- 
rogant,  and  almost  treasonable  resolution  offered  ui  the  house  of  representa- 
tivcs  of  Massachusetts,  about  four  weeks  after  this  period,  viz.  Oct.  5, 1814,  by 
Mr.  Law  of  Lyman,  which  was,  however,  withdrawn  tlie  next  day,  as  premature 
at  that  time. 

"l^esolved,  that  a  committee  be  appointed  to  confer  with  all  the  new 
"  England  States,  and  see  if  they  will  agree  to  appoint  a  committee  to  join 
"tliem,  and  repair  to  the  city  of  Washington  immcdiati'ly,  then  and  there  per- 
"  soiially  to  make  known  to  the  president,  the  general  opinion  of  all  the  New 
"  England  Suites  in  ri  gard  to  the  present  war,  and  the  manner  in  which  it  has 
"  bi-en  conducted  ;  and  infonn  him  that  he  MUST  EITHEH  RESIGN  If  IS 
"OFFICE  AS  PKEHIDENT,  ov  remove  those  mhmters  and  thtir  oj^ciVH,  who 
'*  havf  by  their  ttefwioue  pUuit  mined  the  nation  /  .'  '  '  /  /"  «  , 


N^- 


PREFACE  TO  THE  SIXTH  EDITIOV. 


it 


capa- 
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to  join 
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h  il  has 
N  HIS 
who 


tertained.  I  merely  state  the  fact,  neither  caring  for,  nor  ex- 
pecting  praise,  and  equally  remote  from  the  deprecatic  '>f  cen> 
sure. 

That  evening  I  wrote  twelve  or  fourteen  pages,  containing  a 
brief  review  of  our  p;ist  proceedings — reflections  on  our  actual 
situation — with  hints  for  the  proposed  new  arrangements. 

However  great  my  despondence,  I  felt  dissatisfied  with  what 
I  had  committed  to  paper.  I  laid  it  aside — and  did  not  resume 
it  for  ten  or  twelve  days.  In  the  interim  the  glorious  news 
arrived,  of  the  complete  defeat  of  the  enemy  at  Baltimore— of 
the  immortal  M'Donough's  victory  on  lake  Champlain— of  the 
discomfiture  and  flight  of  Gen.  Prevoat's  Wellingtonians,  at  and 
from  Plattsburg.  These  wonderful  successes  made  a  total  change 
in  the  face  of  affairs.  By  this  time  my  spirits  revived.  I  re- 
jected my  embryo  work,  and  flattered  myself  into  the  opinion, 
that  a  candid  appeal  to  men  of  integrity  of  both  parties,  might 
produce  a  beneficial  effect ;  that  a  few  might  be  aroused,  and 
rouse  others  j  that  at  all  events,  it  was  worth  the  trial ;  that  in 
such  a  noble  undertaking  as  an  attempt  to  rescue  the  country, 
from  what  I  regarded  as  impending  anarchy,  even  a  failure 
would  be  honourable — and  success  would  be  glorious  and  emi- 
nently beneficial. 

I  therefore  destroyed  what  I  had  written,  and  began  the  work 
anew,  on  its  present  plan,  about  the  18th  of  September.  I  had  a 
large  stock  of  public  documents — I  borrowed  some — and  with 
these,  and  the  Weekly  Register,  amid  all  the  hurry  and  bustle 
of  business,  in  the  leisure  hours  of  six  weeks,  I  patched  up  the 
first  crude  and  indigested  edition.  It  was  published  on  the  ninth 
of  November. 

I  ought  to  have  observed,  that  when  it  was  about  two-thirds 
printed,  I  was  struck  with  astonishment  at  my  Quixotism  and 
folly,  in  expecting  to  make  an  impression  on  a  community,  torn 
in  pieces  by  faction ;  a  prey  to  the  most  violent  passions ;  and 
labouring  under  the  most  awful  degree  of  delusion.  My  heart 
sunk  within  me  at  my  presumption :  and,  the  reader  may  rest 
assured,  I  was  on  the  point  of  converting  the  sheets  into  waste 
paper.  This  ague  fit  went  off  in  a  day  or  two ;  and  I  determin- 
ed to  give  the  work  a  fair  experiment. 

The  edition  was  small — only  500  copies.  Two  motives  dic- 
tated this  limited  scale.  I  knew  the  work  must  necessarily  be 
very  imperfect,  from  the  disadvantages  under  which  it  was 
written  :  and  I  determined,  if  it  met  with  success,  to  have  an 
opportunity  to  improve  and  extend  it :  moi'eover,  from  the  al- 
most universal  failure  of  political  publications,  I  was  far  indeed 
from  being  sanguine  in  the  hope  of  success. 

My  expectations  of  sale  lay  principally  at  Washington.     I 
sent  one  hundred  copies  there,  as  a  sort  of  breakfast,  calculating 
O.  B:  « 


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32 


%  •■■■ 

PREFACE  TO  THE  SIXTH  EDITIOK. 


Upon  a  speedy  sale  of  them,  and  an  order  for  more.  There  were 
above  two  hundred  legislators  there,  and  twice  as  many  visit- 
ors J  and  I  supposed  that  whatever  might  be  the  demerits  of  the 
execution,  the  importance  of  the  topics  discussed,  would  insure 
the  sale  of  a  large  part  of  the  edition ;  more  particularly,  as  I 
had  already  received  a  highly  flattering  approbation  of  the  work 
from  the  late  vice-president,  and  other  gentlemen,  to  whom  I 
had  sent  copies  by  mail. 

The  result  disappointed  those  calculations ;  and,  had  I  been 
actuated  by  the  vanity  of  authorship,  would  have  sufficiently 
mortified  it  j  for  when  I  had,  in  Philadelphia,  New- York,  and 
Baltimore,  disposed  of  the  remaining  four  hundred,  and  wrote 
down  to  Mr.  Weightman,  at  Washington,  to  enquire  into  the 
success  of  the  work,  I  learned  that  four  of  the  hundred  had 
been  stolen  on  the  road — that  fifty-nine  remained  unsold — and 
that  thirty-seven  copies  had  fulltf  satisfied  the  curiosity  of  a 
president^  three  secretaries,  thirty-six  senators,  one  hundred  and 
eighty-two  representatives,  one  or  two  hundred  clerks,  the  whole 
ot  the  population  of  the  metropolis  of  the  United  States^  and  all 
its  numerous  visitors  !  It  is  probable,  that  in  such  circutnstan- 
ces,  so  great  a  degree  of  miserable  apathy  and  indifference,  on 
topics  of  such  magnitude,  never  before  existed.  I  ordered  back 
the  remaining  fifty-nine. 

A  new  edition  was,  however,  called  for,  notwithstanding  the 
discouraging  coldness  and  culpable  indifference  of  the  members 
of  the  government.  I  used  all  possible  expedition,  and  pub- 
lished, on  the  11th  of  January,  one  thoustmd  copies. 

The  success  of  this  edition  exceeded  that  of  the  first.  In  five 
weeks  there  were  not  twenty  copies  unsold.  And  a  day  or  two 
previous  to  the  blessed,  thrice-blessed  news  of  peace,  foreseeing 
the  demand  would  require  another  edition,  I  contracted  with  a 
printer,  to  execute  a  third.  When  the  joyful  tidings  came,  I 
thought  the  public  would  no  longer  feel  any  interest  in  the 
work,  and  for  a  time  abandoned  the  idea  of  republication.  But 
I  was  mistaken.  The  demand  increased.  I  printed  a  new  edi- 
tion, which  was  published  on  the  13th  of  April,  and  was  sold 
out  in  about  three  months,  except  a  few  copies  in  Georgetown, 
and  elsewhere. 

As  the  eastern  states  were  the  scene,  wljere  such  a  work  was 
most  necessary,  I  was  very  desirous  of  giving  it  a  circulation 
there.  I  saw,  that  to  afford  it  a  fair  chance,  it  ought  to  be  print- 
ed in  Boston  j  for  otherwise  only  a  few  hundred  at  most,  of  my 
editions,  would  ever  reach  that  quarter :  and  no  person  there 
being  interested  in  the  disposal  of  them,  the  effects  of  the  book 
would  be  greatly  circumscribed.  I  therefore  offered  the  editors 
of  the  Chronicle,  the  Patriot,  the  Yankee,  my  friend  Mr.  Caleb 
Bingham,  and  Mr.  A.  Dunlap,  the  gratuitous  privilege  gf  print- 


PREFACE  TO  TIfE  SEVENTH  EDITIOW.  ^ 

ing  an  edition,  jointly ;  merely  on  condition  of  presenting  ten 
per  cent,  of  the  copies  to  persons  unable  to  purchase.  The  two 
first,  and  Mr.  B.  declined  ;  they  probably  doubted  the  success 
of  the  enterprise.  The  editors  of  the  Yankee,  and  Mr.  Dunlap, 
jointly  printed  an  edition,  which,  although  it  did  not  appear  till 
after  the  peac^,  has  been  some  time  wholly  sold  off. 

Were  the  spirit  of  persecution  in  possession  of  as  sovereigi) 
authority  over  the  axe,  or  the  gibbet,  as  formerly  ;  I  should  most 
indubitably  be  destroyed,  for  the  very  strong  and  unpalatable 
truths  in  this  book,  if  I  had  "  as  many  lives  as  a  cat^*  or  "  as 
Qne  Plutarch,  is  said  to  have  had,"*"*  But  thank  heaven,  those 
days  are  past.  The  spirit,  however,  remains.  But  it  can  only 
sate  its  malice,  by  slander  and  abuse  of  a  man's  character ;  ancl 
by  attempts  to  destroy  his  business,  or  his  prospects  in  life.  But 
to  a  man  who  has  passed  fifty-five,  with  a  constitution  never  very 
good,  and  now  considerably  impaired,  it  is  not  very  important 
what  befals  him,  in  the  short  remainder  of  life.  When  tender 
women,  spme  of  them  pregnant,  have  freely  gone  to  the  stake,  or 
to  the  gibbet,  for  dogmas,  which  they  could  pot  understand ;  it 
does  not  require  a  very  extraordinary  degree  of  heroism,  for  {| 
man  of  my  age,  to  run  any  risques,  of  person  or  character,  that 
may  attend  a  bold' appeal  to  the  good  sense  of  the  nation,  with  a 
view  to  acquire  the  benediction,  pronounced  in  the  declaration, 
*'  Blessed  are  the  peace  makers," 

**  It  nrould  be  ungenerous  not  to  acknowledge  the  obligation  I  am  under 
to  sundry  gpentlemen,  fop  documents  of  various  kinds.  Richard  Hush,  Cesar  A. 
Rodney,  Joseph  Nourse,  Adam  Seybert,  and  Benjamin  Homans,  Esq'rs.  have 
been  uncommonly  kind  and  attentive.  Whatever  they  have  had  in  their  pow> 
er,  they  have  furnished.  To  Mr.  Duponceau's  pamphlets  I  have  had  free  ac« 
cess..  From  Mr.  Binns  I  have  had  various  newspapers  highly  ^ervipeable.  And 
Mr.  Andrew  Dunlap,  late  of  Boston,  now  of  Cincinatti,  furnished  me  with  the 
chief  part  of  the  extracts  from  the  Boston  papers.  I'hese  gentlemen,  and 
others  whose  names  I  need  not  mention,  will,  )  hope,  accept  this  public  testU 
^nony  of  my  gfat^tude. 


■S 


PREFACE  TO  THjE  SEVENTH  EDITION. 

Philadelphia^  Dec,  18,  1815. 

LITTLE  more  than  thirteen  months  have  elapsed  since  the 
first  appearance  of  this  work,  and,  contrary  to  all  my  calcula- 
tions, a  seventh  edition  has  been  called  for.  The  reader  will,  I 
trust,  do  me  the  justice  to  believe  that  I  apu  fuUy  sensible  of  the 
public  indulgence. 

Regarding  myself  bound  to  render  the  Book  ^s  perfect  as  in 
my  power,  I  have  availed  myself  of  all  the  information  and  do^ 
cuments  I  could  collect,  and  made  a  number  of  corrections  An4 
alterations,  as  I  have  done  in  the  former  editions. 

To  this  edition  I  have  added  some  new  chapters,  at  the  close, 
on  subjects  whose  importance  will  probably  justify  me  in  pre- 
senting them  to  the  vie>v  of  my  fellowr-citizens. 


PREFACE 


TO  THE  EIGHTH  EDITION. 


m 


,)L 


::ii!l' 


Philadelphia^ y uly  \^\1il7, 

THE  very  great  public  favour  and  indulgence  extended  to  the 
Olive  Branch,  enables  me  to  lay  it  for  the  eighth  time  before  my 
fellow  citizens,  in  a  little  more  than  two  years  and  a  half  from 
its  first  appearance. 

The  contemplation  of  this  work  affords  three  sources  of  as 
high  gratification  as  can  be  enjoyed  by  a  rational  being,  actuated 
by  liberal  or  public-spirited  motives : — the  satisfaction,  whereof 
nothing  can  deprive  me,  of  having  employed  the  slender  talents 
I  possess,  in  the  most  sincere  and  ardent  efforts  to  serve  this 
country  j — the  belief,  founded  on  the  concurring  opinions  of 
numbers  of  our  best  citizens,  of  both  parties,  that  those  efforts 
have  not  been  wholly  unsuccessful ;  and,  finally,  the  general  appre- 
ciation of  those  efforts  and  their  results,  to  their  utmost  extent — 
and  probably  far  beyond  it.  Greater  good  fortune  cannot  attend 
any  intellectual  production.  It  is  a  trulv  rich  reward,  and  far 
exceeds  all  the  calculations,  that  could  have  been  previously 
formed  by  the  most  extravagantly  sanguine  temper. 

To  this  Edition  various  additions  have  been  made.*  They 
are  written  in  the  same  independent  style  as  the  former  part  of 
the  work.  I  feel  as  little  disposed  as  ever  to  sacrifice  the  cause 
of  truth  at  the  shrine  of  party  or  faction. 

A  respectable  gentleman,  of  federal  politics,  has  given  as  his 
opinion,  that  though  I  struck  both  parties  severely,  yet  I  struck 
the  federalists  with  the  right  hand,  and  the  democrats  with  the 
left — and,  as  a  man  can  strike  harder  with  the  right  hand  than 
-with  the  left,  that  I  was  more  severe  upon  the  former  than  the 
latter. 

If  this  be  true,  as  it  probably  is,  a  satisfactory  reason  can  be 
given  for  it,  wholly  free  from  any  sinister  intention.  Recent  or 
passing  events,  whether  pleasurable  or  distressing,  make  far 
more  impression  than  those  of  remote  date,  although  greater  in 
magnitude.  This  is  a  trait  in  the  human  character,  that  cannot 
have  escaped  the  observation  of  the  most  superficial.  It  is  there- 
fore perfectly  natural,  that  as  the  great  sin  of  federalism — a  sedi- 
tious and  dangerous  opposition  to  government,  which  occupies 
«o  much  of  this  Book — was  in  actual  operation  while  I  was  writ- 
ing, it  should  have  been  the  subject  of  more  severe  animadver' 

„  *  The  iMt  ten  chapters, 


PREFACE  TO  THE  TENTH  EDITION. 


35 


sion,  than  the  sins  of  the  democrats,  which,  though  very  great, 
were,  in  general,  inferior  in  magnitude,  and  more  remote  in  point 
of  time. 

Moreover,  I  was  strcffigly  impres3ed  with  the  opinion,  and 
acted  under  its  influence,  that  the  course  pursued  by  the  leaders 
of  the  federalists,  in  which  they  were  blindly  and  submissively 
followed  by  the  mass  of  the  party,  led  directly  to  anarchy,  insur- 
rection, and  civil  war,  with  all  their  horrors.  This  opinion  re- 
mains unchanged.  It  has  been  the  subject  of  serious  and  deli- 
berate reflexion.  And  the  more  I  reflect  on  it,  the  more  thorough 
is  my  conviction.  I  am  far  from  believing  that  such  was  the  in- 
tention of  the  party  generally,  or  even  of  their  leaders.  But  I 
repeat,  what  I  have  frequently  stated  in  this  Book,  that  when 
popular  violence  is  once  loosed  from  the  restraints  of  law  and 
constitution.  Omniscience  alone  can  foretell  the  event,  and  Om- 
nipotence alone  set  bounds  to  the  devastation.  Thousands  of 
horrible  pages  of  the  dreary  and  sickening  history  of  mankind, 
bear  the  most  overwhelming  testimony  to  this  all-important 
truth, 

M.  CAREY. 


PREFACE 


TO  THE  TENTH  EDITION.* 


Philadelphia^  May  25, 1S18. 

TO  this  Edition  no  additions  are  made.  A  number  of  cor- 
rections, most  of  them  of  no  very  great  importance,  appeared 
requsite,  and  have  accordingly  been  adopted. 


•  The  nintli  Edition,  of  1000  copies,  was  published  in  Winchester  last  sum- 
mer. 


.■'*f^>' 


CONTENTS. 


Chap.  P»ge- 

1.  Crisisof  affairs  of  the  United  States.  Dangers  of  parties  and  factions. 
Similarity  of  our  situation  to  that  of  France,  Italy,  and  England,  previous  to 
their  civil  wars,  ...-.-.  37 

2.  Errors  of  the  Democratic  Party.   Federal  Constitution.  Opposition  to 

9  Navy.  Alien  and  Sedition  Iaw.  Jay's  Treaty,    -  .  .      45 

3.  Monroe  and  Pinkney's  Triaty  with  England.  Separation  of  the  States. 
Treasonable  PiiblicationH.  Embargo.  Non-intorcourse,  -  -  53 

4.  Bank  of  the  United  States.  Miserable  PoHcy  not  to  renew  the  Charter,    58 

5.  Armistice  proposed  by  Admiral  Warren,       -  -  -  -       59 
6t  Appointment  of  Mr.  Gallatin  as  Minister  to  treat  with  Great  Britain. 

Negociation  at  Gottenburg.  Recent  neglect  of  due  preparations,        -  C3 

7.  General  Wilkinson  and  General  Hampton.  Proceedings  of  Congress. 
X^anyentable  tornoi*,  delay,  and  indecision.  Neglect  of  J»uh|ic  Opinion,  67 

8.  Capture  of  Washington.  Causes.  Mismanagement.  Fort  Washington. 
Trial  of  Captain  Dyson.  Extr.aordinary  Sentence.  Loans.  Injury  of  Public 
Credit.  Retrospection,      i.  ......      73 

9.  The  Federalists.  Federal  Convention  and  Constitution.  Complaints 
of  want  of  Energy  in  the  Constitution.  Disorganizei-s  and  Jacobins.  Alien 
and  Sedition  Laws,  .  .....  81 

10.  British  Orders  in  Council,  November,  1793.  Enforcement  of  the 
Kule  of  1756,         r  -  .  .  -  .  -  -      84. 

11.  Extracts  from  the  Boston  Memorial  to  Congress,  -  -  88 
J2.  Extract*  from  the  New  York  Memorial,                  •            -            -       89 

13.  Extracts  from  the  Memorial  of  the  Merchaiitsof  Piiiladelphia,  91 

14.  Extracts  from  the  Baltimore  ]Aemorial,        -  •  -  .93 

15.  Extracts  from  tl>e  Memorials  of  Newhaven  and  Ncwburyport,  9.S 

16.  Extracts  from  the  Mt-morial  of  the  Merchants  of  Salem,  Ms.  .       96 

17.  Reflections  on  the  Memorials.  Uniform  call  for  Uedrcss.  Uniform 
Pledge  of  Support,  ......  -      99 

18.  Character  of  Merchants,  by  Edmund  Burke.  Illiberal  and  unfounded. 
Merchants  as  various  in  chiiructer  as  other  classes  of  men,     •  -  101 

19.  British  Depredations  brought  on  the  titpisin  the  Senate  of  the  Uni- 
ted States.  Condemnatdi-y  KesoUitions  passeil,  .  .  .     106 

20.  Attack  on  the  Chesapeake.  Proclamations  iutcrdicting  our  har- 
bours to  the  British,  •  .....  108 

21.  Blockade  of  the  Coistfrom  the  Elbe  to  Brest.    Berlin  Decree,      -     H.V 

22.  Onlers  inCotinril  of  Noveniber  11, 1807.  Milan  Decree,         -  117 

23.  The  Orders  in  ('ounril  of  November  11, 1807,  defemleil  by  Ameri- 
cans. Founded  on  the  untenable  plea  of  American  actpiiescence  in  tiie 
Berlin  Dicree.  Enquiry  into  their  Causes  and  Couseciuences,  by  A.  Baring, 
Esq.,  MP. 12J 

24.  Embargo.  Situationof  American  Commerce.  Factious  clamour.  Em- 
hnrjifo  a  wise,  prudent,  and  necessary  measure,  -  -  -  129 

'2S.  Enquiry  into  the  Constitutionality  of  the  Act  for  Enforcing  the  Em- 
bargo, (yompiin  il  with  acti)  pitsscd  during  the  presidency  of  General  Wash- 
ington ami  John  Adunis,  -  .....     136 

"6.  ratrioiir  Procedings,  .....  Ml 

27.  John  Henry's  Mission  to  the  Eastern  Slates.  Instructions  fnnn  the 
Governor  Gin(  nil  of  HritiNh  Ami'rira,      .....     14^1 

28.  r.inbargo  Id  pr.-ded.  Jlritish  and  Frenrh  vessels  interdicted  from  en- 
tering our  harbour..  Importatiounfrom  Itotli  countries  prohibited,  •     156 

29.  Embargo  recommended  to  Congress  by  Merchants  of  New  York,      160 


1- 

I 


A" 


CONTENTS. 


Chap.  Page* 

30.  The  Erskine  Arrangement.  A  liberal  and  magnanimous  procedure. 
Loudly  applauded  by  all  Parties.  Rejected  by  England.  Wonderful  in- 
consistency, ..-..-. 

31.  Impressment  of  American  seamen.  Plea  of  James  Madison.  Of  John 
Quincy  Adams.  Of  William  Cobbett.  Of  Weekly  Register,    - 

32.  Impressment  during  the  administration  of  General  Washington.  Let- 
ter from  T.  Jefferson  to  T.  Pickering.  From  Mr.  Jay.  From  T.  Pickering. 
From  Rufus  King,^      -  -  -  - 

33.  Impressiiient  during  the  administration  of  Mr.  Adams.  Ijcttcr  from 
Rufus  King.  From  Silas  Talbot.  From  Timothy  Pickering.  Instructions  of 
Judge  Marshall  to  Rufus  King,  ..... 

34.  Mr.  Liston's  Projet  of  a  Convention  respecting  Deserters.  Objected 
to  by  Mr.  Pickering,  Mr.  Stoddart,  Mr.  Wolcott,  and  Mr.  M'Henry.  Re- 
jected, .  -  -  -    •        . 

35.  Horrors  of  impressment,  va  submitted  to  Congress,  by  Timothy  Pick- 
ering, secretary  of  state,        ...... 

36.  Impressment  during  the  administration  of  Mr.  Jefferson.  Letter  from 
Riifiis  King.  Arrangement  with  Lord  St.  Vincent  rejected  by  Mr.  King, 

37.  Documents  on  Impressment  continued,  ... 

38.  Subject  of  Impressment  conclu<led,      .  .  -  - 

39.  An  apology  for  an  egregious  error  committed  by  the  writer,  on  the 
subject  of  preparation  for  war.  The  whole  session  one  continued  series  of 
preparations.  Nineteen  acts  bearing  strong  notes  of  martial  arrangement, 

40.  Reproaches  of  the  minority  against  the  imbecility  of  the  majority. 
Pernicious  consequences  of  newspaper  misrepresentation.  British  deceiv- 
ed by  their  friends,  ...... 

41.  War  proceedings  in  Congress.  Yeas  and  Nays.  Inexplicable  conduct,  224 

42.  Declaration  of  War.  Violently  opposed,  .  -  -  227 

43.  Peace  Party.  Composed  of  warliKc  materials.  Repeated  clamour  for 
war,    --....... 

44.  Inquiry  into  the  Justice  of  the  War,      .  -  -  - 

45.  Consiileration  of  the  Onlcrs  in  Council  continued.  Strong  and  un- 
equivocal reprobation  of  them  by  James  Lloyd  and  James  Bayard,  Esqrs. 
and  Governor  Griswold.  Extract  of  a  letter  from  Harrison  Gray  Otis,  Esq. 

46.  Inquiry  into  the  Justice  of  tiie  War  continued, 

47.  Turbulence  of  Boston.  Boston  acts  on  Massachusetts.  Massachu- 
setts acts  on  the  other  Eastern  Statrs.  Jealousies  and  Discord  sedulously 
excited.  Hateful  Picture  of  the  Southern  States, 

48.  Arrogance  of  the  (.'hums  of  the  Eastern  States.  Statistical  Tables. 
Contparison  of  the  exports  of  the  several  stateii,        ... 

49.  Comparison  of  the  exports,  foreign  and  domestic,  of  the  different 
states,  from  1791  to  1813.  (iluncc  at  tonnage, 

50.  Another  source  of  excitement  among  the  citizens  of  the  Eastern 
States.  Duties  on  imports.  .Statistics.  Southern  States  pay  very  nearly  as 
much  as  the  Eastern.  Woftderful  Delusion,   .... 

.11.  Fulliicy  of  the  opinion  of  any  hostility  in  the  Southern  against  the 
Eastern  States.  Commercial  and  agricultund  States  mutually  dtpendent 
on,  and  l)enelielal  to  eacli  other,         ..... 

52.  Money  the  sinews  of  war.  Associations  to  prevent  the  success  of  the 
Loan.t.  KH'iirts  to  bankrupt  the  government, 

53.  Smug^:ling  raprie«l  to  cKcesnin  Boston.  Specie  abundant  there.  Op- 
pressive drufts  on  New  York.  Arnuigcments  between  persons  in  Canada 
aiul  in  BoHton,  ....... 

54.  Subjtct  c(mtinnrd.  Brief  statement  of  facts, 

55.  Massaelmsetts  compareil  witlj  Teiinessce.  The  blind  leading  the 
blind.  Profits  oft  rude  50  per  cint. !  Iload  to  Buin, 

56.  Pulpit  Politics.  Piiwtitutionof  the  Sacred  Functions.  .Mnssarre  on 
boitrd  the  Orean.     An  Anthology  of  Sedition, 

.^7  Parties  change  Name  and  Chimwtcr.  .lacobins.  Definition.  Cnholy 
Sirnjjgle  for  Power,  the  cauHv  of  ttUmirdirticuUieH,  -  113 


162 
180 


184 


186 


193 

195 

196 

200 
206 


217 


220 


229 
236 


242 
2.50 

253 
259 
368 

27a 

37t) 
385 


292 
300 

303 

305 


^^ 


im'i 


,v  i 


m 


CONTEMTSJ 


Chap,  Page. 

58.  lUIberality  of  Prejudices  against  Foreigners.  Ungrateful  on  the  part 

of  America.  Irishmen  and  Frenchmen  peculiar  objects  of  dislike,  -      314 

59.  Address  to  the  Federalists  of  the  Uaited  States,  -  -  321 

APPENDIX.    No.  I. 

60.  Orders  in  Council.  Restrictive  System.  Impolicy  of  the  British  Mi- 
nistry. Abstract  of  the  Examinations  before  the  House  of  Commons.  Ruin- 
ous Effects  of  the  Policy  of  Great  Britain  on  the  vitnl  interelts  of  tliat  Na- 
tion, ......... 

61.  Eng^land  said  to  be  struggling  for  her  Existence.  This  no  palliation 
of  her  outrages  on  neutral  Nations     Attack  on  Copenhagen, 

62.  The  clamour  raised  by  tlie  Eastern  States  on  the  subject  of  Kepre- 
sentation,  unfounded.    The  result  of  factious  delusion,  -  .  - 

63.  Statistics  continued.     Slave  Representation  fairly  stated, 

64.  Inquiry  into  tlie  charge  agpiinst  the  Southern  States  of  destroying 
Commerce  to  promote  Manufactures,      ...... 

65.  Militia  Defence.  System  of  Classification  proposed  in  Congress.  Re- 
jected.   Awful  outcry,  ...... 

66.  Right  of  Society  to  coeroe,  and  duty  of  citizens  to  afibrd.  Military 
Service,  ........ 

67.  Power  of  Cong^ss  to  call  out  tlie  Militia.  The  usual  mode  qf  draft- 
ing oppressive,  unequal,  and  unjust,  .... 

68.  Inefficiency  of  Militia  generally.  Extravagantly  expensive.  General 
Washington's  testimony  on  the  subject  full  and  complete, 

69.  Conscription  or  Classification  of  the  Militia  to  fill  up  the  Army,  the 
most  impartial  and  efficacious  mode.  A  measure  of  the  American  Revolu- 
tion. Plan  borrowed  by  France.  General  Knox's  Plan, 

70.  Gerrymanderism.  Derivation  of  this  queer  name.  Political  Legerde- 
main. A  grand  discovery  how  to  enable  a  minority  to  rule  the  majority. 
Joint  and  concurrent  votes.  General  ticket,  .... 

71.  State  of  Representation  in  Massachusetts.  Wretched  System  of  Re- 
presentation in  Maryland  and  Virginia.  Rotten  Boroughs,    - 

72.  A  Wonderful  Contrast.  "  Let  evei^  soul  be  stibjcct  to  the  higher 
powers." — Rev.  Dr.  Morse — Rev.  Dr.  Parish — Rev.  Dr.  Osgood.  Invoca- 
tion to  War.    Governor  Gilman,  ..... 

73.  View  of  the  prosperity  of  the  United  States,  during  the  various  ad- 
ministrations. Miglity  errors  prevalent  on  this  topic, 

74>  Miscellaneous  Facts  and  Observations,      .... 


329 

341 

346 
348 

354 

355 

358 

363 

367 


377 


383 
387 


390 

396 
411 


APPENDIX.    No.  n. 

75.  Separation  of  the  States.  Civil  Wur.  Croimvelism, 

76.  Abuse  of  the  Freedom  of  the  Prous.  Attacks  on  Monarchs  and  Na- 
tions of  Europe,  -  -  -  -  - 

77.  Shall  we  soon  have  another  war  ?  The  vulnerable  part  of  Great  Bri- 
tain, The  late  war.  Defective  Legislation.  American  Seamen, 

78.  Congressional  Caucuses  for  President  and  Vice-President, 

'         APPENDIX.    No.  m. 

79.  Western  insurrection,        ...... 

80.  Bhie  Lights.     Congi'ess,  .... 

81.  Faction.     A  most  tremendous  scourge,     ... 

82.  Rejection  of  Monroe  imd  Pinkney's  treaty,      • 

83.  Hartford  C^onvention,  ...... 

84.  Frceiloni  of  the  seas.     I'rophcts.     Sedition,    • 

85.  Self-created  Societies,        ..... 

86.  American  magnanimity,  pcncrosity,  and  public  "piiit, 

87.  Miscellanrnus  articles,       .  '.  .  • 

88.  Conscription.  Imprcasmcnt,      .  .  .  - 


421 

430 

435 

4J9 


453 
407 

4r.3 

4()9 
•i7:i 
477 
4H0 
4H6 
490 
495 


I 


THE 


POLITICAL  OLIYB  BBAKCH. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Crisis  of  the  affair*  of  the  United  States,  Dangers  of  pwriits 
and  factions.  Similarity  of  our  sitliation  to  that  of  France^ 
Italy  ^  and  Engkmi^  prepious  to  their  civil  wars. 

IN  the  yearifp4,  the  situation  of  the  United  States  was 
highly  critical.  Patty  and  faction,  the  bane  and  destruction  of 
the  ancient  republics,*  were  carried  to  such  an  extravagant  ex- 
tent, as  to  endanger  the  public  tranquillity — and  menace  us  with 
civil  war,  the  greastest  scourge  that  ever  afflicted  mankind.  Un- 
ceasing e6forts  were  used  to  excite  our  citizens  to  open  resis- 
tance of  the  government.!  The  principal  scenes  of  these  disor- 
ders lay  in  the  eastern  states  }  but  in  almost  every  portion  of  the 
union,  persons  were  constantly  employed  in  inflammg  the  public 
mind,  and  preparing  it  for  commotions.!  Thousands  and  tens 
of  thousands  of  our  citizens,  upright^  honest,  and  honourable  in 
private  life,  were  so  deluded  by  the  madness  of  party  and  faction 
as  to  believe,  that  the  defeat,  the  disgrace,  and  thedisHSters  of  our 
armies:^— the  destruction  of  public  credit  :^— -(as  leading  to  the 

*  An  itle*  hat  been  proptf^sted  by  lupcrficiRl  writeri,  and  fenersUy  be- 
lieved by  tuperficial  readers,  that  party  and  ffustion  are  peculiar  tu  republics^ 
Never  vras  there  a  f^rcater  error.  There  is  hardly  a  body  of  men,  how  irAsll 
or  Insignificant  incver,  that  ii  not  disturbed  more  or  less  by  party  and  Aic'aon. 
Within  the  laat  ten  veara,  one  half,  at  least,  of  the  Rsligioua  Conrremtions  in 
Pliiladelphia,  have  been  diatracted  b;  Mscord  and  factioni  whioht  m  various 
instances,  have  been  carried  to  the  i  trems  length  of  abaoluts  asparatian. 
And,  to  mount  higher,  who  can  forget  the  violent  factiona  at  the  commence- 
ment of  the  reign  of  George  III,  when  England  waa  on  the  very  verge  of  in* 
Burrection  \  and  let  me  add  the  religioua  crusade  of  lord  George  Gordon, 
which  waa  the  offspring  of  faction,  aiul  terminated  in  enkindling  thirty-six 
fires  at  once  in  London  \  of  which  city  the  mob  had  undiaturbed  possession 
for  several  days.  All  the  felons,  and  other  tenants  of  the  prisons,  had  their 
chains  knocked  olT,  atfd  were  let  loose  once  more  to  prey  on  the  public.  Du> 
ring  the  sixteenth  century,  France  was  as  much  harassed  and  distressed  by 
i'action  as  any  republic,  ancient  or  modem,  has  ever  been.  The  enumeration 
were  endless.    Let  this  sliarht  sketch  suffice. 

t  These  topics  will  be  ftiHy  discussed  in  speciflo  chapters  at  the  close  of 
this  n'ork. 

\  Vo  some  tliis  will  seem  Impossible  It  certainly  appears  incredible.  But 
many  \\\\n^H  appears  incredible,  which  are  nevertheless  true-  And  it  is  caps- 
Ma  ofthu  most  complete  judicial  [uoof,  that  gcntlgmtn,  hl^iljr  ^itlmsbls  in 


$ 


SB 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[chap.  1. 


m 


expulsion  from  their  stations  of  the  highest  public  functionaries 
duly  chosen  by  the  people)— were  all  ^^  a  consummation  devout- 
ly  to  be  wished" — and  the  certain  means  of  procuring  a  speedy 
and  honourable  peace,  which  we  could  not  fail  to  nbcain  from  the 
magnanimity  of  Great  Britain,  provided  we  removed  those  pub- 
blic  officers,  whom,  accordmg  to  them,  she  had  so  much  reason 
to  execrate. 

The  uniform  voice  of  history  in  vain  proclaimed  the  eeuerosi* 
ty  of  nations  towards  eachother  to  be  a  nonentity  ;  that  the  terms 
of  a  treaty  are  more  or  less  favourable  or  injurious  in  propor- 
tion  to  the  relative  strength,  and  energy,  and  means  of  annoyance 
or  defence,  of  the  parties  ;  that  powerful  nations  have  almost  ii- 
ways  taken  advantage  of  the  feebleness  of  their  adversaries ;  and 
that  the  certain  road  to  a  speedy  and  honourable  peace  has 
throughout  all  ages  been  to  wage  war  with  the  utmost  decision 
and  effect.  Jp 

Were  history  wholly  silent  on  this  topic,  the  inherent  propen- 
sities of  human  nature,  properly  explored,  would  satisfy  every 
rational  mind  of  the  soimdncss  of  these  political  maxims.  They 
are  fair  deductions  of  reason  and  common  (tense,  to  which  the 
universal  experience  of  mankind  bears  testimony.  Every  nation, 
in  its  periods  of  debility,  has  been  obliged  occasionally  to  submit 
to  injustice.  Every  i}ation,  possessing  the  power  to  perpetrate  in- 
justice, has  more  or  lesi  availed  itself  o(  the  opportunity. 

The  fears  of  civil  war  were  regarded  as  visionary — as  the 
wild  effusions  of  a  disordered  brain.  They  were  felt  by  a  small 
minority.  And,  were  the  correctness  of  opinions  to  be  tested 
by  the  numbers  who  entertained  them,  they  must  have  appeared 
most  miserably  erroneous.  But  this  conclusion  is  unwarranted 
by  history.  It  has  been  a  thousand  times  asserted,  and  will  be 
as  often  repeated,  that  the  people  of  the  United  States  were  too 
enlightened  to  commit  such  a  fatal  error,  knowing  too  well  the 
value  of  the  blessings  they  enjoyed,  to  sacrifice  them  so  absurd- 
ly. Such  a  delusion  was  pardonable  a  few  years  previous  to 
that  period.  But  our  then  recent,  stupendous  follies  ought  to 
have  wholly  dispelled  it.  We  had,  in  many  cases,  displayed  as 
much  insanity  as  the  history  of  the  world  exibits  in  any  of  its 
pages. 

prtvstt  lifei  liKve  thanked  God  most  fervently  for  the  diigfracefVil  capture  of 
our  armlet*  Othera  have  prayed  to  God  that  our  soldieri  who  entered  Cans, 
da  might  be  alaughtered.  Thia  ia  one  of  the  many  atranire  and  unaccountable 
tnatancea  in  which  our  hiatory  is  utterly  unlike  thote  of  tlie  other  nationa  of 
the  earth.  It  ia  really  a  luireturit.  1  feel  prettv  confident  that  no  man  of  cha> 
racter  or  worth  in  EngUncTor  France,  ever  rejoicea  at  the  disgrace  or  diaua- 
tera  of  hia  country.  But  I  bluah  to  tell  it,  the  disgrace  of  our  armies  lias 
been  repeatedly  *  anbject  of  as  much  exultation  in  our  cuflee-liouses  and  our 
hewtpatiera,  aa  in  the  citv  of  London.  I  could  name  individuals  of  the  ut* 
moat  worth  in  all  the  aocial  relations,  except  that  vihich  they  bear  to  their  couw 
try,  whose  tatitfaction  at  the  distresses  and  embarraasmenta  of  our  govern, 
nient,  baa  at  least  equalled  that  ot'lord  Castloraagh. 


\ 


.1 


1. 


OHAP.   t] 


DANGERS  OF  FACTIONS. 


SO 


Danger  is  not  diminished  by  shutting  our  eyes  against  its  ap- 
proach, or  by  denying  its  existence.  This  would  be  a  cheap 
price  to  pay  for  security.  But  it  is  not  to  be  purchased  thus. 
And  those  who  seriously  weigh  the  causes  that  led  to  the  civil 
wars  which  desolated  France,  under  the  house  of  Valois;  Eng* 
land  under  Charles  I ;  and  Italy  for  entire  centuries,  with  hard- 
ly  any  intermission  ;  will  be  convinced  that  our  security  was  by 
no  means  so  well  founded  ^s  was  generally  supposed.  In  num- 
berless points  of  view,  our  situation  and  our  proceedings  bore  a 
very  strong  analogy  to  those  of  the  three  nations  to  which  I  have 
referred,  immediately  previous  to  their  respective  civil  wars. 
Whoever  reads  with  due  attention  Davila's  histor)'  of  France, 
Machiavers  of  Florence,  or  Clarendon*s  of  the  rebellion  under 
Charles  I.  will  be  astonished  at  the  near  resemblance.* 

The  difference  between  the  state  of  the  country  a  few  years 
previous,  and  at  the  period  under  review,  was  indubitably  far 
greater  that)  from  where  we  then  stood  to  insurrection,  and  sepa- 
ration, and  civil  war.  While  there  were  so  many  combustible 
materials  scattered  abroad,  and  such  unceasing  pains  taken  to  in- 
flame the  public  mind,  very  trivial  accidents  might  have  enkind- 
led a  conflagration.— Once  unhinge  a  govemment-~once  let 
loose  mankind  from  the  restraints  of  law  and  constitution— Aid 
the  human  mind  cannot  readily  calculate  the  terrible  result. 

It  was  said,  that  those  who  had  for  years  ur{,tid  the  propriety, 
and  necessity,  and  advantages  to  the  eastern  states,  of  a  dissolu- 
tion of  the  union,  did  not  intend  to  proceed  thus  far ;  and  that 
they  held  out  these  threats  in  terrorem  to  awe  the  administration. 
There  is  the  strongest  possible  reason  to  believe  that  this  was  a 
pernicious,  a  faul  error— and  that  the  leaders  of  the  malcontents 
were  perfectly  serious  in  their  views  of  a  separation.  How  of- 
ten had  the  churches  echoed  with  the  insurrectional,  the  trea- 
sonable, the  fanatical,  the  rebellious  cry,  ''  WHERE  IS  OUR 
MOSES  ?  Where  ia  the  rod  of  hit  miraclet  f  Where  is  our 
Aaron  f  Have  we  no  Mones  to  lead  us  out  of  the  land  of E^y fit  f  *'f 
Fatuity  itself  could  not  mistake  the  meaning  of  this  species  of 
declamation.  But  evep  were  the  leaders  merely  threatening,  it 
afforded  us  no  security  against  the  ruinous  result.     Those  who 

*  The  (liviiioni,  and  dislractinnii  and  fsction!i,  that  prtvailed  amongp,  ani 
the  bulchcri<!i  alternatply  perpetrated  on  each  other  by,  the  contending fao* 
tioni  in  the  Grecinn  and  Italian  republic*,  are  ably  and  inatructively  detailed 
in  the  defence  ut'lhe  American  Conititutiona  by  the  ex'prctident  John  Adama. 
Th'iH  work  huM  not  had  the  fate  it  merited  It  haa  been  laid  aside,  and  ia  al* 
mual  fui'i^ttcn.  Y^t  there  is  no  work  extant  which  contains  mortuseftil  lea- 
Aons  for  an  American-'none  in  which  the  horrors  of  faction  arc  more  foroibljr 
displayed— lumc  that  ouratateamen  and  politiciana  ought  to  atudy  more  care- 
ftllly.  A  few  exceptionable  passages,  selected  here  and  there,  have  been 
employed  for  the  purpoae  of  decrymg  it,  and  with  too  much  aucoeoa.  But 
there  never  yet  was  a  human  production  that  might  not  be  coiiden[in«d  to 
(lie  flamcN  by  the  same  mode  ot  triuK 

t  See  the  sermons  of  the  reverend  Messrs.  Osgood,  Pariah,  sre  Gardiner. 


utt 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[CHAr.  1. 


in    .1  ■ 


ruse  the  storm  of  civil  commotions,  possess  not  the  power  at 
pleasure  to  allay  its  violence — to  say  with  effect,  *^  thus  far  shalt 
thou  gOt  and  no  farther."  This  theory  was  fully  exempli6ed  in 
the  civil  wars  of  England  betwen  Charles  I.  and  his  parliament, 
and  likewise  in  the  French  revolution.  The  latter,  of  which 
nearly  all  the  early  leaders  perished  in  jails  and  On  scaffolds,  is  a 
very  strong  case*  Very  few  of  those  distinguished  and  illustri- 
ous men  contemplated  a  recourse  to  arms.  They  hoped  for  a 
bloodless  triumph  over  tyranny.  But  they  were  boilie  down 
and  destroyed  by  violent  and  sanguinary  men,  or  rather  mon- 
sters, whom  their  proceedings  released  from  restraint,  but 
whom  their  utmost  efforts  could  not  check  or  coiltroul.  . 

Never  had  brighter  prospects  shone  on  a  nation  than  those 
that  shone  on  the  United  States.  Never  had  a  nation  been  more 
highly  blest.  Never  had  the  security  of  person  and  propert)  •^■ 
of  liberty,  civil  and  religious— been  attained  by  such  easy  sacri- 
fices. Never  had  the  weight  of  governjnent  pressed  more  light- 
ly. It  was  not  felt.  Never  had  the  fondest  theories  of  philoso- 
phers and  lovers  of  mankind,  been  more  completely  realized. 

Our  situation  was  very  analagous  to  that  of  a  youth  who  inhe- 
rits a  large  estate,  and,  unacquainted  with  the  difficulty  of  its  ac- 
3d8ition,  cannot  form  an  estimate  of  its  value.  This  can  only  be 
one  by  a  due  consideration  of  the  condition  of  those  destitute 
of  the  advantages  of  fortune.  He  becomes  a  prodigal.  He  la- 
vishes away  his  treasures.  He  only  then  begins  to  appreciate 
them,  when  they  are  irretrievably  squandered.  This  was  pre- 
cisely our  case.  We  had  not  sufficiently  compared  our  situation 
with  that  of  the  mass  of  mankind.  We  had  not  taken  a  full  view 
of  the  glorious,  the  inestimable  advantages  we  possessed.  We 
had  the  most  noble  inheritance  that  ever  fell  to  the  lot  of  a  nationt 
and  had  not  duly  appreciated  our  happiness.  We  had  jeopardi- 
zed it  most  wantonly  and  fatuitously.  We  were  on  the  verge  of 
its  total  loss.  A  little  further  progress  in  folly  and  madness,  and 
we  should  have  been  undone.  We  had,  by  rapid  strides,  ap- 
proached the  banks  of  the  Rubicon.  Whether  we  should  plunge 
lb,  and  ford  the  stream,  or,  struck  with^a  due  sense  of  our  errors 
and  our  danger,  make  a  retrograde  movement,  and  regain  the 
elysium  whence  we  started,  was  in  the  womb  of  time.  Heaven 
directed  ut  to  the  blessed  alternative !  Beyond  the  stream  verges 
m  dreary  desert,  where  anarchy  and  civil  war  hold  their  terrific 
reign,  with  all  their  long  train  of  horrors,  and  where  the  devious 
paths  lead  directly  to  ruthless  despotism. 

It  was  time  therefore  to  make  a  solemn  pause— to  retrace 
our  steps— and,  since  we  refused  to  profit  by  the  sad  experience 
of  other  ages  and  nations,  to  avail  ourselves  of  our  own.  By 
honest  endeivours— by  abating  the  odious  Violence  of  party  spi- 
rit—by mutual  compromise— by  rending  asunder  the  odious, 
the  degradmg,  the  pernicious  yoke  of  the  violent  men  whose  in- 


cKAr.  1.] 


SEDITIOUS  PUBLICATIONS. 


41 


fluence  and  prosperity  depended  on  public  commotions— we 
might  happily  regain  the  ground  we  had  lost— we  might  dispel 
the  delusion  that  was  leading  us  to  temporal  perdition. 

To  vindicate  n.  yself  from  the  charge  of  folly,  in  those  gloomy 
apprehensions  and  anticipations,  I  submit  to  the  reader  a  few 
specimens  of  the  unceasing  efforts  which  for  years  had  been 
made  to  enkindle  the  flames  of  civil  war.  That  we  were  not  in- 
volved in  it,  is  not  justly  chargeable  to  the  want  of  a  due  degree 
of  labour  and  industiy.  Never  was  more  activity  displayed — 
never  was  a  cause  more  sedulously  or  ably  advocated.  And 
never  was  there  less  scruple  about  the  means,  provided>:.$he  end 
could  be  accomplished.   ' 

*'0n  or  before  the  fourth  of  July,  if  fames  Madison  Is  not  out  of  office,  a 
nevjform  of  gmemmmt  vdll  be  in  operation  in  the  eaatem  teetion  of  the  union. — 
Inttantly  tyier,  the  contest  in  inany  of  the  etatet  •wili  be,  whether  to  cmliere  to  tlie  old, 
or  join  the  nev  government.  Like  every  thing  else  foretold  vears  ago,  and  which 
is  verified  every  day,  this  warning  will  be  also  ridiculed  as  visionary.  Be  it 
so.  But  Mr.  Madison  cannot  complete  bis  term  of  service,  if  the  war  con- 
tinuet*— It  is  net  possible ;  and  if  be  knew  human  nature,  he  would  see  it.*** 

"  Is  there  a  federalist,  a  patriot  in  America,  who  conceives  it  his  duty  to 
shed  his  blood  for  Bonaparte,  for  Madison,  for  Je^erson,  and  that  HOST  OF 
RUFFIANS  in^MOren,  who  have  set  their  faces  against  US  for  years,  and 
spirited  up  thejMnrAL  fart  or  thb  »opdlage  to  destroy  us?  Not  one — 
Shall  we  then  fflP^Niflwr  be  held  in  slavety,  and  driven  to  desperate  poverty, 
by  such  a  graceless  nUttlon )  Heaven  forbid.''t 

"  If  at  ^  pretent  moment,  no  tymptomt  of  civil  viar  appear,  THEY  CER- 
TAINLY WILL  SOON,  unleti  the  courage  of  the  v^  or  parti  fail  them\.'* 

"  A  CIVIL  WAR  becomet  at  certain  as  the  events  that  happen  accortUng  to 
the  inovtn  lams  and  established  course  of  nature'"^ 

"  If  we  would  preserve  Uie  liberties,  by  thut  struggle  [the  American  re- 
volution] so  dearly  purchased,  the  call  for  RESISTANCE  agtitiist  the  usur- 
pations c/our  own  government  is  aa  urgent  as  it.v>asfor^tierly  against  those  of  our 
mother  country.''^ 

*'  If  the  impending  negociation  with  Great  Britian  is  defeated  by  insidious 
artifice  i  if  the  friendly  and  conciliatory  proposals  of  the  enemy  should  not, 
from  French  subserviency,  or  views  of  sectional  ambition,  be  met  throughout 
with  a  spirit  of  moderation  and  sincerity,  so  as  to  terminate  the  infamoiis 
wnr  which  is  scattering  its  horrors  around  us,  and  arrest  the  calamities  and 
distress  of  a  disgraced  country,  it  is  necessary  to  apprise  you  that  such  conduct 
'milt  be  no  linger  borne  with.  The  ityured  States  will  be  compelled,  by  every  motive 
of  duty,  interest  and  honour  ,•  by  one  manly  exertion  of  their  strength  tc  dash  into 
atoms  the  bonds  of  tyranny,  ft  vrill  then  be  too  late  to  retract.  The  die  will  be 
cast.'—Fretdom  preserved.  % 

"  A  SEPAR  AlION  OF  THE  STATES  willbe  an  inevitable  result.  Motives 
numerous  anu  urgent  will  demand  that  measure.  As  they  originate  in  oppression, 
the  oppressors  must  be  responsible  for  the  momentous  and  contitifient  events,  arising 
from  the  DISSOLUTION  OFTHfc  PRESENT  CONFEDERACY,  ANrf/Zir 
crettion  of  SEPAR  ATE  GOVERNMENTS.  It  will  be  their  work.  While 

*  Federal  Republican,  November  7, 1814.  -f  Boston  Gazette. 

\  Sermon  by  David  Osgood,  D.  D.  Pastor  of  the  citurch  of  Mediurd,  de. 
livered  June  26,  1813,  page  9.        ^  Idem,  page  15. 

II  Discourse  delivered  before  the  lieutenant  governor,  the  council,  and  the 
two  houses  composing  the  legislature  of  the  common wesUlt  of  Massachu* 
setts.  May  31,  1809.    By  David  Osgood,  D.  D.  p.  25. 

%  *'  Northern  grievances,  set  forth  in  a  letter  to  James  Madiiton,  by  a 
Nurlli  American."  Published  May,  1814,  and  circulated  with  great  indiia* 
try,  throughout  the  Eastern  states  and  New  York.    P.  4. 


*'f  ll 


ij,:V 


m 

;.,j  i 


43 


POtlTICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH* 


[ci(A.V>  i. 


posterity  will  fedmire  the  independent  spirit  of  the  ^lastern  teetion  of  our 
country',  and  with  seTitiments  of  grtititude,  enjoy  th^  fruits  of  their  firmn^i^ 
and  wisdom,  the  descendants  of  the  South  and  West  will  have  reason  to 
curse  the  infatufttion  and  folly  of  your  cQuncita."* 

"  Bold  and  reaolute,  vhkn  they  ttepfiirth  in  thetaend  eaite  ofj^eedttn  and  in- 
dependence, the  northern  people  nuill  aetwr  their  objeet.  Jfo  obttaefe  eon  imfifde 
tliem.  iyb  force  c/tn  viithsiand  their  pcnagrful  arm.  The  mott  numerout  arimef 
loill  meh  b^ore  t/teir  manly  itrength  Does  not  the  page  of  history  instruct  ywi, 
that  the  feeble  debility  of  the  South  never  coul^jl  face  the  Tifporous  attivityof 
the  North  ?~  Do  not  the  events  of  past  ai^s  remind  you  of  the  valuable  truth, 
that  a  *i>tf;le  epark  of  Northern  liberty,-  etpf  dally  when  e^Ughtenfd  by  eo^fgemal 
eotnmerce,  ^iU  explode  a  vihok  atmoiphere  qf  mltry  Southern  despgtitm?  You 
well  know  the  termination  of  the  expedttioQ  of  Xerxes,  with  his  hundreds 
of  thousands,  aigfainst  the  .Greeks  !  The  commereiri  Atheniarvs  taught  the 
debilitated  tyrant  »f  Asia,  on  the  pluins  of  Marathon»  and  at  the  stfaitt  of 
SaJamis,  of  what  exertions  fi'eed<7m  is  capable,  when  rdwped  |>y  oppression. 
The  hardy  Macedonians  not  only  defeated  and  dispersed  countfess  hordes 
of  Southern  eifeminacy,  but  traversed  their  eountry  ait  pleasure  "f  > 

"  When  such  are  the  effects  of  oppression  upon  men  resolved  not  to  8ub« 
mit,  as  displayed  in  the  North  and  South  of  Europe,  and  in  all  ac^e*  of  the 
world,  do  you  flatter  yourself  with  its  producing  a  different  operation  in  this 
tount^  ^  Oo  you  think  the  energies  of  Northern  frteemett  are  tabe  tamely 
smothered  ?  Do  you  imagine  they  will  allow  thems«lves  to  be  trampled  ii|)on 
with  impunity?  And  by  whom?  The  Southern  and  Western  states!  by  m^n 
whose  united  efforts  are  not  sufficient  to  keep  in  order ^heir  own  enslaved 
population,  and  defend  their  own  frontiers  ?  by  warriongMtes^  repeated  at- 
tempts  at  invasion  of  a  neighbouring  province,  havq^n^MBracerully  foiled 
by  a  handful  of  disciplined  troops !  by  generals,  if|tidmlnu  of  arrogancp 
and  folly!  by  councils  the  essence  of  corruption,  imBecility  and  madiless ! 

*'  Tlte  Mgregvte  ttrength  of  the  South  and  Wett,  if  brought  agantt  the  Horth, 
vould  be  aiven  into  the  ocean,  or  back  to  their  own  tultrf  viildt  /  tfndjh^  might 
thint  the7niel<oee  Joriunale  if  thty  eicape^  other  punishment  than  a  defeat,  ivhich 
their  temerity  would  merit.  Whil«  the  m|$  would  strive  to  ensUve,  the  other 
would  fight.for  fhsedom.  While  ttie  councils  of  (he  one  would  be  districted 
with  discordant  interests  (  the  decisioM  of  the  other  would  be  directed  by 
one  soul.    Beware !  Pause  I  blfore  vou  take  the  fatal  plunge. "( 

<*  You  have  carried  your  oppressions  to  thie  utmost,  stretch.  We  vu'tf  no 
longer  tubmit.  Restore  the  Constitution  to  its  purity*  Give  us  security  for 
the  future,  indemnity  for  the  past.  Abolish  every'  tyrannical  law.  MiJce  an 
immediate  and  honourable  peaee.  Revive  our  commerce.  Increase  our  navy; 
Protect',  our  seamen.  Unlettyou  comply  viith  thuejuat  demandtt  noithout  dflay, 
we  toill  vtithdrav)  from  the  Union,  ecatter  to  the  ^indt  the  bondi  ^  tyranny,  and 
trantmit  to  potterily  that  Liberty  Jturchaaed  by  the  Revolution  .*'§ 

'  Amer*.  ^uns  f  PREPARE  YOUR  ARMS  t  vom  witf  toon  be  called  to  uae 
them-  We  must  use  them  for  the  emperor  of  France,  OR  FOR  OUR- 
SISLVES.  It  is  but  an  individual  who  now  points  to  this  ambiguous  alterna- 
tive But  Mr.  Madison  and  his  cabal  may  rest  assured,  there  is  in  the  hearts 
of  many  thousands  in  this  abused  and  almost  ruined  country,  a  sentiment  and 
energy  to  illustrate  the  distinction  when  his  madness  shall  call  it  into  action."|| 

"  Olil  MansftohuHttt  in  at  terrible  to  the  American,  new,  a*  the  mu  to  the  Brif 
ith  cabinet  in  1775  ;  for  America,  loo,  hat  her  Butet  ami  her  Nortlu.  Let  then 
the  cominercial itatet  breatt  themtetvei  to  the  ihoet,  and  knowthattothemselvcf 
they  must  look  for  safety.  All  party  bickerings  must  be  sacrificed  on  the  aU 
tar  of  pAtri(;tism.  Then,  and  not  till  then,  ihaffthey  humble  the  pride  aniambi' 
tion  oj  Virginia,  vfhose  ttrength  tiet  in  their  vieainett  \  andchatlitethe  intolenceof 
thote  madmen  of  Kentucky  and  Tennettee,  <who  atpire  to  the  government  of  thete 
siatet,  and  threaten  to  invitlve  the  country  in  all  the  hurrort  vfv>ar."% 


*  Idem,  page  9.  f  Idem,  page  12. 

§  Idem,  pa(cc  IS.  ||  Boston  Repertory. 

%  New  York  (y^ommcrclal  Advertiser. 


\  Idem,  page,  13, 


CHAf.  1] 


CONSEQyENpES  OF  FACTIOl^. 


4» 


It  y 


The  language  of  the  writers  is  plain  and  unequivocal.  It  ad- 
mits of  no  mistake  or  misconstructiun.  That  they  intended  to 
produce  insurrection  and  dissolution  of  the  union,  uiri(-'ss  they 
and  their  friends  were  enabled  to  seize  upot»  iiitt  government,  re- 
gardless of  the  frightful  connequences,  it  would  require  consum- 
mate impudence  to  deny  ,  .^  would  be  folly,  or  insanity  to  dis- 
believe' What  ^ight  ultimately  be  their  success,  it  was  impos-> 
sible  to  foresee.  £very  thing  depended  on  the  course  pursued 
by  those  who  had  an  interest  in  the  public  welfare.  If  they  were 
not  wanting  to  themselves  and  to  their  country,  we  were  surft:  to 
rise  triumphant  over  our  difficulties  and  embarrassments.  But 
if  the  then  prevailing  wonderful  apathy  continued  ;  if  we  slug- 
gishly remained  with  our  arms  folded,  while  our  situation  be- 
came daily  more  awful  and  alarming ;  i-uin  was  inevitable.  We 
should  have.aflforded  one  of  the  most  striking  instances  in  histo- 
ry, of  premature  decay  an^  decrepitude^  The  Lord  in  his 
mercy  has  averted  such  an  awful  fate ! 

Reliance  was  placed  by  those  <.vho  denied  the  existence  of  th& 
danger  here  described,  upon  the  sober  character  of  the  nation. 
They  regarded  that  character  as  a  guarantee  against  civil  war. 
I  was  well  aware  of  this  circumstance.  I  allowed  it  a  due  share 
of  influence  and  importance.  But  the  strong  inference  drawn 
from  it,  was  unwarranted  by  history*  And  let  it  be  observed, 
once  for  all,  that  in  government,  or  politics,  the  only  unerring 
guide  is  history,  to  the  neglect  of  whose  lessons  may  be  ascribed 
more  than  two  thirds  of  our  errors  and  follies. 

The  Athenians  were  a  polished  and  refined  people.  No  na- 
tion, in  ancient  times,  ever  excelled  them  in  these  respects.  Yet 
they  were  occasionally  seduced  into  the  most  frightful  cruelties 
by  their  demagogies,  their  Cleons  and  other  enrages.  They 
often  massacred  their  prisoners  in  cold  blood,  and  long  after  they 
were  taken.  And  the  proscriptions  and  butcheries  the  adverse 
parties  perpetrated  on  each  other,  when  they  gained  the  ascen- 
dency, are  frightful  subjects  of  reflection,  and  to  us  hold  out 
most  invaluable  warnings. 

No  nation  of  modern  Europe  excelled  France,  few  equalled 
her»^n  courtesy— in  mildness— ir*  urbanity.  And  yet  never 
did  mankind  exhibit  themselves  under  a  more  hideous  aspect— 
never  did  they  change  nature  more  completely  with  wolves,  ty- 

fers,  and  hytenas,  than  the  French  have  done  under  Marat, 
>anton,  Couthon,  and  Robespierre.  These  are  awful  leasom^ 
to  which  those  who  were  lending  their  aid  to  tear  down  thepil- 
lara  of  government^  paid  no  attention. 

Man  is  the  same  every  where,  under  the  same  excitements. 
We  have  our  Cleons,  and  our  Couthnns,  and  our  Dantons,  and 
our  Marats,  and  our  Robcspierres,  and  our  Cromwelis,  wBo  on- 
ly required  suitable  occasions  to  have  givtn  scope  to  their  fero- 
city.    Mild  and  gentle  as  is  the  American  character  generally, 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[c«A»,  L 


the  revolution  in  thia>country  exhilnted,in  various  placet,  wbere 
the  parties  were  rancorously  embittered  against  e^ch  other,  many 
terrifying  scenes.  Prisoners  were  often  hung  up  without  triu 
by  the  pattizans  on  both  sides.  Men  and  women  were  treach- 
erously shot  down  in  their  houses^.  And  not  unfrequentljr, 
private  mdice,<^o  sate  its  rage,,  disguised  itself  under  the  cloak 
of  public  spirit.  Let  us  ponder  well  on  those  orcumstantes. 
They  are  fraught  with  i^nportant  Udmonitions. 

To  apply  a  remedy  to  any  evil,  moral  or  physical,  it  is  indis- 
pensably necessary  t<)i  esplojre  its  natur^'^— tp  ascertain  its  causes 
•~-and  to  trace  4t8  consequences.  Any  other  pi^edure  arises 
ftttm  error  and  foUy,  and  is  pregnant  wtth  diefeat  and'disappoint» 
'meht.  ■'■'■,;      ■>_  ■  '■'  ■",,■■ 

With  this  yiew,  and  in  the  state  of  aflfairs  just  deseribedt  I  re- 
spectfully solicited  the  public  isttention.  i  took  a  rapid  retro- 
spective glance  at  the  folly  and  guilt,  which  the  faetlDbs  and  dis- 
cordant state  of  our  country  had  genenited*  'As  far  as  in  my 
power,  I  divested  myself  of  party  bias,  and  treated  the  sub- 
ject as  if  it  belonged  to  another  a^.or  nation.  Whatever  eiv 
rors  r  fell  into,  arose  not  froixi  sinister  intention:  they  were 
chargeable  to  inadvertence  and  hikman  imperfection.  On  ray 
freedom  from  partiality,  I  felt  the  more  reliance,  from  my  on- 
idterable  conviction,  that  both  the  hostile  parties  that  divide  this 
country,  and  who  regard  each  other  with  so  much  hatred  and 
jealousy,  had  largely  contributed  towarils  the  misfortunes  that 
had  belallen  us-i-the  melancholy  change  that  had  taken  place  in 
our  situation— and  the  dangers  diat  threatened  us.  It  was  im* 
possible  for  a  candid  inind  to  review  the  scenes  through  which 
we  had  passed  for  some  years,  without  a  thorough  conviction, 
that  each  had  been  guilty  of  most  egregious  errors  and  follies, 
and  occasionally  at  worse  thui  error  or  folly  j  and  that  when- 
ever  the  interest*  of  the  nation  and  the  interests  of  the  party  came 
in  i'oUtnon^  the  former  hadheen  toofrefuentiy  »acri/!cedi^  oyboth 
federaliita  and  'demoerats^  to  the  latter,  .  No  man  who  has  any 
public  spirit,  can  take  a  review  of  our  histoiy  without  feeling  the 
deepest  regret  at  the  extent  of  the  mischief  this  miserable  sys- 
tem of  conduct  has  produced.  It  has  defeated  many  of  the  no- 
blest plans  that  the  wisdom  of  the  country  has  ever  devised,  and 
has  prevailed  to  at  least  as  great  an  extent  here,  as  in  almost  any 
other  country,  or  at  any  other  period  of  time^  When  the  pre- 
sent generation  sits  for  its  picture  to  the  historian,  it  w&U<&irni  a 
strong  contrast  to  that  which  is  past  and  gone.  The  #|!)ii|n  or 
follies,  however,  of  either  party  would  have  produced  bul  uttle 
injury  comparatively,  had  not  those  of  the  other  conspired  to 
give  them  malignity  and  effect. 

*  See  Ramssy'*  History  of  the  Revolution  in  South  Carolina. 

t  Thii  ii  one  of  the  most  lamentable  and  humiliating  fltota  in  our  history. 


''  •     ( 


CBA.P.  3.] 


PARTY  HOSTILITY. 


45 


From  this  exposition  of  my  views,  it  was  obvious  I  should 
steer  a  course  very  different  from  the  generality  of  writers  on 
political  topics.  With  hardly  a  single  exception,  their  obji  ct  is, 
having  espoused  a  party,  to  justify  its  supporters,  and  emblazoD 
their  acts,  whether  right  or  wrong ;  and,  if  need  be, 

"To  make  the  worse  appear  the  better  cause." 

In  pursuit  of  this  object,  their  own  partizans  are  all  angels  of 
light, — whose  sublime  and  magnificent  plans  of  policy  are  cal- 
culated to  produce  a  political  millennium  ;  and  their  opponents, 
demons  incarnate,  intent  on  the  destruction  of  the  best  interests 
of  the  country.  These  portraits  are  equally  unjust  and  incor- 
rect. One  is  all  beauty,  with  little  resemblance  to  the  pretended 
original — the  other  a  hideous  caricature  equally  foreign  from 
honour,  truth,  and  justice. 

Among  the  frightful  consequences  resulting  from  this  odious 
practice,  a  plain  and  palpable  one  presents  itself.  These  hor- 
rible portraits  engendered  asatanical  spirit  of  hatred,  malice, 
and  abhorrence  in  the  parties  towards  each  other.  Citizens  of 
adverse  opinions,  whose  views  were  perfectly  pure  and  public 
spirited,  were  to  each  other  objects  of  distrust  and  jealousy* 
They  attached  all  possible  guilt  and  wickedness — politicalat  least 
—^to  their  opponents — and  then  detested  the  hobgoblins  which 
they  had  themselves  created. 

Sc'  ^iety  is  not  thus  constituted.  The  mass  of  mankind  of  all 
parties,  and  in  all  ages,  have  meant  well,  except  in  periods  of 
great  depravity  and  corruption.  And  little  more  is  necessary  to 
produce  harmony  between  them,  than  to  understand  each  other 
correctly.  But  hostility  is  excited  and  perpetuated  by  the  in- 
trigues and  management  of  demagogues,  whose  influence  and 
consequence  depend  on  fomenting  discord,  and  who  would  sink 
into  insignificance  in  times  of  tranquillity.  Mankind,  as  I  have 
hinted,  abhor  each  other,  not  for  real  existing  differences,  but  for 
phantoms,  the  production  of  heated  imaginations.  Experience 
has  frequently  evinced,  that  the  very  plans  of  policy  which  par- 
ties out  of  power  have  reprobated  and  denounced  as  pernicious, 
they  have  pursued  themselves  as  soon  as  they  had  vanquished 
their  opponents,  and  seized  on  their  places.  And  I  believe 
every  man  of  reflection  will  acknowledge,  that  if  the  federalists 
hud  retained  the  administration  in  their  hands,  they  would  have 
advocated  the  rights  of  their  country  as  firmly  as  their  succes- 
sors have  done  ;  and  would  probably  have  adopted  measures  to 
resist  the  arrogant  and  destructive  claims  of  England,  similar  to 
those,  for  which  they  have  so  strenuously,  though  not  very  hon- 
ourably or  consistently,  opposed  the  present  administration. 

This  is  not  mere  supposition.  It  is  historical  fact.  It  will 
be  seen  in  the  sequel  of  this  work,  that  the  federalists  took  as 
high  ground  on  the  subject  of  impressment,  and  as  firmlv  and 

O.  B.    8 


\! 


•     .1 


.h  I 


II'    ■' 


*■( 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[chap.  3. 


patriotically  resisied  the  unjust,  the  daring,  the  degrading  pre- 
tensions of  England,  asr  Mr.  Jefferson  or  Mr.  Madison  have 
done.  Yet  the  resistance  of  the  two  latter  presidents  to  this 
atrocious  violence,  has  been  among  the  strongest  accusations  at- 
ledged  against  them  by  their  political  adversaries.  It  is  impos- 
sible to  reflect  on  these  topics  without  sighing  over  human  weak- 
ness and  folly.  Federalism  has  in  these  transactions  suffered  a 
stain  never  to  be  effaced. 

CHAPTER  II. 

Errors  of  the  Democratic  Party.    Federal  Constitution,    Oppo- 
sition to  a  Navy*     Alien  and  Sedition  Law.     Jay's  Treaty, 

In  pursuance  of  my  plan,  I  proceed  to  a  review  of  those  errors 
of  the  democratic  party,  which  contributed  to  change  the  pros- 
pects of  this  country,  and  to  darken  the  political  horizon ;  ^.nd 
I  trust  it  will  appear  that  I  have  not  done  them  injustice  in 
charging  a  large  portion  of  the  folly  and  guilt  of  the  late  state  of 
affaira  to  their  account. 

Federal  Constitution. 

In  the  convention  that  formed  the  federal  constitution,  the  de- 
mocratic party  sowed  the  seeds  of  a  premature  dissolution  of 
that  instrument,  and  of  the  American  confederacy.  Regarding 
society  more  as  it  ought  to  be,  than  as  it  has  ever  been,  or  is 
ever  likely  to  be  ;  seduced  by  theories  more  plausible  than  solid 
—applying  to  a  free  elective  government,  deriving  all  its  powers 
and  authorities  from  the  voice  of  the  people,  maxims,  and  ap- 
prehensions, and  precautions,  calculated  for  the  meridian  of 
monarchy,  they  directed  all  their  efforts,  and  all  their  views,  to- 
wards guarding  against  oppression  from  the  federal  government. 
Whatever  of  authority  or  power,  they  divested  it  of,  to  bestow 
on  the  state  governments,  or  reserve  to  the  people,  was  regarded 
as  an  important  advantage.  Against  the  federal  government 
their  fears  and  terrors  were  wholly  directed.  This  was  the  hor- 
rible monster,  which  they  laboured  to  cripple  and  chain  down, 
to  prevent  its  ravages. — The  state  governments  they  regarded 
with  the  utmost  complacence,  as  the  public  protectors  against 
this  dreadful  enemy  of  liberty.  Had  they  succeeded  in  all  their 
views,  they  would  have  deprived  the  general  government  of 
jiearly  all  its  efficiency.  Alas !  little  did  they  suppose  that  our 
{.^rand  danger  would  arise  from  the  usurpations  of  the  state  gov- 
ernments, some  of  which  have  since  most  awfully  and  treasonably 
jeopardized  the  union.  Unfortunately,  this  party  was  too  suc- 
cessful in  the  convention.  Its  energy  and  ardent  zeal  produ- 
ced a  constitution,  which,  however  admirably  calculated  for  a 
period  of  peace,  has  been  found  incompetent  in  war  to  call  forth, 
at  once  and  decisively,  the  energies  of  the  nation,  and  the  ad- 


1; 


CBAF. 


2.] 


■Mn;r 


NAVY. 


4,7 


pros- 


ministration  of  which  has  been  repeatedly  bearded,  baffled,  and 
thwarted  by  the  state  governments.  Had  the  real  federalists  in 
the  convention  succeeded,  and  made  the  general  government 
somewhat  more  energetic — and  endowed  it  with  a  small  degree 
of  power  more  than  it  possesses — it  might  endure  for  centuries. 
What  fate  at  present  awaits  it,  is  not  in  human  wisdom  to  foresee. 
I  fervently  pray,  with  the  celebrated  father  Paul,  esto  perpetua. 

This  error  of  the  democratic  party  arose  from  want  of  due  re- 
gard to  the  history  of  republics,  and  from  a  profound  study  of 
those  political  writers  who  had  written  under  monarchial  go- 
vernments, and  whose  views  were  wholly  directed  to  guard 
against  the  danger  of  tyranny  flowing  from  the  overweening  re- 
gal power,  especially  when  possessed  by  men  of  powerful  talents, 
and  great  ambition.  The  theories  whence  they  derived  their 
views  of  government  were  splendid  and  sublime— the  produc- 
tions of  men  of  great  public  spirit,  and  regard  for  the  general 
welfare  and  happiness — and,  had  ihey  been  duly  attempered  by 
maxims  drawn  from  experience,  would  have  been  of  inestimable 
value. 

Establishment  of  a  small  Navy* 

The  steady  and  factious  opposition  made  by  the  democratic 
party,  to  the  establishment  of  a  small  navy,  adequate  at  least  to 
the  protection  of  our  own  coasts,  has  by  the  event  been  proved 
most  wretched  and  miserable  policy.  It  arose,  as  well  from  a 
spirit  of  hostility  towards  the  party  in  power,  as  from  a  sordid 
and  contemptible  spirit  of  economy,  which  has  in  many  instances 
disgraced  and  dishonoured  this  party,  who  have  frequently  pro- 
ved themselves,  to  use  a  very  trite  but  very  expressive  proverb, 
**  penny  wise — pound  foolish."  When  we  analyse  the  boasted 
spirit  of  economy,  to  which  the  opposition  to  a  navy  may  be  in 
part  ascribed,  we  shall  find  it  arises  from  two  sources  ;  the  one, 
men  of  narrow  minds  carrying  into  public,  the  huckstering  habits 
of  private  life :  the  other,  a  base  spirit  of  courting  popularity 
by  husbanding  the  public  treasure,  even  on  occasions  when  liber- 
ality is  true  economy,  which  as  frequently  occur  in  public  afiairs 
as  in  private  life.  Both  motives  are  equally  contemptible ;  but 
the  latter  is  more  pernicious,  and  produces  the  most  ruinous  con- 
sequences. It  starves  and  smothers  public  undertakings,  and 
public  spirit ;  and  often  defrauds  illustrious  men  of  their  due  re- 
wards. It  is  the  characteristic  vice  of  our  times,  and  of  our 
nation ;  and  ought  to  be  hunted  down  by  every  man  who  has  a 
real  regard  for  the  honour  and  interest  of  his  country.  To  this 
vile  spirit  we  must  ascribe  the  never  enough -to-be-despised  de- 
bate, whether  Eaton,  the  glorious  and  immortal  hero  of  Derne*, 

•  This  is  amnni;  the  most  illustrious  events  in  American  military  afTairs 
by  land,  when  all  the  circumstances  of  the  case  are  taken  into  view.  Who 
can  reflect  without  amazement  and  admiration,  on  the  heroism  of  the  gallant 
band,  that  under  this  intrepid  chief,  pierced  through  the  frightful  detart,  and 


,  ,  ni. 


■if 


48 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[cHAr.  2. 


should  be  rewarded  with  a  sword  or  a  medal !  a  debate  which 
brought  down  on  the  congress  in  which  it  took  place,  the  con- 
tempt of  every  magnanimous  and  liberal  man  in  the  nation  ;  a 
debate  which  would  have  disgraced  the  common  council  of  the 
most  petty  borough  in  the  union.  To  this  spirit  it  is  due,  that 
votes  of  thanks,  and  swords,  and  urns,  and  other  cheap  modes  of 
displaying  our  gratitude,  have  tranquillized  our  minds,  and  de- 
ceived us  into  the  opinion,  that  we  have  paid  the  boundless  debt 
due  to  the  Hulls,  the  Bainbridges,  the  Decaturs,  the  Perrys,  the 
Porters,  the  Macdonoughs,the  Joneses,  the  Ripleys,thc  Browns, 
the  Scotts,  the  Coffees,  the  Carrolls,the  Macombs,the  Jacksons, 
and  the  other  heroes,  whose  glory  will  live  as  long  as  public  spi- 
rit, consummate  talents,  and  distinguished  bravery  command  the 
veneration  of  mankind. 

The  modest,  the  unassuming,  the  youthful  Perry  rescued  a 
whole  frontier,  men,  women,  and  children  from  the  murderous 
tomahawk.  Macdonough  rescued  another,  and  prevented  the 
enemy  from  establishing  his  winter  quarters  far  within  our  terri- 
tory. And  Jackson  achieved  for  himself  and  his  country  im- 
mortal honour,  by  ofi  exploit  certainly  never  exceeded,  perhaps 
never  equalled.  He  preserved  one  of  the  most  important  keys 
and  emporiums  of  the  country,  from  the  power  of  the  enemy,  by 
the  most  consummate  prudence,  talents,  and  bravery.  The  in- 
terest of  the  property  he  saved  from  depredation,  is  probably 
above  jS750,000  per  annum.  Yet  it  is  doubtful  whether  there  is 
gratitude  enough  in  our  public  bodies,  who  hold  the  purse  strings 
of  the  nation,  or  in  the  individuals  whose  property  has  been  pre- 
served, to  make  him  any  adequate  return^  I  hope  and  pray  I 
may  be  deceived.  I  deprecate  being  correct  in  this  calculation. 
But  I  have  fearful  misgivings  on  the  subject. 

To  enable  us  to  form  an  estimate  of  the  immense  debt  we  owe 
our  illustrious  heroes,  it  is  only  necessary  to  call  to  recollection, 
the  prostration  of  the  public  mind,  and  the  degradation  of  the 
national  character  in  the  early  part  of  the  war,  when  our  opera- 
tions on  land  were  **one  continued  stream"  of  disgraces  and  dis- 
asters i  and  when  but  for  the  exploits  of  Hull  and  a  few  others 
on  the  ocean,  the  name  of  an  American  would  have  been  a  pass- 
port to  shame  and  disgrace.  The  national  character  was  sup- 
ported throughout  the  war  by  our  little  navy,  whose  exploits  may 
challenge  comparison  with  any  of  the  most  signal  acts  of  hero- 
shook  a  powerrul  iiaurper'ti  throne  to  the  crnlre.  The  inauipicioui  interfe- 
rence that  (laslietl  the  glorioiiH  prize  to  the  rarlh,  just  aa  Eaton  had  stretched 
out  his  hand,  and  vmn  rrady  to  sei/c  it  without  tlie  smallest  danf^rr  of  an 
unfavourable  result,  is  highly  to  be  regretted.  The  state  of  Massachusetts 
acquired  a  high  degree  of  honour  by  its  liberality  to  the  warrior  of  Derne, 
on  whom  it  bestowed  ten  thousand  acres  of  land  as  a  mark  of  its  esteem  and 
admiration.  This  act  of  generosity,  by  the  contrast,  niude  the  miierahte 
conduct  of  Congress  appear  woilliy  of  nd<lilional  conlcnipt. 
*  The  event  has  realised  thciie  anticipatiopa.  ' 


I 


CHAP.    2] 


NAVY. 


49 


ism  recorded  in  history.  And  on  land,  towards  the  close,  it  was 
nobly  retrieved  by  the  heroes  whose  names  I  have  given,  and 
others  who  nobly  grace  their  country's  annals.  And  is  it  pos- 
sible that  congress  will  not  give  some  substantial  proof  of  the 
nation's  gratitude  for  benefits  so  far  beyond  all  price  ! 

In  very  few  ins^nnces,  hitherto,  have  congress  or  the  people 
of  the  United  States  discharged  their  duty  in  this  respect,  or 
displayed  a  suitable  degree  of  gratitude.  Of  votes  of  thanks 
they  have  been  abundantly  liberal.  These  cost  nothing.  A  few 
swords  and  medals  too  have  been  awarded.  But  of  all  the  be- 
nefactors of  their  country— those  men  who  have  ttreserved  it 
from  the  bottomlesa  abysses  of  disgrace  and  dishonour  into  which 
it  xvas  precipitously  falling — who  have  given  it  a  rank  among  the 
nations  of  the  earth,  there  is  hardly  one  on  whom  the  nation  iias 
bestowed  a  reward  worthy  of  it  or  him. 

The  debt  due  to  the  illustrious  men  with  whose  names  I  have 
honoured  my  page,  and  others,  who  have  trod  the  same  path  of 
glory,  cannot  easily  be  discharged,  even  on  the  ground  of  mere 
calculation  of  pecuniary  advantage  to  the  nation,  exclusive  of  the 
elevation  of  its  character. 

If  England,  whom  in  this  respect  we  ought  to  aspire  to  emu- 
late, gave  500,000  sterling  to  her  Wellingtons  and  Nelsons, 
let  the  United  States  give  some  solid  and  substantial  proof  of 
their  gratitude,  to  their  illustrious  heroes.  Such  extravagant  re- 
wards as  the  British  parliament  voted  **  the  great  lord  as  he 
has  been  styled,  are  not  here  contemplated.  But  the  gift  ought 
to  be  worthy  of  the  donor  and  acceptor ;  ought  to  operate  as  a 
reward  to  the  meritorious,  and  a  stimulus  to  excite  others  to 
emulation. 

This  is  in  some  degree  a  digression.  But  I  hope  the  feelings 
of  my  readers  will  be  sufficiently  in  unison  with  these  sentiments, 
not  to  require  an  apology.  I  therefore  make  none.  I  return  to 
the  navy. 

I  feel  confident,  that  the  nation  has  lost  five  hundred  times  as 
much  through  the  want  of  a  small  navy,  as  that  navy  would  have 
cost.  Numbers  of  instarres  have  occurred,  of  valuable  mer- 
chantmen having  been  captured  by  petty  pickaroons,  with  one  or 
two  guns.  Our  ports  have  been  insulted  and  outraged,  and  the 
ships  and  cargoes  of  our  merchants  plundered  by  privateers  and 
sloops  of  war,  which  a  few  armed  vessels  would  nave  forced  to 
keep  a  respectful  distance.  There  Is  none  of  the  points  on 
which  the  two  hostile  parties  have  diflered,  wherein  the  demo- 
crats have  been  so  fur  below  their  adversaries  in  consulting  the 
real,  the  permanent  honour  and  interest  of  the  country,  as  the  es- 
tablishment of  a  naval  force.  The  policy  of  the  federalists  in 
this  rcHpect  was  dignified  (wid  honourable }  that  of  the  democrats 
miierably  contracted. 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[cHAr.  3. 


I 


Alien  and  Sedition  Laws^  and  Eight  per  cent.  Loans, 

The  factious  clamour  excited  against  the  aedition  and  alien 
laws,  and  against  the  eight  per  centt  loan,— which  clamour  wad 
the  principal  means  of  changing  the  administration,  and  taking 
it  from  the  hantl'^  of  the  federalists,  to  place  it  in  those  of  the  de- 
mocrats— may  be  justly  reckoned  among  the  sins  of  the  latter 
party.  A  candid  review  of  the  so-styled  sedition  law,  at  the 
present  hour,  when  the  public  ferment  to  which  it  gave  rise  has 
wholly  subsided,  will  satisfy  any  reasonable  man,  that  so  far  from 
being  an  outrageous  infringement  of  liberty,  as  was  asserted,  it 
was  a  measure  not  merely  defensible,  but  absolutely  necessary 
and  indispensable  towards  the  support  of  government*.  To  en- 
able the  reader  to  judge  for  himself,  without  the  trouble  of  refer- 
ring to  a  volume  of  the  laws,  I  annex  the  document  itself. 

"  Sec.  1.  Be  it  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the 
United  States  of  America  in  Coniirress  assembled,  That  if  any  persons  shall 
unlavifuUy  combine  or  eonisfiire  together,  viith  intent  to  oppose  any  measure  or  mea- 
sure*  of  the  government  of  the  united  States,  which  are  or  sh^H  he  directed  by  the 
proper  authority,  or  to  impede  the  operation  of  any  laxv  of  the  United  States,  or  to 
intimidate  or  prevent  any  person  holding  a  place  or  office  in  or  under  the 
government  of  the  United  States,  from  undertaking,  performing,  or  executing 
nis  trust,  or  duty  i  and  if  any  person  or  persons,  with  intent  as  aforesaid,  shall 
counsel,  advise,  or  attempt  to  procure  any  insurrection,  riot,  unlawful  assem* 
bly,  or  combination,  whether  such  conspiracy,  threatening,  counsel,  advice, 
or  attempt  shall  have  the  proposed  effect  or  not,  he  or  they  shall  be  deemed 
Iftiily  of  a  high  misdemeanour  (  and  on  conviction,  before  any  court  of  the 
United  States,  having  jurisdiction  thereof,  shall  be  punished  by  a  fine  not  ex- 
ceeding five  thousand  dollars,  and  by  imprisonment  during  a  term  not  less 
than  six  months,  nor  exceeding  five  years  ;  and  further,  at  the  discretion  of 
the  court  may  be  holdcn  to  find  sureties  fur  his  or  their  g^ooil  behaviour  in 
•uch  sum,  and  for  such  time,  as  the  said  court  may  direct. 

'*  Sec  2.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  if  any  person  shall  write,  print, 
utter  or  publish,  or  shall  cause  or  procure  to  be  written,  printed,  uttered,  or 
published,  or  shall  knowingly  and  willingly  assist  or  aid  in  writing,  printing, 
uttering  or  publiHhing  any  false,  scandalous  and  maUcious  urt'd'nf  or  witings 
against  the  governnunt  of  the  United  Stales,  or  either  house  qf  the  Congress  of  the 
United  Statet,  or  the  President  of  the  United  States,  with  intent  to  defame  the 
said  government,  or  either  house  of  the  Congress,  or  the  said  President,  or 
to  bring  them,  or  either  of  tlicm,  into  contempt  or  ilisrepute  i  or  to  excite 
ap^alnst  them,  or  either  or  any  of  them,  the  hatred  of  the  good  people  of  the 
United  States,  or  to  stir  up  sedition  within  the  United  Slatvs  (  or  to  excite 
any  unlawfid  C(m)l)inalions  therein,  for  apposing  or  resisting  any  law  of  the 
United  States,  or  any  act  of  tiic  president  of  the  United  States,  dune  m  pur- 
suance of  any  such  law,  ur  of  the  powers  in  him  vested  by  the  constitution  of 
the  United  States  i  or  to  resist,  oppose,  or  defeat  any  such  law  or  act  i  or  to 
aid,  encourage,  or  abet  any  hostile  designs  n/  any  foreign  nation  against  the  United 

*  It  is  but  justice  to  avowtJiat  the  writer  of  this  book  was  as  ardent  in  his 
np|X)sition  to,  and  as  much  alarme<l  at  the  probable  c(mse(|uencos  of,  the  alien 
and  sedition  laws,  as  any  man  in  the  community.  As  it  renuires  an  extraor- 
dinary degree  of  corporeal  sanity  to  resist  the  tffiscts  of  a  violent  epidemirul 
disonler,  so  it  recinires  great  strength  of  mind  to  keep  out  of  the  vortex  of 
factious  contagion,  when  prevalent  with  thnni*  wliose  opinions  are  generally 
congenial  with  our  own.  Of  this  strength  of  mind  the  writer  was  destitute 
in  buminon  with  a  large  portion  uf  his  fclluw  citizens. 


GBA7.   2.] 


SEDITION  LAW. 


States,  their  people  or  government  t  then  such  perdon,  beingf  th^ieof  convicted 
before  any  court  of  tne  United  States  having  jurisdiction  th'ireof,  shall  he 
punished  by  a  fine  not  exceeding  two  thousand  dollars,  and  by  imprisonment 
not  exceeding  two  years. 

"Sec.  3  And  be  it  further  enacted  and  declared,  That  if  any  person  shall  be 
prosecuted  under  this  act,  for  writing  or  publishing  any  libel  as  aforesaid,  it 
shall  be  lavifulfor  the  defendant,  upon  the  trial  of  the  cause,  to  give  in  t  Jtdence,  in 
his  defence,  the  truth  of  the  matter  contained  in  the  publication  charged  as  a  libeU 
And  the  jury  who  shall  try  the  cause,  shall  have  a  right  to  deiermine  the  law 
and  the  fact,  under  the  direction  of  the  court,  as  in  other  cases." 

The  fate  of  this  law  holds  out  an  all-iinport^nt  lesson  on  fac- 
tion and  party  spirit.  Laudable  and  necessary  as  it  was,  and 
guarded,  as  far  as  a  law  can  be  guarded,  against  ^buse,  the  op- 
position to  it  was  as  violent,  and  it  excited  as  much  horror  and 
indignation,  as  if  it  had  wholly  destroyed  the  liberty  of  the  press, 
and  **  lefi  not  a  trace  behind,^*  And  in  this  senseless  and  dis- 
graceful clamour,  were  engaged  vast  numbers  of  the  best  and 
most  intelligent  members  of  the  community.  The  Aliem  and 
Sedition  Laws  were  made  the  subject  of  an  elegant,  but  violent 
and  inflammatory  report,  agreed  to  by  the  legislature  of  Virgi- 
nia, as  respectable  and  enlightened  a  deliberative  body  as  any  in 
the  United  States,  or  perhaps  in  the  world.  But  they  were  bit- 
ten by  the  mad  dog  of  faction  in  commote  with  so  large  a  portion 
rtf  their  fellow-citizens,  and  were  seized  with  the  prevalent  dis- 
.vci  r.  They  regarded  the  two  obnoxious  lawn  as  inroads  upon 
u  :ic  liberty,  which  required  to  be  repelled  with  the  utmost 
firmness. 

It  would  be  uncar.'lid  not  to  state,  that  the  trials  ttnder  this  act, 
for  libels  against  the  president,  and,  as  far  as  my  recollection 
serves  me,  against  some  of  the  other  public  functionaries,  were 
managed  with  very  considerable  rigour;  and,  from  the  abuse  of 
the  law,  tended  to  give  an  appearance  of  propriety  and  justice  to 
the  clamour  against  it.  The  cases  of  Thomas  Cooper  and  Mat- 
thew Lyon,  Esqrs.  who  were  both  treated  with  remarkable  se- 
verity, excited  a  high  degree  of  sympathy  in  the  public  mind.  I 
am  convinced,  that  under  all  the  circumstances,  a  juf  y  could  not 
be  found  in  London  to  pronounce  a  verdict  of  *'  guilty"  against 
cither  of  them.  Of  the  two  cases,  it  may  be  justly  said,  summum 
jua  summa  injuria.  But  the  censure  did  not  attach  to  the  law. 
It  lav  at  the  door  of  the  juries. 

I  have  little  to  offer  respecting  the  alien  law.  It  was  undoubt- 
edly liable  to  strong  objections.  It  invested  the  president  with 
powers  liable  to  great  abuse.  But  it  certainly  never  warranted 
the  awful  outcry  that  was  raised  against  it.  lo  enable  the  rea- 
der, however,  to  form  his  own  opinion— und,  if  mine  be  errone- 
ous, to  reject  it  altogether,  I  annex  the  most  obnoxious  clause  of 
the  act. 

••  Sic.  1.  Be  it  enacted  by  thr  Senate  and  Hmtie  f/'  Rfpresentativts  of  the  United 
States  vf  America,  tn  Congress  assembled,  'I'liat  it  aliull  be  lawful  tor  the  Pre* 
•iilcnl  of  the  United  Slates,  at  anv  time  during  the  continusncp  of  this  act,  to 
order  all  such  aliens  as  be  shall  judge  dangerous  to  the  peace  and  safety  of 


■'h.y 


5? 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[chap.  2. 


U' 


m 


•  t. 


the  United  States,  or  shall  have  reasonable  gronnds  to  suspect  are  concerned 
In  any  treasonable  or  secret  machinations  against  the  government  thereof,  to 
depart  out  of  the  territory  of  the  United  States,  within  sucli  time  as  shall  be 
expressed  in  such  order ;  which  order  shall  be  served  on  such  alien,  by  de- 
livering him  a  copy  thereof,  or  leaving  the  same  at  his  usual  abode,  and  re> 
turned  to  the  office  of  the  secretary  of  state,  by  the  marshal  or  other  person  to 
whom  the  same  shall  be  directed.  And  in  case  any  alien,  so  ordered  to  depart, 
shall  be  found  at  large  within  the  United  States  after  the  time  limited  in  such 
order  for  his  departure,  and  not  having  obtained  a  licente  from  the  president 
to  reside  therein ;  or,  having  obtained  such  license,  shall  not  have  conformed 
thereto  ;  every  such  alien  shall,  on  conviction  tliereof,  be  imprisoned  for  a 
term  not  exceeding  three  years,  and  shall  never  after  be  admitted  to  become 
a  citizen  of  the  United  States.  Provided  alvsays,  and  he  it  further  enacted.  That 
if  any  alien,  so  ordered  to  depart,  sball  prove  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  presi- 
dent, by  evidence  to  be  taken  before  such  person  or  persons  as  the  president 
■hall  direct,  who  a;*t.  for  that  purpose  hereby  authorised  to  administer  oaths, 
that  no  injuiy  or  danger  to  the  United  States  will  arise  from  suffering  such 
alien  to  reside  therein,  the  president  may  grant  a  license  to  such  alien  to  re- 
fnain  within  th*;  Unitei\  States,  for  such  time  as  he  shall  judge  proper,  and  at 
such  place  as  he  may  designate .  And  the  president  may  also  require  of 
such  alien  to  enter  into  a  bond  to  the  United  States,  in  such  penal  sum  as  lie 
may  direct,  with  one  or  ".lore  sufficient  sureties  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  per- 
son authorised  by  the  president  to  take  the  same,  conditioned  for  the  good 
behk<vinur  of  such  '.lien  during  his  residence  in  tlie  U  lited  States,  and  not 
violati.-^g*  his  licence ;  which  license  the  president  may  revoke,  whenever  he 
shall  think  proper."        July  6, 1798. 

The  eight  per  cent,  loan  remains.  It  was  united  with,  and 
increased  the  clamour  against,  the  alien  and  sedition  laws ;  and 
these  unpopular  measures,  ns  I  have  already  observed,  precipi- 
tated the  federalists  from  power.  Yet  we  have  since  found  that 
their  successors,  the  democrats,  have  themselves  given  about 
eignt  per  cent,  on  some  of  their  loa^s.  This  would  afford  a  glo- 
rious triumph  to  federalism  over  her  inveterate  rival,  democra- 
cy, were  it  not  that  the  annals  of  the  former  can  furnish  many 
instances  of  similar  inconsistency  and  departure  from  professions. 
And  it  is  a  melancholy  truth,  that  the  histories  of  all  the  parties 
and  factions  which,  since  government  was  first  instituted,  have 
cursed  and  scourged  mankind  by  their  senseless,  envenomed, 
and  implacable  hostilities,  are  replete  with  instances  of  errors 
equally  disgraceful  and  dishonourable.  A  history  of  the  mad- 
ness, the  folly  and  depravity  of  party  and  faction,  is  a  grand  de- 
sideratum. .  ,         .        , 

Jay's  Treaty, 

The  violent  opposition  to  this  instrument,  which  pervaded  the 
union,  and  greatly  disturbed  the  administration  of  general  Wash- 
ington, was  a  highly  factious  procedure  on  the  part  of  the  demo- 
crats, who  were  led  away  by  objections,  plausible,  but  unsub« 
stantial— hardly  any  of  which  have  been  realized.  This  aifair 
evinces  the  danger  of  yielding  to  the  sudden  impulses  of  national 
feeling,  which  bear  down  every  thing  before  them,  and  which 
wholly  overpower  the  reason  and  understanding  of  even  the  wise 
and  the  good,  who,  on  Hiich  occasions,  are  only  on  a  level  with 
the  uninformed  and  uncultivated  part  of  the  community.  Nearly 
all  the  predictions  respecting  Jiis  treaty  have  been  the  sooth-say- 


CUAP.  3»] 


TREATY  WITH  ENGLAND. 


13 


ings  of  false  prophets ;  of  men,  some  led  astray  by  their  preju- 
dices— others  by  perturbed  imaginations,  and  of  some  who  sought 
to  make  this  instrument  a  ladder  to  mount  to  the  gratification  of 
their  ambition.  Such  of  them  as  have  been  realized,  have  beea 
more  than  counterbalanced  by  the  solid  advantages  resLUingfrom 
the  adjustment  of  the  differences  between  the  two  natioi>s. 

CHAPTER  III. 

Mbnroe  and  Pinknetfs  Treaty  with  England.  Separation  of  the 
States,  Treasonable  publications.  Embargo,  Non-intercourse, 

Of  the  errors  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  administration,  I  shall  con- 
fine  myself  to  three,  denoting  two  very  opposite  extremes  of 
character — the  one  highly  bold  and  daring — the  other  displaying 
an  equal  degree  of  feebleness. 

Monroe  and  Pinkney's  Treaty  yvith  England, 

Two  ministers,  appointed  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  had  negociated  a 
treaty  with  England,  the  best  they  could  obtain.  It  had  been 
transmitted  to  him  in  due  form.  Without  consulting  the  Senate, 
the  co-ordinate  branch  of  the  treaty-making  power,  he,  on  his 
own  responsibility,  rejected  it,  and  transmitted  to  these  ministers 
instructions  to  begin  the  negociation  anew.  This  was  a  mighty 
and'  « fatal  error.*  It  may  be  doubted  whether  it  were  not  a  vio- 
lation, at  least  of  the  spirit  of  the  constitution.  It  was,  at  all 
events,  a  case  that  probably  did  not  enter  into  the  conceptions  of 
the  framers  of  that  instrument.  If  it  had,  it  is  likely  they  would 
have  provided  against  its  occurrence. 

A  calm  reflection  on  this  subject  can  hardly  fail  to  convince 
the  reader,  that  to  this  source  may  probably  be  traced  nearly  all 
our  late  difHculties.  Had  this  treaty  been  submitted  to  the  se- 
nate, they  would,  in  all  likelihood,  have  ratified  the  chief  parts 
of  it ;  and,  as  had  been  the  case  with  Jay's  treaty,  have  referred 
the  f'bnoxious  clauses  to  a  new  discussion.  Our  disputes  with 
England  would  have  been  thus  compromised— and  our  party  di- 
visions could  nevtfr  have  been  excited  to  such  a  height  as  to  en- 
danger the  peace  and  security  of  the  country. 

'1  Jie  rejection  of  this  treaty  has  been  ascribed  to  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son's desire  of  a  cause  of  war  with  England.  This  is  radically 
wrong.  From  the  commencement  of  the  French  revolution,  En- 
gland afforded  this  country  constant  ground  for  war,  in  the  im- 
pressmen*.  of  our  senmen,  '<"')  (he  predatory  proceedings  against 
ou.  commerce.  But  a  pregmtnt  proof  of  the  utter  fallacy  of  this 
accusation  arises  out  of  the  attack  of  the  Leopard  on  the  Chesa* 


•  It  hM  been  «Uctnpt»'«^  to  jiutify  this  procedure,  by  the  circiimttanoe,  1 
the  iu*g;o<'intorK  lind  violated  'inv  explicit  item  of  Mr.  Jcflerion't  iiiatructi( 


,thtt 
>  iiiatructionit 
to  cohrludu  lU)  tre-ity  without  a  ipcrilic  article  Kuardtiig  ugainat  tinpr<(aa< 
mctilD.     'I'liic  is  DO  itintification.     It  i.s  barely  a  palliation. 

O.  D   •) 


M 


P'JLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[chap.  3'. 


M 


peake.  This  circumstance  decides  the  question  forever.  Had 
Mr.  Jefferson  been  desirous  of  war  with  England,  nothing  more 
was  necessary  than  to  have  convened  congress  immediately  after 
that  event,  during  the  extraordinary  fermentation  of  the  public 
mind  which  it  created.  All  partitis  were  then  clamorous  for^  and 
would  have  heartily  united  m  support  of,  a  war  with  Gfeat  Bri- 
tain. And  war  would  certainly  have  been  declared  by  congress 
almost  unanimously.  But  with  a  desire  of  peace,  deserving  of 
the  highest  praise,  an4  of  the  gratitude  of  his  country,  which  he 
has  never  received,  he  deferred  convening  congress  about  four 
months,  within  which  period  the  public  ferment  had  subsided. 
This  important  fact  has1)een  wholly  overlooked  in  the  factious 
discussions  that  have  taken  place  respecting  his  administration  j 
so  true  it  is,  that  in  times  of  turbulence,  reason  raises  her  voice 
in  vain.  It  is  drowned  in  the  obstreperous  brawlings  of  noisy 
factionists. 

The  same  regard  for  justice  which  leads  to  this  vindication, 
demands  an  unqualified  censure  of  the  very  extraordinary  and 
unprecedented  measure  of  rejectinj;;  the  treaty  on  his  own  re- 
sponsibility. 

Besides  the  want  of  an  explicit  clause  on  the  snbject  of  im- 
pressment,  the  friends  of  Mr.  Jefferson  assign  anouier  plea  to 
justify  him  for  the  rejection  of  this  treaty.  After  it  had  been 
agreed  upon  by  the  British  commissioners,  and  those  of  the  Uni« 
ted  States,  a  rider  was  ailbexed  to  it  by  the  former,  intended  to 
give  the  treaty -sanction  to  the  celebrated  orders  in  council,  v/hich, 
even  then,  it  would  appear,  were  in  contemplation. 

To  enable  the  reader  to  decide  correctly,  I  annex  the  ri'ler. 

N^ote  of  the  British  Commissioners^  accompanying  Mn*\roe  ana 

Pinkneifs  Treaty, 

Lo^fDON,  Doe.  31, 1806. 

'•  The  underaigpned,  Henry  Riohanl  Vassal,  lord  Holland,  and  William  lord 
Auckland,  pUnipotentiariea  of  his  Britannic  majesty,  have  the  honour  to  in- 
form  James  Monroe,  and  William  Pinkney,  commissioners  extraordinary  and 
plenipotentiaries  of  the  United  States  of  America,  that  they  are  now  ready 
to  proceed  to  the  sirnalure  of  the  treaty  of  amity,  commerce  and  navigation, 
on  tlie  articles  of  which  they  have  mutually  agreed. 

*'  But  at  the  sane  time  they  have  it  in  command  fVom  his  majesty  to  call 
the  attention  of  the  commissioners  of  the  V  ''-i  States,  to  some  extraordi- 
nary procee  iinga  which  have  lately  taken  place  on  the  continent  of  Europe, 
«ncl  to  eomnr.unicate  to  them  ofiicislly  the  sentiments  of  his  mi^esty 's  govern- 
ment  thereupon. 

"  The  proceedini^  alluded  to  are  certain  declarations  and  orders  of  the 
French  government,  issued  at  Berlin,  on  the  twenty -first  of  November  last. 

"In  those  orders*  the  French  gvvernment  seeks  to  iustify  or  pi^lUate  its  own 
unjust  pretensions,  by  imputing  to  Great  Britain,  principles  which  she  never 
professed,  and  practices  which  never  existed.  His  mi^jesty  is  accused  of  a 
systematic  and  Mneral  disregard  of  the  law  of  nations,  recognised  by  civi- 
lised states,  and  more  partieinarly  of  an  unwarrantable  extension  of  the  right 
of  blockade.  Whereas  kit  majttty  may  tot^denily  appeal  to  theviorld  on  hit  uni- 
fornt  retpect  to  neutral  right,  and  hit  gtntral  and  tcrupulout  adhtrtnee  to  the  lav> 
of  nations,  vritliout  condescending  to  contrast  bis  conduct  in  these  particulArs 


CHAB.  3.} 


BRITISH  NOTE. 


45 


with  that  of  hifl  enemy  t  and  with  regard  to  the  only  specifted  charjjre,  it  ir 
notoriou*  that  he  h<u  never  declared  any  port*  to  be  in  a  state  qf  blockade,  vnthont 
alUtting  to  that  object  a  force  nifficient  to  tnaie  the  entrahee  into  them  manifestly 
dangeroue. 

"  By  such  allegationst  iinibunded  as  tliey  are,  the  enemy  attempts  to  jus* 
tjfy  his  pretensions  of  confiscating  as  lawful  prize,  all  produce  qf  Engiifeh  tn> 
dustry  or  manufacture,  though  it  be  the  property  of  neutrals  ;  of  excluding 
from  his  harbours  every  i^eutral  ^-essel,  which  has  touched  at  any  port  of  his 
majesty's  dominions,  though  employed  in  an  innocent  comnterce  ;  and  of  de. 
daring  Great  Britain  to  be  in  a  state  of  blockade,  though  his  own  naval  ports 
and  arsenals  are  actually  blockaded !  and  he  is  unable  to  statioti  any  nuviil 
force,  whatevier«  before  any  port  of  the  united  kingdom. 

*'  Such  principles  are  in  themselves  extravagant  and  repugnant  to  the  law 
of  nations  ;  and  the  pretensions  founded  on  them,  though  professedly  direct'^ ' 
ed  solely  against  Great  Britain,  tend  to  alter  the  practice  of  war  among  civl< 
Used  nations,  and  utterly  to  eubvert  the  tightt  gnd  independence  of  neutral  pavers. 
The  undersigned  cannot,  therefore,  believe,  that  the  enemy  will  ever  sei-ious* 
iy  attempt  to  enforce  such  a  system .  If  be  should,  they  are  confident  that 
the  good  sense  of  the  American  government  will  perceive  the  fatal  conse- 
quences of  such  pretensions  to  neutral  commerce ;  and  thct  its  spirit  and 
regard  to  national  honour  will  prevent,  its  acquiescence  in  such  palpable  vio« 
lations  of  its  rights,  aiid  injurious  encroachments  on  its  interests. 

"If,  however,  the  enemy  chould  carr"  these  threats  into  execution  j  and 
if  neutral  nations,  contrary  to  all  expectations,  should  acquiesce  in  such  usur* 
pationsi  his  majesty  might  probably  be  compelled,  however  reluctantly,  to 
retaliate  in  his  just  defence,  and  to  aidopt,  in  regard  to  the  commerce  of  neu* 
tral  nations  with  his  enemies,  the  same  measures,  which  these  nations  shall 
have  permitted  to  b6  enforced  against  their  commerce  with  his  subjects. 
The  commissioners  of  the  United  States  will  therefore  feel,  that  at  a  rep- 
ment  when  hit  majesty  and  all  neutral  nations  ate  threatened  vdth  such  an  exten- 
sion oftht  belligerent  pretensiot»  of  his  enemies,  he  cannot  enter  into  the  slipu- 
lations  of  the  present  treaty,  without  explanation  from  the  United  States  of 
their  intentions,  or  a  reservation  on  the  part  of  his  majesty  in  the  caste  abov« 
mentioned,  if  it  should  ever  occur. 

"  The  undersigned,  considering  that  the  distance  of  the  American  goverii> 
ment,  renders  any  immediate  expTanalion  on  this  subject  imposuible,  and  ani< 
mated  by  a  desire  of  forwarding  the  beneficial  work  in  which  tliey  are  en- 
gaged, are  authorised  by  his  majesty  to  conclude  lh«  trealy  without  delay. 
They  proceed  to  the  signatura  under  the  full  persuasion  that  before  the 
treaty  shall  be  returned  from  America,  with  the  ratification  of  the  United 
States,  the  enemy  wilt  either  have  formally  abandoned,  or  tacitly  relinquish* 
ed,  his  unjust  pretensions  i  or  that  the  government  of  the  United  States,  by 
its  conduct  or  assurances,  will  have  given  security  to  his  majesty  that  it  will 
not  submit  to  such  innovations  in  the  established  system  oi'  maritime  law  : 
and  the  undersig^ned  have  presented  this  note  from  an  anxious  wish  that  it 
should  be  clearly  understood  on  both  sides,  that  without  such  an  abandonment 
on  the  part  of  the  enemy,  or  such  conduct  on  the  part  of  the  United  States, 
HIS  MAJESTY  WILL  NOT  CONSIDER  HIMSELF  BOUND,  BY  THF. 
PRESENT  SIGNATURE  OF  HIS  COMMISSIONERS,  TO  RATIFY 
THIS  TREATY, OH  PRECLUDED  FROM  ADOPTING  SUCH  MEA- 
SURES ASM  AY  SEEM  NECESSARY  FOR  COUNTERACTING  THE 
DESIGNS  OF  HIS  ENEMY. 

"  The  undersigned  cannot  concluA,  without  expressing  tlieir  satisfuctioil 
on  the  prospect  of  accomplishing  an  object  so  important  to  the  interests  and 
fiiendly  connection  of  both  nations,  and  their  just  sense  of  the  conciliatory 
disposition,  manifested  by  the  commissioners  of  the  ITuittd  Stales,  during 
the  whule*course  of  tbe  neguciatinn<" 

(Signed)  VASSAL  HOLLAND. 

To  Jamxs  MoNiioF.,  8i^c.  8cc.  Ilc.  AUCKLAND. 

William  Pinkney,  8ic.  &r  be. 

However  exceptionable  .tie  terms  of  this  note  may  be,  I  can* 
not  persuade  myself  that  it  justilics  the  rejection  of  the  treaty 


56 


POLITIC  A -^  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[eHAr< 


ir 


without  consulting  the  senate.  Men  of  powerful  minds  defend 
the  procedure.  Their  arguments  appear  unsound.-<-To  the  rea> 
'der's  judgment  the  subject  is  submitted. 

Separation  of  the  States.  '■■ 

The  next  error  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  administration  involves  a 
very  great  neglect  of  duty*  During  nearly  the  whole  of  that  pe- 
riod,  the  insurrectional  and  treasonable  doctrine  of  a  separation 
of  the  states,  was  publicly  advocated  in  some  of  the  gazettes  to 
the  eastvlrard,  and,  wonderful  and  shameful  to  tdl,  preached  from 
the  pulpit.*  These  publicaitions  and  sermons,  havihg  a  direct 
tendency  to  the  destruction  of  social  order,  and  the  introduction 
of  civil  war,  demanded  the  severe  animadversion  of  the  law  offi- 
cers of  the  government.  It  was  the  incumbent  duty  of  the  Pre- 
sident to  have  had  the  laws  put  ii^  force,  in  order  to  repress  the 
offences,  and  to  punish  the  offenders.  And  if  there  were  no  law 
to  reach  the  offence,  he  ought  to  have  submitted  the  case  to  con- 
gress, for  the  purpose  of  supplying  the  defect.  A  re>enactment 
and  enforcement  of  the  sedition  law  were  imperiously  required. 
And  the  good  sense  of  the  nation  would  have  supported  a  mea- 
sure whicn  the  public  welfaf e  rendered  so  necessary.  It  may  be 
fairly  averred  that  there  is  no  country  in  the  world  but  the  United 
States,  in  which  an  open  attempt  to  subvert  the  government,  and 
tear  down  the  pillars  of  society,  would  have  escaped  coi^dign 
punishment.  Every  society  ought  to  possess  within  itself,  and 
rigorously  to  exercise,  whenever  occasions  call  for  it,  the  funda* 
mental  principle  of  self-preservation. 

It  is  impossible  to  censure  too  highly  the  error  here  adverted 
to.  The  jeopardy  in  which  the  nation  was  lately  placed,  when 
our  nearest  and  dearest  interests  were  in  the  most  imminent  dan- 
ger, may  be  fairly  ascribed  to  this  most  fatal  and  pernicious  mis- 
conduct, tn  every  science,  there  are  some  great,  leading  truths 
which  cannot  be  conti'overted.  And  in  political  economy  there 
is  no  maxim  more  indubitable  than  this,  that  treason  never  tvas^ 
and  probably  never  will  be  propitiated  byforbeai  ance.  Since  the 
world  was  formed,  never  did  a  conspiracy  meet  with  the  same 
degree  of  impunity.  Our  "  Pulinurus  slept  at  the  helm."  The 
mutineers  had  full  scope  for  their  activity.  They  made  their  ar- 
rangements at  leisure,  as  undisturbedly  as  if  they  were  engaged 
in  promoting  the  salvation  of  the  state.  To  whatever  cause  this 
neglect  may  be  ascribed,  whetiier  to  torpor,  inactivity,  or  reliance 
'tio  the  good  sense  of  the  nation,  it  casts  an  indelible  stain  on  the 
ad'A-iinisr:  ation  of  Mr.  Jefferson.* 

^  The  last  of  the  errors  of  that  administration  which  I  shall  no- 
tice, arises  from  its  neglect  of  enforcing 

The  Embargo^  • 

Which  was  a  most  efficient  weapon  for  procuring  redress  from 
England.     Its  effects  upon  her  colonies  by  privations  of  the  ne- 

*  See  Chapter  56. 


CHAP.  3.} 


£MBARGO. 


9r 


eessaries  of  life— and  upoa  her  trade  and  naval  polrer,  by  with- 
holding su(4>Ue8,  of  raw  materials  and  naval  stores,  were  very 
considerable.  And  had  it  b^en  d^ly  enforced,  as  the  duty  of 
the  chief  magistrate  required,  it  cQuld  hardly  have  failed  to  im- 
pel the  British  to  relinquish  those  pretensions,  which  so  highlf 
^d  perniciously  infringed  our  rights.  But  it  was  openly  and 
liagitiously  violated  i  and  (»f  course  its  intended  operation  on  £n- 
gland  utterly  counteracted.  It  betame  altpost  a  mere  paper  pop 
gun*  Its  effects  on  this  country  were  highly  pernicious.  While 
it  curtailed  the  trade  and  profits  of  the  fair  trader,  it  enaUed 
smugglers,  and  those  who  set  t^e  laws  of  their  country  at  defi- 
ance—whose  god  was  gain,  to  make  rapid  and  unhallowed  for 
tunes.  In  a  word  it  sacrificed  the  interests  of  some  of  the  best, 
to  thos<?  of  the  very  worst  members  of  the  community.  In  prq- 
portion  as  a  citizen  held  the  laws  sacred— in  proportion  a^  he  ho- 
nestly yielded  them  obedience — in  the  same  proportion  did  he 
sacrifice  his  interest.  And  by  this  political  arithmetic,  in  pro- 
portion as  he  disregarded  the  law-.-in  proportion  as  he  sacrificed 
the  public  interest  to  his  thirst  of  gain— in  the  same  proportion 
did  he  aggrandize  himself.  The  export  trade,  which  was  frau- 
dulently carried  on  to  a  considerable  extent,  was  wholly  in  the 
hands  of  persons  of  the  latter  description.  ^  Their  vessels,  laden 
with  abundant  supplieB  for  the  British  colonies,  were  very  conve- 
niently driven  to  sea  by  north  west  winds,  and  forced  itao  the 
West  Indies* 

It  has  been  said,  in  vindicatioi^f  Mr.  JetTfrson,  tliat  he  had 
not  sufficient  power  to  enforce  the  execution  of  the  law.  This  is 
utterly  incorrect.  His  powers  were  amply  adequate  for  this  pur- 

Eose.  But  even  if  this  defence  w6re  valid,  it  does  not  exonerate 
im  from  the  high  degree  of  censure  attached  to  thiii  dereliction 
of  duty.  He  ought,  in  that  case,  to  have  stated  the  defect  to  con- 
gress, who  had  poWer  of  applying,  and  Undoubtedly  at  hia  requi- 
sition would  have  applied  a  remedy. 

Besides  the  non*enforcement  of  the  embargo  act,  there  was  a 
radical  error  committed  by  the  government  in  continuing  it  so 
long.  Its  inadeqif acy,  to  effect  the  purpose  its  friends  had  con- 
templated, was  fully  established.  And,  this  object  being  unat- 
tainrd,  its  effect  was  to  punish  ourselves  for  the  lawless  proceed- 
ings of  others.  It  ought  to  hayc  been  considered  principally  as 
a  preparation  for  war. 

The  measure  substituted  for  the  embargo,  that  is,  the  non-in- 
tercourse with  both  belligerents, has  been  generally  regarded  by 
the  democrats,  as  a  feeble  one  :  and  the  tenth  congress,  which 
made  the  change,  has  been  on  that  ground  stigmatized  1^  them 
almost  universally,  as  imbecile  and  contemptible.  This  is  a  most 
egregious  error.  It  is  inconceivable  how  it  could  have  found 
such  general  credence.  The  non- intercourse  law  was  as  bold, 
as  manly,  and  as  energetic  a  measure  as  the  annids  of  Christen- 


!» 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[ckxr.  4^' 


M 


(,:■;    ;,i. 


dom  can  produce  for  a  century.  An  infant  nation,  with  five  or  six 
frigates,  and  a  number  of  gun>boats,  forbids  the  entrance  into  her 
ports,  under  penalty  of  confiscation,  to  the  vessels  of  the  two 
most  powerful  nations  in  the  world ;  the  one-absolute  by  land<— ^ 
the  odier  by  sea,  the  latter  owning  a  thousand  vessels  of  war  ^ 
and  this  is,  forsooth,  a  measure  dictated  by  imbecility !  The  hu*"^ 
man  mind  can  hardly  conceive  a  |;reater  instance  of  folly.  ^ 

CHAPTER  IV. 

Bani  of  the  United  States.     Miserable  policy  not  to  renew  the 

Charter. 

Among  the  great  sins  of  the  democratic  party,  during  Mr.- 
Madison's  administration,  must  be  numbered  the  non«renewal  of 
the  charter  of  the  Bank  of  the  United  States.  This  circumstance 
injuriously  affected  the  credit  and  character  of  this  country 
abroad— produced  a  great  degree  of  stagnation,  distress,  and  dif- 
ficulty at  home-^and  was  among  the  causes  of  the  late  embar- 
rassments and  diificulties  of  the  pecuniary  concerns  of  the  coun- 
try.—Had  this  bank  been  in  existence,  its  capital  might  readily 
at  any  time  have  bein  increased  by  (;pngre8s,  ten,  twenty,  or 
thirty  millions,  so  as  to  aid  the  government  most  eifectually,  and 
support  the  national  credit. 

To  the  renewal  of  the  charter  there  were  various  objections 
offered,  on  the  ground  of  inexpediency :  but  these  had  not  much 
influence— nor  were  they  entertained  by  many  of  the  members. 
The  grand  difficulty  arose  from  the  idea  so  steadily  maintained 
by  most  of  the  democratic  party,  that  th|p  constitution  imparts  no 
power  to  grant  charters  of  mcorporation.  Many  of  the  members 
who  on  this  ground  voted  in  the  negative,  most  unequivocally 
admitted  the  expediency  of  the  renewal  of  the  charter. 

This  constitutional  objection  had  been  obviated,  it  would  ap- 
pear, unanswerably.  All  the  departments  oif  the  government,  le- 
gislative, executive,  and  judiciary,  had  recoffnized  the  institution, 
at  various  times  during  the  twenty  years  of  its  existence. 

The  courts  of  different  states^  and  of  the  United  States^  had 
sustained  various  suits  bi^ought  by  the  bank  in  its  corporate  ca- 
pacity— by  which,  so  far  as  depends  upon  the  judiciary,  it  had 
had  the  seal  of  constitutionality  stamped  on  it.  This  was  a  very 
serious,  impoitant,  arid  decisive  circumstance. 

In  addition  to  this,  a  democratic  legislature  of  the  United 
States  had  given  it  a  most  solemn  sanction.  In  March,  1804, 
an  act  had  passed,  authorising  the  institution  to  establish  branch- 
es in  the  territories  of  the  United  States,  which  power  was  not 
embraced  by  the  original  charter.  This  act  was  passed  without 
a  division,  when  nearly  all  the  members  were  present,  and  when 
the  democrats  had  an  overwhelming-  majority  in  congress.    No 


had 

ca- 

had 

very 


fuiAt.  i.f  ARMISTICE'  ^ 

constitutional  objection  could  have  been  then  suggested ;  for  had 
any  of  the  members  believed  the  measure  unconstitutional,  they 
would  indubitably  have  called  for  the  yeas  and  nays,  in  order  to 
record  their  dissent. 

The  act  was  signed  by  Nathaniel  Macon ^  speaker  of  the  house 
of  representatives ;  Jesse  Franklin,  president  of  the  senate ;  and 
Thomas  Jefferson,  president  of  the  United  States.        < 

These  cases,  with  others  which  might  be  cited,  produced  this 
dilemma.  They  either,  as  I  have  stated,  afforded  a  complete 
recognition  of  the  constitutionality  of  the  charter,  or  a  gross,  pal- 
pable  violation  of  the  constitution,  by  the  three  several  grand  de- 
partments of  the  government. 

I  presume  it  cannot  be  doubted,  that  if  a  charter  of  incorpo- 
ration be  unconstitutional,  every  extension  of  the  powers  of  the 
eorpor^te  body  must  be  equally  unconstitutional* 

It  therefore  irresistibly  fallows,  that  every  member  of  con- 
gress who  voted  for  the  act  of  March,  1804,«nd  afterwards  vo- 
ted against;  a  renewal  of  the  charter,  merely  on  the  ground  of 
unconstitutionality,  was  guilty  of  a  manifest,  if  not  a  criminal 
inconsistfncy.'i^ 

A  circumstance  connected  with  this  transaction,  rendered  the 
impropriety  of  the  rejection  of  the  application  for  a  renewal  of 
the  charter,  still  more  striking  and  palplble.  The  government 
till  the  year  1802  held  2200  shares  of  the  stock,  which  it  sold 
to  Sir  Francis  Baring  at  45  per  cent,  advance,  whereby  it 
made  a  cleaf  profit  of  8399,600  beyond  their  par  value.  Those 
who  purchased  of  Mr.  Baring,  and  held  the  s^ck  till  the  disso- 
lution of  the  bank,  lost  all  this  sum,  exclusive  of  a  considerable 
difference  between  the  dividends  and  legal  interest  on  the  pur- 
chase money.  They  could  never  have  entertained  any  doubt  of 
the  continuance  of  the  charter.  They  must  have  conceived  it  to 
be  as  permanent  as  that  of  the  bank  of  England.  Had  they  sup- 
posed otherwise,  they  would  not  have  bought  at  so  great  an  ad- 
vance. And  it  would  not  be  easy  to  satisfy  the  candid  and  im- 
partial, that  our  government  could  with  propriety  or  justice, 
make  such  profit  of  their  ignorance  and  their  confidence  in  its. 
integrity  and  fairness. 

Chapter  v. 

Armistice  profioaed  by  Admiral  Warren* 

The  next  of  the  errors  of  Mr.  Madison's  administration,  that 
I  notice,  is  the  rejection  of  the  armistice  offered  by  admiral 
Warren,  on  the  12th  of  September,  1812,  nearly  three  months 
after  the  declaration  of  war* 


*  For  further  dettils  on  the  subject,  the  reader  U  referred  to  '•  Seven  let- 
ters to  Dr.  Seyljert  on  the  rcnewsl  of  the  clutftr  ««f  the  Bank  of  the  United 
Statef ."    By  M,  C.  *  .  , 


POLITICAL  OLI^E  BRANCH. 


[otfAF.  5. 


Never,  probably,  was  war  more  just.  Never  had  a  country 
mor«  patiently  borne  the  most  humiliating  accumulation  of  out- 
rag;e  and  injury  than  the  United  States  had  done.  Her  charac- 
ter had  in  consequence  depreciated  in  the  estimation  of  mankind. 
She  was  universally  presumed  to  be  so  lost  in  the  sordid  pursuit 
of  gain,  as  to  be  cdilous  to  outrage,  to  insult,  and  to  contumely* 
She  appeared  to  have  forfeited  all  regard  to  national  honour 
and  dignity.  Her  mendicant  ambassadors  had  been,  for  years, 
in  vain  suing  for  justice  and  forbearance  at  the  portals  of  St* . 
James's  palace.  The  pusillanihiity  of  the  government  had  be- 
come to  the  federaUsts  a  theme  of  reproach  against  their  antago- 
nists—to the  democrats,  of  shame  and  mortiMbtion.  And  it  was 
a  bye-word  among  the  opposers  of  the  administration,  that  it 
**  could  not  be  kicked  into  war.'*  This  reproachful  expression 
was  used  even  in  congress  by  Mr.  Josiah  Quincey,  and  was  quite 
common  out  of  dooi^  It  is  in  possible  to  forget  the  torrents  of  re- 
proaches heaped  upon  the  cabinet  at  Washington  on  this  ground. 
The  pusillanimity  and  cowardice  of  the  administration  furnished 
an  inexhaustible  fund  of  rhetorical  embellishments  to  flowery 
speeches  innumerable.  «  0 

The  declaration  of  war  was  therefore  indubitably  as  just  as 
any  similar  document  from  the  di^s  of  Nimrod.  The  expediency 
of  it  was,  however,  n^  equally  clear^  The  risk  was  immense. 
It  was  putting  to  hazard  the  vital  interests  of  .eight  millions  of 
people,  on  the  very  uncertain  chances  of  war.  Yet  I  do  not  pre- 
tend to  decide  the  question  of  expediency  in  the  degative  ;  for 
let  it  be  observed,  that  every  argument  against  this  war  would 
apply  with  neariy  equal  force  against  resistance  to  any  degree  of 
insult,  outrage,  and  injury  from  £ngland ;  as  the  chief  arguments 
against  its  expediency  were  predicated  upon  the  immense  naval 
force  of  that  nation,  and  her  consequent  means  of  inflicting  in- 
calculable injury  upon  the  United  States :  and  whatever  cogency 
there  might  be  in  these  argtiments,  would  equally  exist,  let  the 
injuries  sustained  be  what  they  might. 

But  whatever  might  be  the  justice,  necessity,  or  policy  of  the 
war,  it  was  a  great  error,  when  the  orders  in  council  were  re- 
pealed, and  an  armistice  offered  by  the  British  government,  not 
to  accept  it.  Negociations  for  the  removal  of  the  rest  of  our 
grievances  might  have  taken  place ;  and  would  undoubtedly  have 
been  conducted  under  more  favourable  auspices,  than  those  that 
preceded  them ;  for  England  having  discovered  that  she  had  cal- 
culated too  far  on  our  passiveness,  would  have  been  fkr  more 
disposed  to  do  us  justice. 

Unfortunately,  the  proposition  was  rejected.''!' 

*  Cuidour  and  justice  to  Mr.  Madiion  require  thrt  I  sliould  state,  tliat  he 
offered  to  agree  to  an  armistice  with  sir  John  Borlase  Warren,  on  condition 
that  the  practice  of  inapressroeat  should  be  suspended  during  the  negociation. 


OII'AP.  5.] 


IMPRESSMENT. 


« 


When  the'pireceding  article  was  written,  I  had  not  ftufficiemly 
examined  the  celebrated  repeal,  as  it  is  stj'Ied,  of  the  orders  in 

Fromthft  letter  of  the  Secretary  of  St&te  to  sir  John  on  this  subject,  I  atihex 
an  extract—"  ■• 

"The  claim  of  the  British  government  is  to  take  from  the  merchant  vessels 
of  other  countries,  British  subjects.  In  the  practice,  the  commanders  of  Brit* 
ish  ships  of  War  often  take  from  the  merchant  vessels  of  the  United  Statest 
American  citizens.  If  the  United  Staiei  prohibit  the  employment  of  Brithh  tub- 
jeett  in  their  service,  and  enforce  the  prohibition  by  luitable  regulationi  and  ptnat- 
ties,  the  motive  to  the  practice  it  taken  away.  It  is  in  this  mode  that  the  presi- 
dent is  willing  to  accommodate  this  important  cohtroverty  with  the  British  ■ 
government :  and  it  cannot  be  conceived  on  what  ground  the  arri^ngement 
can  be  refused. 

"A  suspensvmof  the  practice  ofimpressment,  pending  ihe  armistice,  seems 
to  be  a  necessary  consequence.  It  cannot  be  presumed,  while  the  parties  are 
engaged  in  a  negociation  to  adjust  amicably  this  ImportiMit  diiTerence,  thaijt 
the  United  States  would  admit  the  right,  or  acquiiesce  in  the  practice^  of  the 
opposite  party;  or  that  Great  Britain  would  be^unwilling  t<^  restrain  her  crui- 
sers from  a  practice  which  would  have  the  strongest  tenj'jncy  to  defeat  the 
negociation.  It  is  presumable,  that  both  narties  would  enter  into  the  ne^- 
«iation  with  a  sincere  desire  to  give  itefi'ct.  For  this  purpose,  it  is  neces- 
sary, that  a  clear  and  distinct  understanding  be  first  obtaih6d  between  th..>m, 
of  the  acbommodation  which  each  is  prepared  to  make.  Jft..'\Briti4h^vem- 
ment  it  viiUing  to  etupend  the  practice  of  impretiment  fivsk  American  vettele,  on 
consideration  that  the  United  States,  vdll  exclude  Britith  eean^enfrom  their  tervieet 
the  regutationt  byvihich  the  coinpromite  should  be  carried  into  effect,  viould  bf 
solely  the  objea  ^negociation'  The  armistice  would  be  of  short  duration,  ti 
the  parties  agreed,  peace  would  be  tine  result.  If  the  negouiatio"  i.  '.'^d, 
each  would  be  restored  to  its  former  stale,  and  to  all  its  pretension  i  by  i-e* 
currine  to  war. 

"  The  presidient  desircm  that  the  war  which  exists  between  the  two  coiin- 
tries  should  be  terminated  on  such  conditions  as  may  secure  a  solid  ^<1  durfi^* 
ble  peace.  To  accomplish  this  grand  object,  it  is  necessary  that  the  great 
subjiect  of  impressment  bn  satiSfactoriW  arranged.  He  is  •uiilling  tluft  Qr/eaf 
Britain  should  be  secured  agairnt  the  evils  ^vihich  the  compline.  He  seeks  on  Uie 
QVher  hand,  that  the  citizbns  of  the  United  Stktes  should  be  protected  igainsi: 
a  practice,  which,  vhik  it  degrades  the  nationt  deprives  tliem  of  their  rights  as 
freemen,  takes  them  by  force  from,  their  families  and  country  into  a  foreign  service} 
to  fight  the  battles  of uforei^hpovkr, perhaps  against  their  ovm  Mndred  and  country"* 

These  proposals  were  perfectly  fair  and  honourable ;  and  it  is  to  be  la- 
mented that  sir  J.  B.  Warren's  powers  were  not  extensive  enough  to  alio v^ 
him  to  accept  them :  but  as  thepr  were  not  thus  extensive,  it  is  equally  to  be 
lamented  that  the  suspension  ot  impressment  was  insisted  on.  , 

As  tliis  is  a  most  important  feature  in  our  public  p:  '  '><>dings,  it  is  propef 
to  state  further,  that  so  sinberely  desirous  was' Mr.  "iV::,son  to  close  the 
breach,  that  on  the  twenty-sixth  of  June,  1812,  only  eigac  diys  after  the  At- 
claration  of  war,  he  authorised  Mr.  Russel  to  make  the  same  proposition  to 
the  government  of  Great  Britain.  Tiie  communiciition  was  msde  to  loid 
Casttereagh  by  Mr.  Bus&el,  in  the  folloving  wo  -is  > 

London,  Juguii  24, 181:2. 

*'  As  an  inducement  to  Great  Britain,  ( j  ilascontinue  the  practice  of  iniv 
pressment  from  American  vessels,  I  am  authorised  to  give  assurance,  that  a 
law  shall  be  passed  (to  be  reciprocal)  to  prohibit  the  employment  of  British 
seameni  in  the  public  or  oommei  cial  service  of  the  United  States. 

"  It  is  sincerely  believed,  that  such  ah  arrangement  would  prove  more  ef^ 
ficacious  in  securing  to  Great  Britain  her  seamen,  than  the  practice  of  im- 
pressment, so  derogatory  to  the  sovereign  attributes  of  the  United  States, 
and  so  incompatible  with  the  personal  rights  of  her  citizens." 

This  proposition  was  rejected. 

*  Message  of  the  President  to  Congress,  KoVenibe^  4, 1812. 
O.  B.  10 


n 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRAKCH. 


[CHAF.  6. 


1 

m  I] 

1 

if 

ll 


touncil,  which  is  very  different  indeed,  from  what  I  had  conceiv- 
ed it.  It  is  liable  to  strong  objections,  which  I  believe  have 
taever  been  fully  stated,  and  of  wh\ch  the  public  are  not  probably 
aware.  To  enable  the  reader  to  form  a  correct  opinion  on  a 
pointof  such  great  magnitude,  independent  of  any  impression 
to  be  made  by  my  statement,  I  annex  the  pai'agraph  of  the  instru- 
ment to  which  I  allude,  and  which  I  am  confident  never  was  ge- 
nerally understood  or  attended  to. 

*•  H'li  royal  hi||phness  is  hereby  plewed  to  declare,  in  the  name  and  on  the 
bebiJf  of  h»  majesty,  that  nothing  in  this  present  order  contained,  sliall  he 
understood  to  preclude  his  royal  higliness  the  prince  regent,  IF  CIRCUAf  • 
STANCES  SHALL  SO  REQUIRE,"  [mark  these  words,  reader— "  {/*«>• 
cutnetancft  thall  to  requiret"']  "Jrom  rettoring,  afier  reatonable  notice,  the  order* 
^the  seventh  of  yamtary,  lo07,  and  the  t^oenty -sixth  of  April,  1809|  or  any  part 
thereof,  to  theur  full  effect :  OR,  from  taking  such  other  measures  nf  retaliation 
against  the  enemy,  as  may  appear  to  his  royal  highness  to  be  just  ana  necessary ." 

This  is  a  most  extraordinary,  unprecedented,  and  indefensible 
•clause.  The  prince  regent  has  received  an  authenticated  docu- 
ment, containing  the  repeal  of  the  Berlin  and  Milan  decrees,  on 
which  he  deems  hihisclf  bound  to  repeal  the  orders  in  council. 
But  in  the  instrument  which  he  issues  on  the  subject,  he  express 
ly  reserves  the  right  of  restoring  those  orders,  "  if  circumstances 
shall  BO  reauire*  On  these  "  circumstances*''  he,  of  course,  is  to 
decide.  Tnese  '•^circumstances**  are  wholly  independent  of "  re- 
taliation ;"  provisioa  being  made  in  the  subsequent  part  of  the 
paragriph  expressly  for  **  retaliation^*  in  a  distinct  clause.  It 
therefore  appears  that  the  orders  in  council  were,  in  strict  tech- 
nical language,  never  repealed.  They  were  merely  suspended 
till  **  circumstances  should  require"  their  revival. 

No  candid  reader  can,  I  presume,  deny  that  the  above  is  fair 
reasoning.  This,  therefore,  cannot  be  regarded  as  a  **  repeal** 
in  tht  sens?  in  which  this  nation  had  a  right  to  expect  the  orders 
in  council  to  be  *^  repealed"  according  to  the  British  pledge,  to 
proceed  pari  passu  with  the  repeal  of  the  French  decrees.  The 
orders  in  council  might  have  been  "  restored**  in  one  month  af- 
ter the  date  of  this  instrument,  according  to  its  tenor,  *^  if  cir- 
cumstances should  have  so  required**  without  our  government 
having  any  just  reason  to  complain  of  breach  of  faith  on  the  part 
of  that  of  Great  Britain.  There  never  was  a  public  document 
more  cautiously  worded.  And  had  it  arrived  here  previous  to 
the  declaration  of  war,  this  country  would  have  been  perfectly 
warranted  in  refusing  to  regard  it  as  "  a  repeal**  To  meet  and 
to  fulfil  the  idea  held  out  in  the  previous  pledges  of  the  British 
government,  the  repeal  ought  to  have  hwu  unconditional,  except 
thk'  reservation  of  a  right  to  renew  the  orders  in  council  in  the 
one  specific  case  of  the  revival  of  the  French  decrees. 

It  IS  n  rennarkable  fact  respecting  this  repeal,  that  in  the  de> 
bales  upon  it  in  the  British  parliument,  the  mighty  wrongs  in- 


i4 

m 

-g 

^1 

« 

'0 

1 

1 

CHAF.6.] 


MR.  GALLATIN. 


«3 


flicted  by  the  orders  in  council  upon  this  country  formed  hardly 
any  part  of  the  reasons  whereon  the  adoption  of  the  measure  was 
urged.  Even  Mr.  Brougham,  the  powerful  opponent  of  the  or- 
ders, and  the  mover  of  the  address  for  their  ^  repeal^*  founded 
his  arguments,  in  his  published  speech,  wholly  on  the  injurious 
effects  experienced  in  England  by  the  loss  of  our  trade.  It  is 
true,  he  once  glances  at  the  injustice  of  the  orders,  but  it  is  very 
slightly  and  altogether  incidentally.  He  does  not  boldly  and 
magnanimously  expose  them  to  reprobation  on  the  ground  of 
their  violation  of  our  rights,  as  Mr.  Barmg  had  done  in  his  ce- 
lebrated pamphlet. 

But  as  the  president  admitted  the  instrument  to  he  a  repeaU  it 
was,  I  repeat,  to  be  deeply  regretted,  that  he  did  not  accept  the 
a.*m!stice,  and  trust  to  Subseauent  negociation  for  redress  on  the 
subject  of  impressment.  His  admission  of  it  in  that  point  of 
light,  precluded  him  from  employing  the  solid  objection  to  which 
it  was  liable. 
j  ■ ' 

CHAPTER  VI. 

Appointment  of  Mr.  Gallatin  as  minister  to  treat  with  Great  Sri- 
tain,  Neffociation  at  Gottenburff,  Recent  neglect  of  due  pre- 
parations. 

The  appointment  of  Mr.  Gallatin  as  minister  to  treat  with  the 
court  of  pt.  James's  was  a  very  considerable  error.  This  gen- 
tleman has  had  the  reputation,  probably  with  justice,  of  being 
one  of  the  ablest  financiers  in  this  country.  I:*or  twelve  years, 
he  had  presided  over  the  financial  concerns  of  the  nation,  durinoE 
which  period,  moderate  talents  were  adequate  to  the  duties  of 
that  station.  But  a  crisis  had  arrived  when  the  abilities  of  a 
Colbert,  or  a*Sully,  or  a  Ximenes,  might  be  necessary;  and  most 
injudiciously  and  indefensibly  he  was  then  despatched  to  another 
hemisphere  ;  and  his  duties  devolved  ad  interim  on  another  offi- 
cer, whose  proper  official  duiies  require  all  his  time  and  all  his 
talents. 

This  measure  was  highly  preposterous.  It  was  incorrect  in 
the  president  to  confer,  it  was  equally  incorrect  in  the  secretary 
to  receive,  the  appointment.  It  was  the  less  defensible,  irom  the 
circumstance,  that  nearly  all  the  democrats  in  the  United  States 
had,  in  1*94,  utterly  disapproved  of,  and  declaimed  against,  the 
appointment,  by  general  Washington,  of  judge  Jay,  to  negociate 
a  treaty  with  Great  Britain,  pending  his  contmuance  as  a  judge. 
It  is  moreover  obvious,  <:hnt  the  absence,  of  one  judge  cannot  pro* 
duce  any  material  inconvenience  ;  as  there  arc  always  others  to 
supply  his  place.  But  there  are  high  and  responsible  duties  at- 
tached to  tne  office  of  secretary  of  the  treasury,  which  can  never, 
without  very  great  impropriety,  be  devolved  on  a  deputy.  I 
pass  over  all  but  the  transcendent  one  of  remitting  fines  and  foi>. 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[citAP*  6» 


L        I 


'4 


feitures,  too  high  a  power  probably  to  be  trusted  to  any  indivi-r 
dvu4,whatever,  not  excepting  eve  a  the  secretary  himself.* 

Negociation  at  Gottenburg* 

At  a  period  when  it  was  of  immense  importance  to  the  United 
States  <^o  close  the  war  as  speedily  as  possible,  the  president  had  J 
the  alternative  of  London  or  Gottenburg  as  the  scene  of  nego-  { 
ciation^    We  had  been  unfortunate  by  land,  through  treason,., 
incapacity,  or  some  other  cause.     It  was  our  interest  to  accele-^ 
rate— it  was  that  of  the  British  to  procrastinate  the  negociations* . 
The  chances  from  delay  wore  much  in  their  favour.    War  is, 
inoreover,  a  coniponent  pa.'t  of  their  system.     Ours  is  calculated 
for  peace.    These  obatervations  acquired  treble  force  from  a  re- 
flection on  the  disaffection  of  the  eastern  portion  of  the  union,  and 
its  aversion  to  the  war.     Of  course,  we  ought  to  have  shunned 
whatever  might  produce  delay.     It  was  therefore  most  extraor-" 
dinary  and  unaccountable,  that  the  president  should  have  chosen 
Gottenburg  in  preference  to  London,  under  all  the  obvious  de* 
lays  resulting  from  the  necessity  that  would  probably  arise,  or 
He  pretended,  to  consult  the  court  of  St.  James's,  by  the  minis- 
lers  of  that  court.     It  appears  almost  as  absurd  as  it  would  be 
to  choose  the  H;ivanna,  or  Port  Royal,  were  the  negociations  to 
be  conducted  on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic.    This  was  the  more 
erroneous,  from  the  consideration  that  the  fate  of  large  portions 
of  our  territory,  and  the  lives  of  hundreds  of  valuable  citizens, 
miffht  ,depend  upon  the  delay  of  a  single  day. 

shortly  after  the  annunciation  of  the  choice  of  Gottenburg, 
there  was  a  paragraph  published  here,  extracted  from  a  London 
newspaper,  stating  that  twenty  mails  were  then  actually  due 
from  that  place  at  London,  owing  to  the  continued  prevalence 
of  adverse  winds.  I'his  was  an  unanswerable  proof^  if  any  were 
necessary,  of  the  impropriety  of  the  choice  of  Gottenburg. 

Neglect  of  ^e preparat  ir  for  the  defence  of  the  country  afier 
the  downfall  of  Bonaparte, 

Under  this  head,  the  president  and  the  heads  of  departments 
Were  still  more  culpable  than  under  any  of  the  former  ones. 

From  the  period  of  the  downfall  of  Bonaparte,  and  the  com- 
plete triunnnh  of  Great  Britain  and  her  allies,  it  was  obvious  to 
the  meanest  capacity,  that  her  powers  of  annoyance  had  increas- 
ed prodip;iouslv.  The  immense  forces  raised  to  aid  the  coali- 
tion agamst  France  were  liberated  from  all  employment  but 
against  ui«  And  of  the  disposition  of  England  to  continue  the 
war,  we  had  the  most  convincing  indications.  The  British 
newspapers  were  replete  with  denunciations  of  vengeance  against 

*  Sm  the  liiffiinoui  eiP'^'ion  thit  iiubject  by  W.  B.  Gilet,  eiq,  which  are 
itpleit  with  lUe  ttoit  Gv..vincing^Mi4  vnsntwenble  arguments. 


^■i 


«l 
si 


cHAr.  6.3 


SU  FINENESS. 


60^ 


are 


IIS,  and  with  statements  of  immense  preparations  fpr  our  chas- 
tisement. And  to  crown  the  whole— to  remove  all  possible 
doubt  on  the  subject— to  deprive  us  and  our  rulers  of  all^plea  in 
justification  of  our  torpor,  apathy,  and  neglect:,  the  lords  of  the 
admiralty  published  an  address  to  the  navy,  stating,  as  a  reason 
for  not  disdiarging  so  many  seamen  as  the  return  of  peace  in< 
Europe  might  nave  warranted,  that  the  war  existing  with  thiv 
country  for  the  maritime  rights  of  the  BHtish  Empire,  rendered 
such  a  measure  improper.    I  annex  a  short  extract  from  the  ad- 

(V'ess: 

London,  Ifril,  30,  1814^ 
<'Tlie  lords  commissioners  of  the  admtratty  regret  that  the  unjust  and  un- 
prowiedaggrtttion  of  the  AMERICAN  GOVERNMENT,  in  declaring  war 
upon  this  country,  after  all  the  cause*  ofitt  >  •final  complaint  had  been  removed, 
does  not  permit  them  to  reduce  the  aeet  ^^  «  nee  to  a  peace  establishment. 
But  as  the  question  now  at  issue  in  this  war,  u  the  mainfenance  ofthotemari* 
time  rights,  vihifh  are  the  sure  foundation  of  our  national  gkry,  their  lordships 
look  wiih  confidence  to  that  part  of  the  fleet  which  it  may  be  still  necessary 
to  keep  in  commission,  for  a  continuance  of  tliat  spirit  of  discipline  and  gaU 
lantry,  which  has  raised  the  British  navy  to  its  present  pre«eminence." 

"J.  W.  CROKER."^ 

'.  Notwithstanding  these  symptoms  of  an  impending  hurricane, 
an  extraordinary  delusion  almost  universally  prevailed  through- 
out the  nation,  of  which  it  is  hardly  possible  to  produce  ajiarallel. 
Numbers  of  our  most  enlightened  citizens,  knowing  that  the  res- 
toration of  peace  in  Europe  had  removed  all  the  ostensible  causes 
of  war,  and  placing  full  reliance  upon  the  magnanimity  of  Great' 
Britain,  predicated  all  their  arrangements  on  a  speedy  and  hon- 
ourable peace.  Purchases  and  sales  of  property  to  an  incalcula- 
ble amount,  were  made  under  this  sootning  expectation.  And' 
we  were  lulled  into  a  state  of  the  most  perfect  security,  as  if  all 
our  dangers  had  utterly  subsided— the  temple  of  Janus  were 
about  to  he  closed— and  every  man  were  to  convert  his  sword 
into  a  plough-share. 

To  such  a  degree  was  this  infatuation  carried,  that  authentic 
information  of  the  sailing  of  hostile  armaments  produced  no  ef- 
fect to  diminish  it.  We  were  gravely  told,  that  it  was  quite  in 
character  for  nations  to  assume  an  energetic  and  formidable  atti- 
tude pending  negociations  {  that  the  expense  to  England  of  send- 
ing these  armaments  was  inconsiderable  {  that  they  would  be  re- 
called as  soon  as  a  treaty  was  signed ;  and,  in  fine,  that  she  was 
too  magnanimous  to  take  advantage  of  the  existing  state  of  things 
—with  an  rndleaa  variety  of  argument*  and  assertions^  equally 
profotmdy  convincing^  and  cogent. 

There  were  infinite  pains  taken  by  the  friends  of  England  in 
thii  country,  to  foster  and  extend  this  delusion.  Their  efforts 
were  crowned  with  the  most  complete  success.  The  nation  fell 
int«  the  snare  with  a  degree  of  cuilibility  that  afforded  a  practical 
cnniinentary  on  our  pretensious  to  illumination,  superior  to  the 
rest  of  the  world. 


66 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


||CHAP«  6, 


■  It 


•!!">■ 


These  deceits  were  varied  vrith  an  address  and  industry,  wor- 
thy of  a  better  cause.  They  assumed  every  shape,  from  an  hum- 
ble six  penny  paragraph,  extracted  from  a  London  paper,  tb  an 
important  public  document.  Extracts  of  letters  innumerable, 
from  **  eminent  merchants*'  in  London,  Liverpool,  and  Glas- 
gow,  to  merchants  ol  equal  eminence  in  Boston,  New  York,  Phil- 
adelphia, and  Baltimore,  were  published  with  most  confident  as- 
surances of  the  inr -nediate  appointment  of  commissioners,  to  ne- 
gociate  with  ours,  on  terms  comporting  with  the  magnanimity  of 
England,  and  pf  ft  'yhonourable  to  the  United  States.  Letters 
were  said  liki  *st  to  have  been  rect^ived  from  Mr.  Gallatin, 
full  of  assurances  of  peace,  which  Great  Britain  would  grant  on 
terms  more  favourable  than  when  she  Wiis  pressed  by  the,  power 
of  Bonaparte.  All  these  t>Ues,  how  wild  or  extravagant  soever, 
were  greedily  caught  at  and  believed  by  our  citizens,  as  they 
flattered  and  coincided  with  their  ardent  desire  of  peace.  So 
justly  sings  the  poet, 

"  What  we  wish  to  be  true,  we  are  fond  to  believe." 

Several  times  we  were  deluded  with  information  that'Admiral 
Cochrane  had  received  despatches  announcing  an  approaching 
armistice,  «nd  his  consequent  recal  from  the  American  station. 
In  a  word,  no  pain&  were  spared  to  lull  us  into  a  most  profound 
st'-ep;  aiTd  the  opiates  operated  most  powerfully. 

During  all  this  deceitful  calm,  through  which  every  man  of 
discernment  might  readily  and  unerti'igly  foresee  the  approaches 
of  a  fearful  storm'-— as  every  indication  from  England,  deserving 
of  credit,  portended  a  long,  a  desperate,  and  a  vindictive  warfare; 
the  government  of  the  United  States  took  no  measures  to  dis- 
pel the  delusion.  In  vain  the  public  looked  to  Washington  for 
information  on  the  prospect  of  affairs.  All  w&s  there  profoundly 
silent.  Government  must  have  had  all  the  information  on  the 
subject  that  was  in  this  country:  and  it  was  their  incumbent  duty 
to  have  disseminated  abroad  the  result  of  their  intelligence,  that 
the  public  might  regulate  their  proceedings,  and  predicate  their 
measures  on  rational  and  prudential  calculations*  But  this  im- 
perious duty  was,  I  venture  to  assert,  utterly  neglected.  There 
was  not  a  line  of  official  communication  on  the  subject.  And 
nothing  apneared  in  the  National  Intelligencer  which  strongly 
marked  either  a  probability  of  peace,  or  a  continuance  of  the 
war.  As  far,  however,  as  conclusions  could  be  drawn  from  this 
semi-official  paper,  they  warranted  much  more  the  hope  of  a  re- 
storation of  peace,  than  fear  of  the  contrary. 

This  conduct,  on  the  part  of  the  administration,  was  to  the  hst 
degree  culpable.  It  was  a  dereliction  of  duty  that  exposfd  our 
citizens  to  ruinous  consequences.  The  Philadelphians  were 
among  the  most  deluded  portion  of  the  people  of  the  Unitgd 
States.  There  were  no  preparations  made  for  defence  except 
Uie  embodying  »  number  of  volunteer  corps,  very  inefficient  in- 


,    ^ 


CHAP.  7 J 


PROCEEDINGS  OF  CONGRESS. 


er 


deed  to  protect  us.  And  I  shudder  to  think  what  might  have 
been  the  consequences,  had  the  enemy  assailed  us  while  we  were 
thus  napping  in  a  state  of  stupid  and  most  irrational  security. 

The  crash  of  the  conflagration  ai  Washington,  awaked  us  out 
of  our  slumbers,  and  dispelled  the  delusion. — We  were  then 
aroused  to  a  full  sense  of  our  dangerous  situation,  and  of  the  folly 
and  supineness  that  had  caused  it.  We  went  manfully  to  work 
^  ' — and  in  a  few  weeks  made  such  preparations  as  renewed  public 
^confidence,  and  promised  fair  to  enable  us  to  repel  the  enemy, 
should  he  make  his  appearance. 

CHAPTER  VII. 

*  CeneraUVilkinson  and  General  Hampton.  Proceedings  of  Con-' 
g-ress.  Lamentable  torpor- delay ^  and  indeciaion.  Neglect  of 
public  opinion. 

In  military  affairs,  when  combined  operations  are  undertaken, 
it  is  indispensably  necessary,  in  order  to  insure  success,  that  a 
good  understanding  should  prevail  between  the  commanders  who 
are  to  co-operate.  A  want  of  due  attention  to  this  obvious  dic- 
tate of  prudence  and  common  sense,  has  caused  the  failure, 
among  various  nations,  of  expeditions  of  the  utmost  importance. 
It  is  one  of  those  plain  rules,  which  can  hardly  escape  the  dis- 
cernment of  a  man  of  even  mediocre  capacity. ' 

Nevertheless,  the  northern  campaign  of  1813,  was  intrusted 

to  Gen.  Wilkinson,  and  Geu.  Hampton,  between  whom  existed 

'  a  high  degree  of  hostility,  which  was  sufficiently  w,ell  known,  to 

'  have  pointed  out  the  absurdity  of  the  procedure.     The  issue  of 

.^  the  campaign  was  disastrous.     And  it  is  not  improbable  that  a 

large  portion,  perhaps  the  whole  of  the  disaster,  arose  from  the 

neglect  of  a  rule  so  very  rational,  that  it  is  astonishing  how  it 

could  have  been  overlooked. 

Proceedings  of  Congress, 

Among  the  grievous  sins  of  the  ruling  party,  I  know  of  none 
much  mure  culpable  than  the  shocking  and  miserable  mode  in 
which  the  proceedings  of  Congress  were  managed  during  the  ses- 
sion of  1814- !  5.  Whatever  was  the  urq^ency  of  the  public  bu- 
siness, how  ri  iuoua  soever  might  be  dtiay,  it  was  utterly  impos- 
sible to  inspir ;:  that  body  with  a  due  degree  of  energy  or  promp- 
titude. Weel.  after  week,  and  month  after  month,  passed  overh- 
and the  pub'  ic  anxiously,  but  in  vain,  expected  remedies  to  be 
r>pplied  to  tKt  disorders  of  th;  state.  To  a  most  culpable  spjrit 
of  procrastination,  and  the  miserable  itch  of  speaking,  this 
wretched  waste  of  time  and  neglect  of  the  public  embarrassments 
inav  be  fairly  ascribed. 

Two  or  three  powerful  orators  on  each  side  take  a  comprehen- 
sive view  of  a  subject.   They  exhaust  it  completely.   They  are 


"hi 

If 


iM\ 


il ' 


JUJ't  ^ 


i 


'i*'R>' 


POLITICAi.  ^LIVE  BRANCH. 


[«HAP.  7. 


ibUowed  by  «:  crowd  oispeakera,  who  are  unable  to  throw  any 
new  or  important  light  on  it— and  whose  speeches  stand  in  the 
same  rdatioft  to  those  of  the  early  orators,  that  a  hash  wanned 
over  a  second  or  tliird  time  does  to  the  original  noble  nirloinf  of 
whose  fragments  it  is  formed.  And  thus  is  the  money  of  the 
nation  expendedf  and  its  hopes  frustrated,  mert- ly  thai  Mr.  A, 
and  Mt',  B,  and  Ml  C,  and  Mr.  D,  may  have\>pportuukie<}  of 
making  long  speecbes  to  prove  to  their  constitucicta  'k  vr  vthdy 
they  have  selected  representatives !  , 

I  have  net  before  me  the  debatri?  of  ti  3  Brit'i^h  parlbricD'--% 
and  therefore  cannot  with  full  confidence  state  what  is  actually 
their  mode  of  proeee^^t^mg.  But  tt  is  strongly  impt  sssed  on  my 
mind,  that  they  generuUy  decide  on  queations  at  one  sitting.— 
This  at  least  I  cau  aver  with  the  utmost  ceitainty,  ibat  many  of 
the  most  momentous  questions,  in'rolving  the  interests  ot 
80,000,000  of  people,*  n?ve  been  tVus  decided,  after  a  debat'r^ 
from  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  till  thr^e  cr  fcur  in  the  ^  ^rn- 
ing-..  And  in  tlmdebates  on  the$e  subject .,  sume  of  wn  greu^est 
me'i  In  Europe  have  displayed  their  talents  on  both  sides— £rs- 
kine  '^^d  Fnx,  and  '.^I'cy-i-Pitt,  and  Burke,  and  Wyndham*-- 
Whereas  oiic  of  our  ^ipeechifitrs  will  sometimes  occupy  eighty 
ten,  or  iwiwe  hours,  sometimes  two  days,  w^Ji  a  single  speech, >. 

A  larf%  ^artioD  of  the  people  of  this  country  have  taken  oppo' 
«iU  sides  respecting  England,  her  manners,  nric!  her  customs.-i<» 
One  party  admires  and  copies— >the  other  ceni^i^ures  and  despises 
almost  every  thing  British.>««-l'hey  are  both  ia  c(|Ual  error.  £n* 
gland  preset^  m(|ch  to  admire  and  imitate— much  to  censure 
and  avoid.  It  is  highly  desirable  we  shotild  imitate  her  in  the 
management  of  her  parliamentary  proceedings. 

As  respects  the  business  of  Congress,  a  decisive  remedy  ought 
to  be  applied.  The  debates  ought  to  be  limited  w  ithin  reasona* 
ble  bounds.  When  they  have  been  sufficiently  extended,  they 
ought  to  be  terminated  by  the  previous  question,  notwithstanding 
the  clamour  and  outcry  of  tne  minority.  And  whenever  the 
•mergency  of  the  case  requires  promptitude,  the  sitting  ought  to 
be  continued  till  the  subject  is  decided,  unless  its  complication 
and  difficulty  may  render  an  adjournment  necessary. 

What  a  lamentable  prospect  the  country  exhibited  at  the  mo« 
ment  these  lines  were  written !  It  was  tne  sixth  of  December. 
Congress  had  been  in  session  nearly  three  months— They  found 
the  credit  of  the  government  laid  prostrate— the  seaboard  expO" 
sed  to  depredation— the  pay  of  the  army  in  urrears—^nd  every 
thing  in  a  situation  that  was  calculated  to  excite  energy  and  d  > 
cision  among  a  nation  oT  Sybarites.  And  what  was  the  result? 
There  had  probably  been  oue  or  two  hundred  flowery  speeches 

*  Ihcludinr  ita  Ksit  India  |)oneBatons,  tine  abova  ii  the  number  of  tjie  tub* 
jaoti  of  the  Hritisb  en^}ire . 


CHAP.  7.] 


PROCEEDINGS  OF  CONGRESS. 


69 


I 


made— amendments  and  postponements  innumerable— and  only 
two  important  acts  passed — one  for  borrowing  three  millions  of 
dollars— and  the  other  for  buying  or  building  twenty  schooners. 

To  those  who  were  actuated  by  a  sincere  regard  for  the  wel- 
fare and  safety  of  their  country,  these  proceedings  were  a  source 
of  the  most  poignant  uneasiness.  They  were  utterly  unaccount- 
able, and  irreconcilable  with  the  plainest  dictates  of  reason  and 
common  sense.  Laying  aside  all  considerations  of  public  spirit 
or  patriotism,  a  due  regard  to  personal  interest  and  personal 
safety,  ought  to  have  prescribed  a  totally  different  line  of  con- 
duct. 

rhe  majority,  imbecile  and  feeble,  endeavoured  to  shelter 
themselves  by  censuring  the  factious  and  turbulent  minority  who 
made  these  long  speeches  for  the  purpose  of  embarrassing  theni, 
and  protracting  their  debates  and  proceedings.  This  plea  cannot 
bear  examination.  Were  it  valid,  a  minority  of  six  or  eight 
persons,  possessed  of  the  faculty  of  making  "  long  talis"  might 
at  all  times  totally  baffle  a  majurit) ,  and  panilize  the  operations  of 
government.  Suppose  each  member  of  the  minority  to  make  a 
speech  of  a  day  or  two  on  every  subject  that  arose  for  discus- 
sion—allow a  reasonable  time  for  replication  to  the  majority—* 
and  the  whole  year  would  be  inadequate  fur  that  portion  of  bu- 
siness which  the  British  parliament  would  with  ease  despatch  in 
a  month. 

Besides  the  procrastination  arising  from  the  displays  of  ora- 
tory which  I  have  stated,  there  is  another  source  of  delay, 
equally  injurious.  Private  and  trifling  business  obtnjdes  itself 
on  the  attention  of  congress,  and  occupies  ^  i;i>  'e  portion  of  the 
time  which  is  loudly  called  for  by  the  important  affairs  of  the 
nation.  The  former  ought  never  to  be  allowed  to  interfere  inju- 
riously with  the  important  concerns  of  the  nation. 

Here  I  must  notice  one  particular  case,  of  the  most  extraordi*. 
nary  kind  that  ever  occupied  the  attention  of  a  public  body.-i* 
Never  was  there  a  greater  mockery  of  a  deliberative  assembly. 
A  stud  horse,  called  liomulus,  belonging  to  a  Mr.  David  Dar- 
din,  was  impressed  by  a  continental  officer,  in  the  year  1781.-~ 
Having  been  valued  at  750  pounds  specie,  General  Greene,  dis- 
gusted by  the  extravagance  of  the  price,  returned  him.  He  was 
afterwards  impressed  by  another  ofHcer,  aiid  never  returned— 
The  widow  of  the  owner,  Mrs.  Amy  Dardin,  has  been  a  very 
assiduous  applicant  to  congress  for  rcmtmeration  from  that  pe- 
riod ;  and  tne  subject  has,  at  various  sessions,  occupied  a  large 
portion  of  the  time  of  that  body.  The  wages  of  congress  during 
the  time  of  the  debates,  would,  I  am  persuaded,  purchase  hdrses 
for  the  best  appointed  regiment  of  dragoons  in  Christendom.— 
A  worthy  member  from  Virginia  used  to  ride  Homulus  into 
coHgress  in  great  vtate,  every  year  during  his  life.  He  is  now 
no  more.     Who  has  been  appointed  "  master  of  the  horse"  in 

O.  B.  11 


7« 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[CBAP.  ?• 


his  place,  I  cannot  state.  But  that  he  has  a  successor,  is  be- 
yond a  doubt ;  for  Dardin's  horse  was  curvetting  and  prancing 
as  usual,  even  during  the  late  very  important  session. 

A  gentleman  to  whom  I  mentioned  this  circumstance,  informs 
me,  that  in  the  year  1802  and  1803,  there  were  two  pamphlets 
published  on  this  subject,  at  the  expense  of  the  nation,  for  the 
use  of  the  members^  the  cost  of  which  would  perhaps  have  paid 
for  the  horse* 

To  render  this  procedure  more  culpable,  as  well  as  more  far- 
cical, the  senate  of  the  United  States  was  on  the  7th  or  8th  or 
9th  of  February,  1815,  when  every  moment  of  its  time  was  in- 
expressibly invaluable,  gravely  debating  a  bill  for  the  remunera- 
tion of  Mrs.  Dardin !  And  it  was  then  within  a  month  of  the 
close  of  its  session — and  had  made  no  provision  for  the  defence 
of  our  cities,  liable  to  hourly  destruction,  nor  for  the  restoration 
ofpublic  credit !  The  mind  is  lost  in^he  most  profound  asto- 
nishment and  indignation  at  the  contemplation  of  such  a  futile^ 
such  a  puerile  mode  of  managing  public  business.  The  annals 
•f  legislation  can  hardly  produce  any  parallel. 

One  of  the  two  things.  The  claim  is  just  or  unjust.  If  the 
former,  it  is  disgraceful  and  dishonourable  not  to  have  discharg- 
ed it.  If  otherwise,  it  is  truly  insufferable  to  have  the  public 
taxed  by  such  importunity. 

Neglect  of  public  Opinion, 

Of  all  the  errors  of  the  two  administrations  of  Mr.  Jefferson 
and  Mr.  Madison,  the  least  criminal,  but  probably  the  most  per- 
nicious in  its  results.  Is,  the  indifference  they  have  displayed  to- 
wards the  unfounded  aUcgations  whereby  they  were  borne  down, 
and  their  reputation  and  usufulness  destroyed.  This  may  have 
arisen  from  an  absurd  reliance  on  the  good  sense  of  the  public— 
or  on  the  rectitude  of  their  own  intentions— perhaps  from  their 
indolence  or  inattention,  h  was  probably  founded,  if  it  arose 
frotn  either  of  the  two  first  motives,  upon  a  trite,  but  tallacious 
maxim,  which  antiquity  hath  bequeathed  us— **  Truth  is  great, 
and  will  prevail."  Millions  of  times  has  this  captivating  maxim 
been  pronounced  ;  and  it  is  almost  universally  admitted  as  in- 
controvertible. Yet  the  history  of  the  world  in  almost  every 
page  bears  testimony  to  its  fallacy.  Truth,  unaided  by  indus- 
try, and  activity,  and  energy,  combats  at  very  unequal  odds 
against  falsehood,  supported  bv  these  auxiliaries.  'Hiat  truth, 
*^  other  things  beinc  equal,*'  is  an  overmatch  for  falsehood,  I 
freely  grant.  But  the  friends  of  the  former,  if  they  rely  wholly 
on  its  intrinsic  merits,  and  do  not  exercise  a  due  degree  of  vigi- 
lance, will  be  miserably  deceived  in  their  calculations. 

A  supposed  case  in  point.  A  matron  is  charged  with  having 
been  seen  entering  a  brothel  in  the  face  of  day,  with  a  notorious 
seducer.    The  story  spreads.    It  is  universally  believed.    Her 


CHAV.  7.] 


PROCEEDINGS  OF  CONGRESS. 


1* 


character  is  destroyed.  She  is  shunned  as  contdminatory.  Sii| 
months  afterwards,  she  produces  a  host  of  unexceptionable  wit- 
nesses to  prove  an  alibi.  They  establish,  incontrovertibly,  that 
at  the  time  stated,  and  for  months  before  and  after,  she  was  in 
China,  or  Japan*  It  is  in  vain.  Her  character  is  gene.  The 
waters  of  the  Atlantic  would  not  purify  her.  She  pays  for  her 
neglect  and  folly,  the  mighty  forfeit  of  a  destroyed  reputation. 

Thus  has  it  been  with  the  administrations  of  Mr.  Jefferson 
and  Mr.  Madison.  They  have  been  charged  with  criminal  con- 
duct, frequently  of  the  most  flagrant  kind.  The  charges  have 
been  passed  over  in  silence  for  a  considerable  time.  Not  being 
denied,  they  were  presumed  to  be  admitted.  And  in  fact,  how 
can  the  public  determine,  whether  silence  under  accusation  arises 
from  conscious  guilt,  a  reliance  upon  conscious  rectitude,  or  an 
absurd  and  criminal  neglect  of  public  opinion  ? 

I  say, "  a  criminal  neglect  of  public  opinion,^*  This  declara- 
tion is  not  lightly  hazarded.  The  character  of  a  public  officer  is 
in  some  sort  public  property.  A  private  person  may  perhaps 
allow  his  to  be  destroyed,  without  inflicting  misfortune  on  any 
person  but  himself.  But  the  destruction  of  that  of  a  public  offi- 
cer is  really  a  public  injury—- «8  it  materially  impairs^  if  it  does 
not  destroy,  his  usefulness. 

There  is  in  the  history  of  General  Washington,  a  circumstance 
which  appears  a  departure  from  the  sound,  masculine  good  sense 
that  almost  universally  presided  over  his  conduct.  During  the 
revolutionary  war,  some  of  the  British  emissaries  published  a 
collection  of  letters  ascribed  to  him,  which  were  partly  genuine, 
but  interpolated  with  forgeries,  and  partly  letters  altogether  for- 
ged* They  were  calculated  to  inspire  strong  doubts  of  his  devo- 
tion to,  and  confidence  in,  the  revolution.  They  were  edited  by 
a  masterly  pen. 

The  attack  was  unavailing.  The  attachment  to,  and  confi- 
dence in,  the  general,  were  unimpairect.  The  pamphlet  sunk 
into  oblivion. 

In  the  year  1795,  during  the  discussion  excited  by  Jay's  trea- 
ty, it  was  reprinted  as  a  genuine  collection,  and  had  an  extensive 
circulation,  m  order  to  depreciate  the  character  of  the  general. 
He  did  not  at  the  time  notice  it.  He  allowed  it  to  take  its 
course,  apparently  indifferent  as  to  the  consequences.  But  at 
the  close  of  his  public  functions,  he  recorded  in  the  office  of  the 
secretary  of  state  a  formal  denunciation  of  the  forgery.  This 
procedure  was  highly  injudicious.  If  the  pamphlet  were  enti- 
tled to  any  animadversion,  the  proper  period  was  that  of  its  re- 
publication, and  when  of  course  it  would  produce  all  the  injury 
that  could  result  from  it  to  his  public  character. 

The  instances  of  neglects  of  this  kind  on  the  part  of  Mr.  Jef- 
ferson and  Mr.  Madison,  are  numberless.  I  shall  only  instance 
two.    A  charge  was  alleged  against  the  former,  of  having  sent 


f9 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH/ 


lertAT.  t* 


|wo  millions  of  dollars  to  France^for  some  secret  and  sinister 
purpose,  which  I  cannot  now  recollect.  It  had  been  ia  universal 
circulation  throughout  the  union,  without  any  formal  or  satisfac- 
tory contradiction,  for  many  months.  At  length,  after  it  had 
done  all  the  mischief  it  was  calculated  to  produce,  an  authentic 
documental  disproof  crept  out,  exact iy  like  the  lady's  alibi ^  and 
with  the  same  effect- 

One  other  instance,  and  I  have  done  with  this  part  of  my  sub- 
ject. The  offer  of  the  Russian  mt-diation  was  made  by  M. 
OaschkoiF  in  March,  1813.  Mr.  Pickering  shortly  afterwards 
published  in  Boston,  a  series  of  letters  on  the  subject,  which 
were  republished  in  almost  every  town  and  city  of  the  United 
States.  He  openly  and  unqualiBedly  asserted  that  the  whole 
transaction  was  a  fraud  and  imposture — solely  calculated  to  de* 
lude  the  citizens  into  subscriptions  for  the  pending  loan. — He 
denied  the  offer  of  a  mediation  altogether,  and  boldly  referred  to 
M.  DaschkofF  and  Dr.  Logan,  to  prove  his  statements  correct. 
If  ever  an  accusation  demanded  attention  and  disproval,  rhis  was 
of  that  description.  It  was  advanced  under  his  own  signature, 
by  a  man  who  had  held  high  official  stations,  and  who  possessed 
very  considerable  standing  with  the  opposers  of  the  government. 
But  the  same  fatal  and  unpardonable  neglect  prevailed  as  in  so 
many  other  instances.  The  allegation  was  allowed  to  produce 
its  full  effect  without  any  other  attempt  at  counteraction,  thaa 
a  few  anonymous  paragraphs  of  denial. 

To  render  this  error  more  palpable,  a  motion  was  made  in  the 
senate  of  the  United  States,  on  the  2d  of  June,  1813,  for  a  dis- 
closure  of  the  correspondence.  Of  this  motion  to  bring  the  real 
state  of  the  affair  before  the  public,  the  government  ought  to 
have  gladly  availed  itself.     But  it  was  rejected. 

At  length,  when  the  affair  had  in  some  measure  sank  into  ob« 
livion,  on  the  1 8th  of  January,  1 814,  a  motion  was  carried  in  the 
house  of  Representatives  of  the  United  States,  for  the  publica- 
tion of  the  correspondence  on  the  subject.  It  then  appeared 
that  the  accusation  was  calumnious  and  unfounded-— and  that  the 
transaction  reflected  a  high  degree  of  credit  as  well  sn  the  potent 
monarch,  who  took  so  warm  an  interest  in  our  affairs,  as  on  our 

fovemment,  for  its  prompt  acceptance  of  the  offer  of  mediation, 
lut  the  disclosure  was  too  late  to  counteract  any  of  the  perni- 
cious effects  that  had  resulted  from  the  calumny.  Many  per- 
sons to  this  day  believe  the  whoU  transaction  to  have  been  a  de- 
ception* 


11^'     FS 


r  • 


AHAr.&l 


CAPTURE  OF  WASHINGTON^ 

CHAPT    R  VIII. 


Capture  of  Washington,  Causes.  Mismanagement,  Fort 
Washington.  Trial  of  Captain  Dyson.  Extraordinary  Sen' 
tence.    Loans.    Injury  of  Public  Credit.    Retrospection, 

Capture  ofWashington. 

On  the  24th  of  August,  1814,  the  capital  of  the  United  States 
was  taken  by  the  enemy.  His  force  was  by  no  means  of  such 
magnitude  as  would  have  prevented  the  disaster  from  being  ac- 
companied by  disgrace.  Had  it  been  overwhelming,  the  loss 
might  have  excited  regret,  but  we  should  have  been  spared  mor- 
tification and  dishonour.  But  as  it  stands  a  subject  for  historical 
record,  the  loss,  although  very  great,  is  undeserving  of  consider- 
ation. Placed  beside  the  disgrace,  it  sinks  into  insignificance 
like  a  molehill  beside  a  mountain. 

The  force  of  the  enemy  is  variously  stated.  The  highest  es- 
timate is  6,000.  Dr.  Catlett,  who  had  a  favourable  opportuni- 
ty of  ascertaining  with  precision,  states  it  at  3,540.  Every  per- 
son with  whom  I  have  conversed,  that  saw  them,  has  been  of 
opinion  that  they  were  so  jaded  with  their  march,  and  so  dL'pi- 
rited,  that,  had  suitable  preparations  been  made,  they  might 
have  been  easily  defeated,  and  probably  captured. 

They  landed  at  Benedict,  on  the  1 8th  of  August,  and  proceed- 
ed in  a  tolerably  regular  course  towards  Washington,  which  was 
the  only  object  worthy  of  their  attention.  They  were  six  days 
on  their  march.  And  there  was  hardly  any  preparation  for  their 
reception,  till  three  or  four  days  before  their  arrival  at  that  city. 
The  secretary  at  war  ridiculed  the  idea  of  their  attacking  Wash- 
ington, till  within  three  days  of  the  battle  of  Bladensburg. 

One  obvious  plan  of  defence,  which  would  have  struck  the- 
mind  of  a  mere  tyro  in  military  affairs,  was  to  have  garrisoned 
the  capitol  and  the  president's  house,  with  as  powerful  a  force  as 
could  have  conveniently  operated  there.  The  strength  of  these 
two  buildings  would  haveenaMed  the  garrisons  to  withstand  any 
assault,  and  defend  themselves,  until  troops  could  have  been  col- 
lected to  encounter  the  enemy. 

It  is  not  for  me  to  decide  on  whom  the  censure  ought  to  fall- 
en the  president— the  secretary  at  war— on  the  district  general. 
Winder— or  on  the  whole  together.  But  let  that  point  be  de-^ 
termined  as  it  may,  it  cannot  be  denied,  that  nothing  but  the 
most  culpable  neglect  could  have  led  to  the  results  that  took 
place—results  which  could  not  fail  to  prove  injurious  to  the 
national  character  in  Europe,  and  which,  had  not  the  news 
of  the  exploits  of  the  brave  and  illustrious  Macdonough  and  Ma- 
comb, arrived  there  cotemporaneously  with  the  account  of  this 
disgraceful  disaster,  would  have  materially  and  perniciously  af- 
fected the  negociation  at  Ghent. 


74 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[CKA».  ^ 


rV 


When  the  preceding  strictures  were  written,  1 1  .'d  not  <  een 
the  Report  of  the  Committee  appointed  to  investigate*  the  sub- 
ject, which  I  have  recently  examined  with  attention.  It  is  clear- 
ly established  by  the  documents  annexed  to  this  report,  that  the 
disasters  arose  from  a  series  of  the  most  extraordinary  and  un- 
accountable mismanagement.  I  shall  enumerate  a  few  of  the  in- 
stances in  brief. 

Let  me  previously  observe,  that  a  cabinet  council  was  held  at 
Washington,  on  the  1st  of  July,  wherein  it  was  resolved  to  esta- 
blish a  new  military  district,  to  comprise  the  cities  of  Washing- 
ton, Baltimore,  and  the  adjacent  country.  The  command  of  it 
was  given  to  general  Winder,  who  had  explicit  directions  to 
make  preparations  to  repel  the  enemy,  should  he  make  any  at- 
tempt on  the  seat  of  government)  which  the  council  judged  high- 
ly probable. 

Among  the  errors  committed,  the  following  are  the  most  pro- 
minent : 

1.  There  was  no  attempt  to  fortify  those  parts  of  the  country 
calculated  for  defence,  although  General  Van  Ness,  on  behalf  of 
the  citizens  of  the  District  of  Columbia,  had  made  repeated  and 
earnest  applications  to  the  secretary  at  war  on  the  subject,  and 
although  the  latter  had  as  repeatedly  promised  tcf  pay  attention 
to  their  requests. 

2.  There  wds  not  the  slightest  effort  to  arrest  the  progress  of 
the  enemy,  from  the  time  of  his  debarkation  till  the  day  of  the 
battle  of  Bladensburg,  although  the  country  through  which  he 
passed  was  admirably  calculated  for  the  purpose. 

3.  There  was  no  camp  formed  equidistantly  between  Balti- 
more and  Washington,  so  as  to  be  able  to  cover  and  protect 
either  or  both  places. 

4.  The  troops  from  Baltimoi'e  were  not  ordered  out  in  due 
season.  Had  the  orders  been,  as  most  indubitably  they  ought 
to  have  been,  issued  at  least  •n  the  debarkation  of  the  enemy, 
these  troops  would  have  arrived  in  proper  time — been  fit  for  du- 
ty—and rescued  the  country  from  the  disgrace  and  misfortune  it 
experienced. 

5.  The  orders  for  the  Baltimore  troops  to  march,  were  recei- 
ved in  Baltimore  on  Saturday  the  20th  of  August.  They  took 
up  the  line  of  march  the  next  day,  Sunday  the  21st.  On  that 
eoening  they  received  an  order  from  General  Winder^  by  express^ 
TO  HALT  UNTIL  FURTHER  ORDERS !  Ncxt  day,  they  had  renew- 
ed orders  to  march  with  full  speed  to  Bladensburg.— Those  to 
general  Stansbury  were  received  at  10  A.  M.  and  those  to  colo- 
nel Sterrett  at  2  P.  M.  The  former  reached  Bladensburg  on 
the  22d  at  night — the  latter  on  the  23d  at  night.  I'he  fatal  de- 
lay arising  from  the  orders  to  halt,  was  among  the  principal 
causes  of  the  disaster.  Colonel  Sterrett's  corps  arrived  on  the 
ground  jaded,  fatigued,  and  harassed*    They  had  but  little  rest 


■^'^^■^•''^^ 


•■AF.  8>] 


tAPTURE  OF  WASHINGTON, 


U 


the  night  previous  to  the  battle,  owiog  to  some  false  alarms,  and 
wen;  in  every  respect  unit  for  being  led  into  the  engagement. 

6.  Colonel  Young's  brigade,  by  order  of  general  Winder,  was 
stationed  at  a  distance  from  the  field  of  battle,  where  it  remained 
inactive  during  the  whole  time  of  the  engagement,  although  with- 
in hearing  of  the  report  of  the  cannon. 

7.  An  efficient  corps  of  600  infantry,  and  100  cavalry,  under 
colonel  Miner,  arrived  at  Washington  on  the  evening  preceding 
the  batde.  The  colonel  applied  to  general  Armstrong  for  arms, 
and  was  directed  to  report  himself  the  next  morning  !  1 1  to  co- 
lonel Carberry,  who  had  the  care  of  the  arsenal.  This  gentle- 
man spent  the  night  at  his  country  seat,  and  was  not  to  be  found 
in  the  morning,  although  invaluable  hours  were  spent  in  search- 
ing for  him.  At  length  an  order  for  arms  was  procured  from  ge- 
neral Winder.  Even  then  delay  occurred,  from  the  scrupulosi- 
ty of  colonel  Carberry's  deputy  in  counting  the  flints— <ind  fur- 
ther delay  in  giving  receipt  for  them.  The  consequence  was, 
that  this  corps,  which  would,  almost  to  a  certainty,  have  decided 
the  fate  of  the  day  in  favour  of  its  country,  began  its  march  so 
late,  as  to  have  no  share  whatever  in  the  action,  and  met  the  re- 
treating army  after  its  defeat ! ! ! 

8.  Had  a  stand  been  made  in  Washington,  and  the  whole 
force,  even  discomfited  as  it  was,  been  collected  together,  there 
is  no  doubt  but  the  loss  might  have  been  retrieved.  But  there 
was  not  the  slightest  effort  of  the  kind  made.  The  retreat  was 
conducted  in  a  disorderly  manner,  and  as  much  like  a  flight  as 
could  be. 

Throughout  this  work,  in  all  important  cases,  I  do  not  merely 
refer  to  my  authorities,  as  is  usually  done.  I  quote  as  well  as 
refer  to  them.  I  am  desirous  of  silencing  incredulity  herself. 
In  pursuance  of  this  plan,  I  submit  a  few  short  extracts  from  the 
documents  published  by  Congress,  on  which  the  preceding  view9 
are  founded. 

Extracttfrom  the  letter  of  general  Van  Nets,  to  the  committee  of  Congreta,  afi* 
pointed  to  inquire  into  the  eofuei  of  the  capture  of  Wathington,  dated  November 
23,  1814. 

"  About  the  opening  of  the  present  campaign,  I  pressed  agfun  upon  the 
secretary  the  subject  generally  of  our  defence  i  suggesting,  in  addition  to  the 
occlusion  of  the  river,  the  convenience  and  importance  of  a  central  eamp,  tn- 
termtdiate  betv>een  Baltimore,  Annapolit,  Woihington,  Alexandria,  Georgetown, 
and  the  neighbouring  tovmt  and  country.  And  in  frequent  interviews  (in  num<^ 
ber,  to  be  sure,  very  much  increased  by  the  importunate  applications  and 
solicitations  to  me,  of  both  the  civil  and  military  branches  of  the  community, 
vrhose  confidence  in  the  secretary  appeared,  at  an  early  period,  at  best  wa- 
vering, if  not  declining)  sometimes  official,  at  other  times  not  so,  which  I 
had  with  him,  as  the  campaign  progressed,  I  did  not  fail  to  repeat  the  sug- 
gestion. I  still  received  assurances,  generally  verbal,  favourable,  accompa- 
nied by  an  otherwise  apparent  indifference,  and  confidence  in  our  security.'^ 


•  Report,  page  297- 


W' 


76 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


tcBAr.^. 


I; 


"  Thus  had  the  campaign  progresaed,  without  any  visible  steps  towards 
tt'orks  of  defence,  either  permanent  or  temporary,  either  on  the  land  or  wa> 
ter  side  CI  never  having  heard  of  a  tpade  or  an  axe  being  ctruck  in  any  tuch  opera' 
iionj  or  towards  forming^  a  rendezvous  or  camp  of  regular  troops  in  the  neigh- 
hour  hood,  to  the  great  anxiety,  impuetudet  and  alarm j^  the  dittrict  and  turround- 
ing  country  ;  the  secretary  generalfy  treating  with  indifference  at  leait,  if  not  with 
lp*ity,  the  idea  of  an  attack  by  the  enemy'"' 

"  In  August  last,  when  the  increased  and  reinforced  fleet,  with  the  troops, 
ascended  tlie  Chesapeake,  and  were  known,  from  authentic  information,  to 
have  entered  the  Patuxent,  I  called  on  secretary  Armstrong  again ;  and  ex* 
pressed,  as  usual,  my  apprehensions,  arising  from  want  of  means  and  prepa- 
rations (  adding,  that  from  the  known  naval  and  reputed  land  force  of  the 
enemy,  he  probably  meant  to  strike  a  serious  blow.  His  reply  was,  "  Oh 
yes  !  by  G-d,  they  would  not  come  with  tuch  ajleet  without  meaning  to  atrike  some- 
where ;  but  they  certainly  will  not  come  here.  What  the  d— twill  they  do  here  ?" 
iSfc.  After  remarking  that  I  diflTered  very  much  from  him,  as  to  the  pi-oba« 
ble  interest  they  felt  in  destroying  or  capturing  our  seat  of  government,  and 
that  I  believed  a  visit  to  this  place  would,  for  several  reasons,  be  a  favourite 
object  with  them,  he  observed,  *'  no,  no  !  Baltimore  is  the  place,  sir ;  that 
is  of  so  much  more  consequence  ."f 

"  I  continued  to  see  gpeneral  Winder  occasionally  as  before,  and  to  be  as- 
tonished at  the  apparent  sluggishness  or  procrastination  in  the  preparation 
for  the  reception  of  the  enemy,  who  was  on  his  advance.  I  recollect  well, 
that  even  after  he  hhd,  accordmg  to  authentic  and  undoubted  information,  as- 
cended to  the  head  of  the  ship  navigation  of  the  Patuxent,  and  had.  for  about 
twenty-four  hours,  been  debarking  on  the  hither  bank  of  that  river,  and 
marching  his  troops  to  their  encampment  on  the  heights  of  Benedict  (about 
forty  miles  from  this  on  the  usual  route)  general  W  in  answer  to  an  enqui- 
ry of  mine,  whether  he  had  ordered  on  any  troops  from  Baltimore,  and  whe- 
ther he  thought  they  would  be  here  in  time,  said,  THAT  THEY  W!£RE 
OKDERED  ON;  AND  THAT  ALL  HIS  FEAR  WAS,  THAT  TIIEV 
WOULD  BE  HERE  TOO  SOON.  Expressing  to  him  my  astonishment  at 
the  apprehension,  he  said  he  thought  it  very  probable  that  the  enemy  would 
suddenly  turn  about,  and  make  a  blow  at  BaUimore."| 

Extract  from  General  Stanskury's  Report.  '  -      ' ' 

"  The  men  under  my  command  were  worn  down,  and  nearly  exhausted 
from  long  and  forced  marches,  want  of  food,  and  watching.  They  had  been, 
with  very  little  intermission,  under  arm^,  and  marching,  from  the  time  of  their  de- 
parturefrom  Baltimore,  with  but  little  sleep,  bad  provisions,  and  bvt  little  oppor- 
tunity to  coot.  They  certainly  were  not  in  a  situation  to  go  into  battle  ;  but 
my  orders  were  positive  ;  and  I  was  determined  to  obey  them. 

'•  Before,  and  during  the  action,  J  did  not  see  any  of  the  force  I  was  led  to  ex* 
pect  would  support  me-  I  understood  since,  they  were  on  their  way  to  my  as- 
sistance, and  I  presume  exertions  were  made  to  bring  them  up."^ 

Extract  from  Colottel  Miner's  Report. 

"  I  took  up  my  line  of  march,  and  arrived  at  the  capitol  between  sunset 
and  dark,  [Aug.  !23.]  and  inimediutely  made  mv  way  to  the  president,  and 
reported  my  arrival  i  when  he  referred  me  to  gc*nei ^I  *•  ""'iittrong,  to  wli(im  I 
repaired,  and  informed  him  as  to  the  strength  of  the  troops.  »h  well  as  lo  th« 
want  of  arms,  ammunition,  fcc.  which  made  it  an  late  hs  early  candle-light ; 
when  I  was  informed  by  that  gentleman,  the  arms,  be.  could  not  be  had 
that  night,  and  directed  to  report  myself  next  morning  to  colonel  Car  berry,  %vho 
would  furnish  mt  with  arms,  iic.  which  gentleman,  from  early  next  morn- 
ing, 1  diligently  sou|rht  for,  until  a  late  hour  in  the  forenoon,  without  being 
able  to  find  him,  aiul  then  went  in  search  of  general  Winder,  whum  I  found 
near  the  Eastern  Ursncli  <  when  lit-  gave  an  onier  to  the  armourer  for  the 
munitiona  wanting,  with  orders  lo  return  to  the  capitol,  there  to  watt  further 
»rJers*'% 


•  Report,  page  288. 
^  Idem,  page  Itil. 


t  Idem,  page  292. 
II  Idem,  page  231. 


\  Idetn,  pag«  29C. 


J 


CitAF.  8.] 


.■t 


h- 

;#»<■ 


CAPTURE  OF  VVASHINGTOX. 


77 


Extract  from  the  Report  of  Doctor  Catlett. 

"  Respecting  the  condition  of  the  enemy's  troops,  I  was  informed  by  several 
of  the  British  officers,  tliat  just  previous  to  their  reaching'  niadensburg  (with 
excessive  fatigue  or  entire  exhaustion)  tliey  were  droppiiiff  off  in  connitlfrable  num- 
bers ;  that  in  the  action,  it  was  only  by  the  most  extraordinary  exertiotis  that  the 
main  body  could  be  goaded  on.  Althoughi  I  ol)servccl'some  of  their  flankers  at 
times  advance  on  tlie  iiui  a  small  distance,  these  were  said  to  be  only  the  most 
active  of  their  ligiit  companies  of,  and.attached  to,  their  eighty  fifth  regiment, 
commanded  by  hcutcnant-colonel  'I'hornton,  acting  as  Iirigadicr ;  they  apjcared 
to  me  to  halt,  as  if  exhausted  tvith  fatigue,  at  or  near  the  place  inhere  the  ^filing 
ceased  on  our  part,  about  a  mile  and  a  half  on  this  side  of  Bludcnsburg,  about  two 
o'clock,  P.M."* 

Extract  from  tltc  Report  of  the  Committee  of  congress   on   tin:  capture  of  Jl'asle- 


"  Our  forces  at  this  time  at  tlie  Old  Fields,  are  vnrioiisly  estimated,  with  no 
material  difference,  at  about  three  thousand  men,  in  the  following  corps:  about 
four  hundred  horse,  under  the  command  of  the  following  oflicers  :  lieutenant- 
colonel  Lavali,  colonel  Tilman,  captains  Caldwell,  'i'hornton,  Herbert,  Williams, 
&c :  fotir  hundred  regular  troops,  under  the  tominaiul  of  lieutenant-colonel 
Scott,  viz.  thirty -sixtl: ,  thirty-eighth,  and  captain  Mdrgan  s  company  of  the 
twelfth  infantry ;  six  hundred  marines  and  flotilla  men  under  commodore  Harney 
and  captain  Miller,  with  five  pieces  of  heavy  artillery  ;  two  eighteen  pounders 
and  three  twelve  pounders  :  one  thousand  eight  liumlred  militia  and  volunteers, 
general  Smith's  brigade  of  :  ■  orgetown  and  city  militia,  and  Maryland  militia 
under  colonel  Kramer,  of  which  there  were  two  companies  of  artillery  under 
captain  Burch  and  major  Peter,  with  six  six  pounders  each,  making  an  aggre- 
gute  of  three  thousand  two  hundred,  with  seventeen  jiieces  of  artillery.  The 
enemy  was  without  cavalry,  ami  had  two  small  field  liins  and  out:  howitzer,  drawn 
by  men  i  ami  the  whole  country  well  calcidaled  for  dtfencc,  nldrmishing,  and  to  im- 
pede the  march  of  an  enemy."-\ 

"  The  march  of  our  arn\y  to  the  city  was  extremely  rapid  and  precipitate  : 
and  oixlers  were  occasionally  given  to  captains  of  companies  to  hurry  on  the 
men,  who  were  exliemely  fatigued  anl  exhauhtcd  bifore  the  campi-  ;  ground 
was  reached,  near  the  Kastern  Rranch  bridge,  within  the  district  of  Columbia.''^ 

•'Colonel  Cieorge  Miner,  with  his  regiment  of  Virginia  militia, "composed  of 
six  hundred  infantry  and  one  hundieil  cavalry,  arrived  at  the  city  of  Washing- 
ton in  the  twilight  of  the  evening  of  the  t\\  enty  third;  he  called  on  the  j)resident 
who  referred  him  to  the  secretary  of  war  for  (n-dii-s ;  the  secretary  informed  him 
that  arms  could  not  hi  had  that  night ;  hut  ii-ave  orders  In  report  himself  to  colonel 
Ccrlierry,  early  in  the  mnr.iiiig,  wlin  would  fiiniit.h  him  with  arms  and  ammunitiuu, 
us  hv  WHS  charged  with  that  duly  liy  general  IViudrr.  From  early  in  the  morning 
till  late  in  the  forenoon,  colonel  Miner  soiigli*.  colonel  Carbi  rry  diligei\tl\,  but 
he  could  not  be  found.     He  rode  to  h'-ad  (|uai  .ei-s,  and  obtained  an  order  from 

ffeneral  Winder  upon  the  arsenal  for  anus,  Stc  ;  and  marched  to  the  place  with 
lis  regiment,  and  ita  care  he  loitnd  connnitted  to  a  young  man,  whose  taution 
in  giving  out  arms,  Sir.  viry  much  lUlayed  the  arming  and  supi)Iying  this  regi 
mint."^ 

•'  The  <listance  from  Benedict  to  the  city  of  Washington,  l»y  Bladen.sburg,  is 
npwiirds  of  fifty  miles.  '!%■  mrmy  -.ras  -ailhout  l>aif;iogr-\iuigoiis  or  imiins  of 
trunsfiorlatidii  ,  las  tronfin  much  exluiu\!<(l  with  fatiffur  ;  many  comfielli  d  to  quit 
the  ranks,  ami  r.v(rao> dinar y  errrtions  nieit  to  keep  others  In  mulion  ;  and,  as  if 
unable  to  pursue  mir  forces,  remained  on  the  Inttlle  tfro'iml ;  the  eniinv's  advance 
wached  the  cit)  aliout  eigii*  jiVlocI:  in  the  evening,  the  battle  having  t  ndej 
ftbont  two  o'clock,  or  bifore. "^ 

"  'I  he  enemy,  on  ihe  evening  of  the  twenty-fifth,  made  the  greatest  exerticnn 
10  leave  the  city  of  Washington.    I'hey  hinl  about  forty  indilVereiit  looking  hor- 


•  Heport,  pag(  311. 
*i  Ulem,  page  'Jfi 

o.  n. 


I    Idem,  page  21. 
T   hh  in,  jMige  .!4 


\  Jdeiii  page  'v'1 


:,X 


I 


r„ 


POLITICAL  OUVE  BRANCH, 


[CUAF.  S- 


^ 


ses,  ten  or  twelve  carts  and  wagons,  one  ox-cart,  one  coach  and  several  gig^. 
These  were  sent  to  Bladensburgto  move  off  the  wounded.  A  drove  of  sixty  or 
seventy  cattle  preceded  this  party.  Arriving  at  Bladensburg,  the  British  sur- 
geon was  ordered  to  select  the  wounded  who  could  walk;  the  forty  horses  ■uiei-e 
mounted  by  those  ii)lu>  could  nde ;  the  carts  and  wag^orts  loaded;  and  upwards  of 
ninety  toounded  left  behind.  About  twelve  o'clock  at  night  the  Britisli  army  pass- 
ed through  B'adensburg ;  and  parties  continued  until  morning,  and  stragglei-s 
until  after  i  'i  l-day.  TIte  retreat  of  the  enemy  to  his  slapping  loas  precipitate  and 
apparently  binder  an  alarm :  and  it  is  supposed  that  it  was  known  to  him  that 
our  forces  liad  marched  to  Montgomery  court-house."* 

"On  the  twelfth  of  July,  general  Winder  was  autliorised,  in  case  of  menaced 
or  actual  invasion,  to  call  into  service  tiie  whole  quota  of  Maiyluiul.  Un  tlic 
seventeenth  general  Winder  was  authorised  to  call  into  actual  service  not  less 
than  two  nor  more  than  three  thousand  of  the  drafts  assigned  to  his  command, 
to  form  a  permanent  force  to  be  stationed  in  some  centralposition  between  Bal- 
timore and  the  city  of  Washington.  On  the  same  day,  seventeenth  of  July, 
general  Winder  was  authorised  to  call  on  the  state  of  Pennsylvania  for  five  thou* 
sand  men  ;  on  Virginia,  two  thousand ;  on  the  militia  of  the  district  of  Colum- 
bia, in  a  disposable  state,  two  thousand ;  together  with  the  six  thousand  t  .om 
Mi>ryland,  making  an  agg^eg^te  force  of  fifteen  thousand  drafted  militia,  three 
thousand  of  which  were  authorised  to  be  called  into  actual  service  ;  the  residue 
in  case  of  actual  or  me.iaced  invasion,  besides  the  regular  troops  estimated  at  one 
thousand,  making  sixteen  thousand,  independent  of  marines  and  flotilla-men. 
This  was  the  measure  of  defence  contemplated  for  the  military  district  No.  10, 
and  the  mea.sures  taken  by  the  war  department  up  to  the  seventeentli  of  July 
in  execution  of  it."f 

Destruction  of  Fort  Washington. 

One  extraordinary  circumstance  attended  this  disastrous  affair., 
which  deserves  to  be  laid  before  the  pubUc.  Fort  Washington 
was  commanded  by  captain  Dyson,  when  the  British  took  the  city 
of  Washington,  lie  had  received  orders  from  general  Winder, 
should  the  enemy  come  into  his  rear,  to  blow  up  the  fort,  and 
retreat  wilh  his  garrison.  The  enemy  came.  His  orders  were 
clear  and  explicit.  He  obeyed  them — as  it  appears  he  was  in 
duty  bound. 

For  this  act,  \\c  was  brought  to  trial — and  sentenced  to  be  dis- 
missed the  servict. 

I  am  not  a  military  man,  and  know  nothing  of  military  affairs. 
I  am  therefore  liable  t««  error  when  I  pronounce  opinions  on  them. 
But  with  due  deference  to  the  court  martial,  whereof  "  briga- 
dier general  Smith,  of  the  militia  of  the  District  of  Columbia, 
was  president,"  I  cannot  l)ut  [)elieve  captain  Dyson's  case  to  be 
peculiarly  severe  :  and  judging  on  plain  principles  of  reason  and 
common  sense,  the  sentence  appears  unjust. 

Extract  from  the  report  of  general  Winder, 

"  I  sent,  l)v  mujor  I  lite,  direitienis  to  the  c()nimandln|r  oCiccr  at  fort  Wash- 
ington, to  acUiinii  11  ^uuitl  up  to  the  main  road  upon  uli  the  rwiids  Ic-uding  to 
the  fort  i  an«l  in  the  n'vnt  of  his  being  lakrn  in  the  rear  iifthefurt  by  tlm  enemy,  t» 
btiiwup  llw  fori,  and  reliiv  ucrts*  //""  >%•  :r."^ 

•  Report,  page  36  f  Idem,  psge  38.  i  Idem,  page  tf2. 


CHAP.  8.] 


MILITARY  MOVEMENTS. 


79 


dis- 


I  wish  to  have  it  understood  that  I  have  no  personal  know- 
ledge of  general  Armstrong,  general  Winder,  or  captain  Dyson 
— nor  do  I  believe  I  have  ever  seen  any  of  them. 

Departure  of  general  Izard  from  Plattsburg. 

One  of  the  most  extraordinary  measures  of  the  war — a  mea- 
sure utterly  indefensible, — has,  as  faV  as  I  know,  almost  wholly 
escaped  censure.  It  aftords  one  among  ten  thousand  instances, 
to  prove  how  seldom  approbation  or  censure  is  meted  out  with 
due  regard  to  justice. 

General  Izard  had  an  army  of  about  8000  regulars  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Plattsburg.  General  Prevost,  at  no  very  great 
distance,  had  the  command  of  about  14,000  troops,  principally 
veterans.  While  the  eyes  of  the  nation  were  directed  towards 
that  quarter,  and  every  man  interested  for  the  honour,  the  hap- 
piness, the  independence  of  his  country,  was  tremblingly  alive  to 
the  future,  and  filled  with  the  most  awful  forebodings  of  a  ruin- 
ous result,  from  the  fearful  odds  against  our  little  army,  amaze- 
ment and  terror  filled  every  breast,  to  find  that  5  or  6000  of  our 
troops,  under  tlie  general  who  had  directed  his  utmost  energy  to 
train  them  to  service,  and  to  acquire  their  confidence,  were  or- 
dered to  a  remote  situation,  on  an  unimportant  expedition,  in 
which  no  laurels  weie,  or  probably  could  be,  acquired.  Thus 
was  a  most  invaluable  frontier  exposed  to  all  the  horrors  of  de- 
solation. 

The  annals  of  warfare  present  no  instance  of  greater  fatuity. 
It  is  difficult  to  conjecture  what  could  have  been  the  object  con- 
templated by  this  wonderful  movement.  But  whatever  it  might 
have  been,  had  the  utmost  success  crowticd  tlie  undertaking,  it 
could  not  possibly  have  compensated  ft)r  tbf  i^sue  which  was  to 
have  been  rationally  calculated  on  at  Plattsl  ■  tg. 

The  result,  however,  was  highly  glorious  io  the  nation.  No- 
thing could  have  been  more  fortunate.  But  this  does  not  dimi- 
nish an  iota  of  the  censure  due  to  the  measure. —  i'he  character 
of  an  action,  good  or  bad,  is  not  aff.  'cd,  except  with  the  ca- 
naille,* by  its  success,  whether  prosperous  or  the  nversc.  Many 
of  the  wisest  schemes  ever  devised  have  failed  of  success.  Many 
of  the  most  absurd  and  ridiculous  have  prospered.  But  every 
man  whose  approbation  is  worthy  of  ngard,  conunends  or  re- 
probates a  measure  according  to  the  wisdom  or  folly  displayed 
in  planning  it. 

llad  |B;eneral  Izard's  army  remained  at  Plattsburg,  and  aidecl 
in  the  discomfiture  of  govcfnor  Prevost,  die  triumph  ol  the  Uni- 
ted States  at  the  Saranac  would  not  have  been  so  transcendendy 
great.     Its  removal,  therefore,  how  absurd  soever,  is  a  subject 

•  It  mny  !»e  proper  to  alutr,  tliiil  tlio  tnic  dint inct ion  oJ'  tlip  CnnuilK-,  in  not 
ilrcHM,  or  "ttntion,  It  ix  inintl  Tlicri'  ur-'  men  wortli  ti-n  tlioimiuicl  n  )  rur,  who 
nrr  of  the  ciinniU^. 


I. 


a*. 
ill 


8U 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[CIIAB.  8. 


or  the  most  serious  rejoicing.     It  has  added  immensely  to  the 
laurels  the  nation  acquired  in  the  war. 

Loauft, 

The  last  and  perhaps  the  most  grievous  and  unpardonable  er- 
ror of  the  democratic  party — aneiTor,  pregnant  with  baleful  con- 
sequences to  the  finances  and  credit  of  the  country,  was,  their  de- 
pending on  loans,  for  the  support  of  the  war,  and  deferring  the 
imposition  of  taxes  adequate  to  erect  the  superstructure  of  public 
credit  upon.  This  arose  from  the  miserable,  the  despicable,  the 
pernicious  dread  of  forfeiting  popularity,  and  losing  the  reins  of 
government — a  dread  often  the  parent  of  the  most  destructive 
measures.  The  consequence  of  this  highly  reprehensible  error 
was,  that  the  loans  were  made  to  very  considerable  loss,  and  that 
the  public  t:vedit  of  the  nation  was  most  lamentably  impaired. 

I  HAVE  now  gone  through  a  review  of  the  principal  errors 
and  follies,  the  neglects  and  the  mismanagements  of  the  demo- 
cn-tic  parly.  I  have  dttaiUd  and  canvassed  them  with  the  bold- 
ness of  a  freeman.  I  have  followed  the  sound  advice  of  Othello  : 

"  Nouj^lit  extenuate — nor  :uif;ht  scl  dow  n  in  niiilice." 

On  many  of  these  points  I  am  gn  atlv  at  variance  with  men  of 
j)owerful  talents  l)elonging  to  thih  pari}'.  Some  of  m)  facts  and 
opinions  have  been  contro\'erted  by  a  critic  of  (■,«>nsidtTable  acu- 
UK-n,  in  (me  of  the  daily  papers.  I  have  rc-exaiir.'ned  the  vari- 
ous subjects  tmbraced  in  tliis  volume  :  anfl,  where  i  lia\e  found 
cause  to  change  my  opini<m,  I  have  unhesitatingly  done  so.  My 
object  is  tiutli.  I  ha\e  pursued  it  steadily — and,  a'-  far  as  I  can 
judge  of  m\si'lf,  wltliout  uufhie  ')ias.  Hut  1  well  know  how  dif- 
ficult it  is  for  human  weakness  to  di\  st  itself  of  prejudice  an^ 
pa    iulity.     To  the  candid  reader,  I  submit  the  decision. 

This  detail  of  m'"  onduct  has  been  a  painful  task.  Far  more 
agreeable  would  it  liavc  been,  to  have  d^-scanted  on  the  merits 
and  talents  (<f  the  president  and  other  pul  lie  functi<rtiari<'s.  To 
a  man  of  a  liberal  mind  it  is  infinitely  mori  ajjreeabic  u»  bestow 
the  meed  (>f  praise,  than  to  cb  al  out  censure.  Hiit  a  roujjh  truth 
IV,  or  t  ruble  to  a  smooth  falseluiod.  And  whatever  chiwre  we 
)  arriving  at  the  haven  of  peace  and  happinenB  depends 

upon  a  fair  anil «  andid  eKaminali<»n  of  out  <  1\  ( s,  whieli  must  in- 
fdHibty  r<  stlt  in  a  (onx  iction,that,s«>  gr«at  lia\<  in  en  th«-  eirors, 
^e  follii  s,  .lud  th»'  madtuss  on  both  Hid.-s,  mut  i.il  foruiveness 
requires  no  effort  </f  generosity — it  is  merely  an  act  ol  simple 


Ilrropr  f  qtiif  Jf)is  br.uuh  of  my  subject,  it  is  but  proper  to 
obser^ .  ,  rbaf  it  is  hardly  possible  to  c(mce'  -e  of  a  niore  difficult 
iind  ardu'ftw  »ituation  tluui  ihat  iu  which  Mr.  Jtft'erson  and  Mr. 


CHAP.  9.] 


FEDERAL  CONVENTION. 


# 


Madison  have  been  placed.  They  have  had  to  struggle  with 
two  belligerents,  one  supremely  powerful  by  land,  and  on  that 
element  holding  in  awe  the  chief  part  of  the  civilized  world — 
the  other  equally  powerful  by  sea  : — and  each,  in  his  rage  against 
the  other,  violating  the  clearest  and  most  indisputable  rights  of 
neutrals,  and  inflicting  upon  us,  in  a  time  of  pre  ct  nded  peace, 
nearly  as  much  injury  as  if  we  were  arrayed  among  the  belliger- 
And  the  divisions  and  distractions  of  the  country,  with 


en  s. 


the  formidable  opposition  of  a  powerful  party,  embracing  all  the 
governments  of  the  eastern  states  and  a  considenVole  portion  of 
the  citizens  of  the  rest  of  the  union,  must  have  caused  the  admi- 
nistration infinitely  more  embarrassment  and  difficulty  than  the 
two  belligerents  together.  I'he  federalists,  as  I  shall  show  more 
fully  in  the  sequel,  after  goadipg  the  government  into  resistance, 
and  vilifying  it  for  not  procuring  redress,  thwarted,  opposed, 
and  rendered  nugatory  every  rational  effort  made  to  accomplish 
the  very  object  they  professed  to  seek — a  degree  of  madness  and 
folly  never-enough-to-be-deplored. 

CHAPTER  IX. 

Thfjedcralistfi.  Federal  convention  anri  constitution.  C  mpfaintx 
of  ivant  of  energy  in  the  constitution.  Disorgnnizers  and 
jacobins.     Alien  and  sedition  laws. 

Having  thus  taken  what  I  hope  will  be  allowed  to  be  a  can- 
did view  of  the  errors  and  misconduct  of  tlie  democratic  party, 
it  remains  to  render  the  same  justice  o  their  opponents.  And 
I  feel  confident,  it  will  appear  that  the  latter  have  at  least  as 
much  need  to  solicit  forgiveness  of  their  injured  country,  as  the 
former.  In  the  career  of  madness  and  folly  which  the  nation 
has  run,  they  have  acted  a  conspicuous  part,  and  may  fairly 
dispute  the  palm  with  their  coin])etitors. 

In  the  federal  convention,  this  party  made  every  possible  exer- 
tion to  increase  the  energy,  and  add  to  the  authority,  of  the  ge- 
neral government,  and  to  endow  it  with  powers  at  the  expense 
of  the  state  governments  and  the  citizens  at  large.  Bearing 
strongly  in  mmd  the  disorders  and  cfmvulsions  of  some  of  the 
very  ill-balanced  republics  of  Circece  and  Italy,  their  sole  object 
of  dread  appeared  to  be  the  inroads  of  anarchy.  And  as  man- 
kind too  generally  find  it  difficult  to  steer  the  middle  course, 
their  apprehensions  of  the  Scylla  of  anarchy  effectually  blinded 
them  to  the  dangers  of  tlie  Charylxlis  of  despotism,     llad  they 

f)os8C8sed  a  complete  ascendency  in  the  convention,  it  is  proba- 
>le  they  would  have  fallen  into  the  opposite  extreme  to  that 
ivhich  decided  the  u  nor  of  the  constitution. 

rhis  party  was  vlivided.  A  small  but  very  active  division 
was  composed  of  monarchists,  who  utterly  disbelieved  ':  the 
efficacy  or  security  of  the  republican  form  of  government,  tspe- 


83 


POUTICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[CBAF.  9 


eially  in  a  territorry  so  extensive,  as  that  of  the  United  States, 
and  embracing  so  numerous  a  population  as,  at  no  distant  pe- 
riod, was  to  be  taken  into  the  calculation.  'I'he  remainder  were 
genuine  republicans,  men  of  enlightened  views,  and  a  high  de- 
gree of  public  spirit  and  patriotism.  J  hey  differed  as  widely 
from  the  monarchic  part  of  that  body,  as  from  the  democratic. 
It  is  unfortunate  that  their  counsels  did  not  prevail.  For  in 
government,  as  in  almost  all  other  human  concerns,  safety  lies 
in  middle  courses.  Violent  and  impassioned  men  lead  them- 
selves, and  it  is  not  wonderful  they  lead  others,  astray.  This 
portion  of  the  federal  party  advocated  an  energetic,  but  a  repub- 
lican form  of  government,  which,  on  all  proper  occasions,  might 
be  able  to  command  and  call  forth  the  force  of  the  nation. 

The.  following  letter  sheds  considerable  light  on  the  views  of 
Alexander  Hamilton,  who  took  a  distinguished  part  in,  and  had 
a  decisive  influence  on,  the  proceedings  of  that  respectable 
body.— It  is  obvious  that  a  president  during  good  behaviour, 
which  appears  by  this  document  to  have  been  a  favourite  fea- 
ture with  Mr.  Hamilton,  could  hardly  be  considered  other  than 
a  president  for  life. 

Niw  YonK,  Sept.  16,  1803. 

^Ir  i»E4B  SIR,  I  will  make  no  aywiojyy  for  my  delay  in  answering  your  inquiry 
some  time  since  made,  because  I  could  ofl'er  none  which  would  satisfy  myself. 
i  pray  you  only  to  believe,  that  it  proceeded  from  any  thing  rather  than  want 
wi  respect  or  regard.     I  sii.ill  now  comply  with  your  request 

"  'i'lie  iughest-toned  projioitions  wnich  I  made  in  the  convention  were  for 
a  fnt'siiltful,  senate,  and  judi^'-r.i,  during  ffond  behavinw ;  a  house  of  representa- 
lives  for  three  years.  Though  I  wouUl  have  enlarged  the  legislative  power 
of  the  general  government,  yet  I  never  contemplate<l  the  abolition  of  the  state 
governments  But  on  tlie  contrary,  they  were,  in  some  particulars,  constitu- 
ents part  of  my  plan. 

"  Tlii';  plan  was,  in  my  conception,  conformably  with  the  .strict  theory  of  a 
government  purely  '•epublicuii ;  the  essential  criteria  of  which  are,  that  the  prin- 
cipal organs  of  the  executive  and  legislative  departments  be  elected  by  the  peo- 
file,  :iiul  hf)ld  f  I.'  ir  offices  by  a  responsible  and  leinporary  or  defeasible  nature. 

"  A  vote  wxs  uken  on  tlw  proposition  respecting  (lie  executive.  Five  states 
•N«re  in  favour  of  It ;  amofijc  these  Virginia  ;  and  lliough,  fr<im  the  manner  of 
il/ing  by  delegations,  individuals  were  not  <listitiguislied  :  it  was  morally 
eMtani,  from  tlie  kn«»wn  situation  of  the  Virginia  inembers  (six  in  number, 
two  i»f  them,  Mason  and  Unndolp'i,  professing  popular  doctrines)  that  Vladison 
nri«t  have  r  i.m  urre<'  in  the  •  ote  of  Virginia.  Thus,  if!  sinned  against  repub- 
huanitnt.  Mr  .Madis       »  no       m  piil.y. 

"  I  tatty  truly  thei»  *»y,  that  I  never  prry  »«ed  ci'  her  a  president  or  senate  for 
life;  tind  t*Mt  1  iieit  er  recommended  i  med>uted  the  nnnihili^ion  of  the 
«t»te  govemmentf 

"  And  I  may  a<l(l.  that  in  the  course  of  the  discussions  in  the  ronTrntiofi', 
MMfeer  the  propositions  thrown  out  for  debate,  nor  even  those  voted  in  the 
eMirr  stages  of  delibenttion,  were  considerei;  as  evidences  of  «  definite  opi- 
nion in  the  proposer  or  voter.  It  appeared  to  be  in  some  sort  understood,  that, 
with  a  view  to  free  investigation,  exp<rimentnl  pr«t;>o(Mtioiis  might  be  made, 
which  were  to  he  recciv«'il  merely  as  suggestions  for  eonsidrmtion.  Acrord- 
mgly  it  is  a  fact,  tliat  my  final  o|)inu)n  w;is  against  an  j-xecuti'e  during  goo<l  be- 
haviour, on  iiccount  of  the  inrrfased  danger  to  the  p!ihiic  tranquillity  inrulent 
to  the  election  of  a  magistnid  ol  his  degree  of  permanency,  In  the  plan  of  a 
coiistituliun  which  1  drew  up,  wUitc  Uie  convention  ww  sittuig,  and  which  1 


*v 


CHAP.  9.] 


FEDERAL  CONVENTION. 


m 


communicated  to  Mr.  Madison  about  the  close  of  it,  perhaps  a  day  or  two  after, 
the  office  of  president  has  no  longer  duration  than  for  three  years. 

"  This  plan  was  predicated  upon  these  bases :  1.  That  the  political  principles 
of  the  people  of  this  countiy  would  endure  nothing  but  a  republican  govern- 
ment. 2.  That  in  the  actual  situation  of  the  country,  it  was  itself  right  and  pro- 
per that  the  republican  theory  should  have  a  fair  and  full  trial.  3.  That,  to 
such  a  trial  it  was  essential  that  the  government  should  be  so  constructed  as  to 
give  it  all  the  energy  and  stability  reconcilable  with  the  principles  of  that  the- 
ory. These  were  the  genuine  sentiments  of  my  heart:  and  upon  them  1  acted. 

"  I  sincerely  hope  that  it  may  not  hereafter  be  discovered,  that  through 
want  of  sufficient  attention  to  the  last  idea,  the  experiment  of  repubUcan  go- 
vernment, even  in  tliis  conntry,  has  not  been  as  complete,  as  satisfactory,  and 
as  decisive  as  could  be  wished.  .« 

Very  truly,  &c. 

A.  HAMILTON. 

TiMOTHT  PicKEniso,  Esq. 

In  the  conflict  of  opinions  in  the  convention,  a  spirit  of  com- 
promise was  imperiously  necessary  in  order  to  secure  success 
to  its  labours.  The  tenacity  of  some  leading  men,  of  adverse 
opinions,  had  nearly  rendered  the  effort  abortive.  According 
to  Luther  Martin,  Esq.  one  of  the  Maryland  delegates,  the  con- 
vention was  several  times  on  the  verge  of  adjournment,  without 
fulfilling  the  object  of  its  appointment.  But  the  good  fortune 
of  the  nation  prevailed  :  and  after  a  session  of  about  four 
months,  the  constitution  was  finally  agreed  upon,  submitted  to 
public  discussion,  and  joyfully  accepted  by  the  American  people. 

The  federal  party  immediately  assumed  the  reins,  and  admi- 
nistered the  government  for  twelve  years.  During  this  period, 
its  want  of  sufficient  energy,  and  its  danger  from  the  state  go- 
vernments, were  frequent  subjects  of  impassioned  complaint. 
Every  man  who  opposed  the  measures  of  the  administration, 
of  what  kind  soever  they  were,  or  from  whatever  motives,  was 
stigmatized  as  -  disorganizer  and  a  jacobin.  The  last  term  in- 
volved the  utmost  extent  of  human  atrocity.  A  jacobin  was, 
in  fact,  an  enemy  to  social  order — to  the  rights  of  property — to 
religion — to  morals — and  ripe  for  rapine  and  spoil. 

As  far  as  laws  can  apply  a  remedy  to  the  alleged  feebleness 
of  the  general  government,  the  reigning  party  sedulously  endea- 
voured to  remove  the  defect.  Thc\  fenced  round  the  constitut- 
ed authorities,  as  I  have  stated,  with  an  alien  and  sedition  law. 
By  the  former,  they  could  banish  from  our  shares  obnt  xious 
foreigners  whose  period  of  probation  hiul  not  expired.  By  the 
latter,  every  libel  against  the  government,  and  eveiy  unlawful  at- 
tempt to  oppose  its  measures,  were  subject  to  punishment,  more 
or  less  severe,  in  proportion  to  their  magnitude. 

The  alien  law,  I  l)elieve,  was  never  carriial  into  operation.  It 
was  held  hi  ten  j rem  over  sevei^al  active  and  influential  foreign- 
ers, who,  in  the  language  of  the  day,  were  rank  jacobins,  and 
of  course  enemies  of  (iod  and  man.  But  thi-  case  was  far  dif- 
ferent with  the  sedition  law.     Several  individuals  could  bear 


i 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[CUAF.  10. 


,1      ,<■ 


testimony,  from  experience,  to  the  severity  with  which  its  sanc- 
tions were  enforced.  Some  cases  occuiTed,  of  a  tragi-comical 
kind,  particularly  one  in  New- Jersey,  in  which  a  culprit  was  found 
guilty  and  punished,  under  this  law,  for  the  simple  wish  that  the 
wadding  of  a  gun,  discharged  on  a  festival  day,  had  made  an  in- 
road into,  or  singed  the  posteriors  of  Mr.  Adams,  then  president 
of  the  United  States. 

But  every  thing  in  this  sublunary  world  is  liable  to  revolution. 
This  is  proverbially  the  case  with  power  in  a  republican  govern- 
ment. The  people  of  the  United  States  changed  their  rulers. 
By  the  regular  course  of  election,  they  withdrew  the  reins  from 
the  federalists,  to  place  them  in  the  hands  of  the  democrats. 

This  was  a  most  unexpected  revolution  to  the  former.  It 
wholly  changed  their  views  of  the  government.  It  has  been  as- 
serted in  England,  that  a  tory  in  place,  becomes  a  whig  when 
out  of  place — and  that  a  whig  when  provided  with  a  place,  be- 
comes a  tory.  And  it  is  painful  to  state  that  too  many  among 
us  act  the  same  farce.  The  government,  which,  administered 
by  themselves,  was  regarded  as  miserably  feeble  and  inefficient, 
became,  on  its  transition,  arbitrary  and  despotic ;  notwithstand- 
ing that  among  the  earliest  acts  of  the  new  incumbents,  was  the 
repeal  not  merely  of  the  alien  and  sedition  laws,  but  of  the  most 
obnoxious  and  oppressive  taxes  ! 

Under  the  effects  of  these  new  and  improved  political  views, 
a  most  virulent  warfare  was  begun  against  their  successors. 
The  gazettes  patronized  by,  and  devoted  to,  federalism,  were 
unceasing  in  their  efforts  to  degrade,  disgrace,  and  defame  the 
administration.  All  its  errors  were  industriously  magnified, 
and  ascribed  to  the  most  perverse  and  wicked  motives.  Allega- 
tions wholly  unfounded,  and  utterly  improbable,  were  reiterated 
in  regular  succession.  An  almost  constant  and  unvarying  op- 
position was  maintained  to  all  its  measures :  and  hardly  ever  was 
a  substitute  proposed  for  any  of  them.  Not  the  slightest  allow- 
ance was  made  for  the  unprecedented  and  onvulsed  state  of  the 
world.  And  never  were  more  ardour  and  energy  displayed  in, 
a  struggle  between  two  hostile  nations,  than  the  opposition  mani- 
fested in  their  attacks  upon  the  administration.  The  awful,  la- 
mentable, and  ruinous  consequences  of  this  warfare,  and  its  de- 
struction ot  the  vital  interests  of  the  nation,  will  fully  appear  in 
the  sequel. 

CHAPTER  X. 

British  otilfis  in  council^  Xmtrmher,  1 793.    Fnforcemnit  of  the 

ruit  o/"l75<\ 

As  the  ditficulties  and  dangers  of  our  country  arose  |)rin(ipal- 
ly  from  the  heUim-rent  invasions  of  our  rij^htH,  I  shall  commence 
the  cunsidcraiion  of  then»  with  the  British  oixlcr  of  1793. 


i 


pfSi! 


CRAF, 


10.] 


ORDER  IN  COUNCIL. 


'  At  that  period,  during  the  administration  of  general  Wash- 
ington, the  following  order  was  clandestinely  issued  by  the  Brit- 
ish privy  council  :— 

"  George  R.    Additioaal  instruction,  to  all  ships  of  war,  privateers,  &c. 
"  That  they  shall  stop  and  detain  all  ships  laden  with  goods,  the  produce  of 
any  colony  belonging  to  France,  or  carrying  provisions  or  other  supplies  for 
the  use  of  such  colonies  ;  and  shall  bring  the  same,  with  their  cargoes,  to  le- 
gal adjudication  in  our  courts  of  admiralty. 

'<  By  his  majesty's  command, 
.„     ,  Signed,  "Heney  DoNDAS." 

Nov.  6, 1793. 

This  order,  a  most  lawless  invasion  of  our  rights,  almost  un- 
precedented in  extent,  was  incapable  of  pleading  in  its  defence  the 
right  of  retaliation,  subsequently  so  hacknied  and  worn  so  thread- 
bare. In  a  few  weeks  it  swept  the  seas  of  our  commerce.  Hun- 
dreds of  our  vessels  were  captured :  and  many  of  our  merchants, 
who  had  no  more  anticipation  of  such  depredations,  than  of  an 
attack  on  their  vessels  by  the  Chinese,  were  absolutely  reduced 
to  bankruptcy.  The  annals  of  Europe  for  the  preceding  century 
furnish  no  measure  more  unjustifiable. 

The  circumstances  attending  it  very  highly  aggravated  the  out- 
rage. It  was  issued  so  clandestinely,  and  with  such  an  extraor- 
dinary degree  of  secrecy,  that  the  first  account  of  its  existence 
reached  the  London  exchange,  with  the  details  of  the  captures  it 
authorized  and  occasioned.  And  the  American  minister  at  the 
court  of  St.  James's,  was  anable  to  procure  a  copy  of  it  till  the 
25th  of  December. 

This  lawless  procedure  excited  universal  indignation  through- 
out the  United  States.  Theie  was  a  general  clamour  for  war 
among  all  parties.  Several  very  violent  measures  were  moved 
and  debated  in  congress — among  the  rest,  the  sequestration  of  all 
British  property  in  the  United  States,  for  the  purpose  of  indem- 
nifying our  merchants.  This  was  the  project  of  Jonathan  Dayton, 
of  New  Jersey,  a  leading  federalist. 

While  Congress  was  engaged  in  debating  on  various  modes  of 
procuring  redress,  the  president  arrested  its  career,  by  the  nomi- 
nation of  Judge  Jay  as  minister  extraordinary,  to  seek  redress 
from  the  British  government. 

This  mission  eventuated  in  the  celebrated  treaty  which  bears 
that  minister's  name,  against  which,  volumes  of  denunciations 
were  published  by  the  democrats,  with  numberless  gloomy  and 
terrific  predictions,  on  nearly  the  whole  of  which,  as  I  have  al- 
ready stated,  time  has  stamped  the  seal  of  false  prophecy. 

From  this  period  till  the  year  1805,  the  collisions  between  the 
two  nations  were  inconsiderable. 

The  United  States  were  in  a  most  enviable  state  of  prosperity 
in  the  years  1800, 1,  2,  3,4,  5,  and  6.  No  nation  ever  enjoyed 
greater  happiness.  The  commerce  of  the  country,  and  particu- 
larly its  exports,  had  most  wonderfully  increased. 

O.  B.    13 


86 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[chap.  10. 


During  the  first  four  years  of  general  Washington's  adminis- 
tration, the  whole  value  of  the  exports  from  this  country,  foreign 
and  domestic,  was  about  100,000,€)00  dollars;  whereas  during  the 
years  1803, 4,  5,  and  6,  they  were  more  than  treble  that  amount. 


XFoars. 

Foreign. 

Domestic. 

To'EAL. 

180d 

13,594,000 

42,206,000 

35,800,000 

1804 

36,231,000 

41,468,000 

rr,699000 

1805 

53,179,000 

42,387,000 

95,566,000 

1806 

60,283  000 

41,253,000 

101,536,000 

163  287  000 


167,314,000 


130,601,000 


The  foreign  articles  were  principally  productions  of  the  colo- 
nies of  the  enemies  of  Great  Britain.  Their  amount  excited  her 
jealousy  in  a  high  degree,  and  led  her,  in  the  summer  of  1805,  to 
adopt  the  rule  of  the  war  of  1756,  which  rendered  illegal  any 
commerce  carried  on  during  war,  by  a  neutral,  with  the  colonics 
of  a  belligerent,  which  had  not  been  permitted  during  peace. 
This  rule  was  furtively  carried  into  operation,  without  any  pre- 
vious notice,  whereby  our  vessels  and  property  to  an  immense 
amount  were  seized— .carried  into  British  ports — tried  and  con- 
demned. 

A  circumstance  attended  this  measure,  which  greatly  aggra- 
vated its  atrocious  injustice.  It  was  in  direct  hostility  with  pre- 
vious decisions  of  the  British  courts  of  admiralty,  which  had  le- 
galized, in  the  clearest  and  most  explicit  manner,  the  trade  now 
proscribed  arA  subjected  to  condemnation* 

In  order  %o  display  the  gross  impropriety  of  this  procedure  of 
the  Bridj^h  government,  and  its  utter  inconsistency  with  their 
precedin)[^  conduct  and  decisions,  I  annex  a  statement  of  the  re- 
port of  the  king's  advocate,  on  an  application  made  to  him  in 
Mrrch,  1801,  at  the  instance  ofRufusKing,  Esq.  our  minister 
at  the  court  of  St.  James's,  on  certain  cases  wherein  the  rule  of 
1756  was  attempted  to  be  enforced. 

"  It  is  now  distinctly  understood,  and  has  been  repeatedly  so  decided'by  the 
*'  high  court  of  appeals,  that  THE  PRODUCE  OP  THE  COLONIES  OP 
"  THE  ENEMY  MAY  BE  LM  PORTED  BY  A  NEUTRAL  INTO  IliS  OWN 
"COUNTRY,  AND  MAY  BE  EXPORTED  FROM  THENCE,  EVEN  TO 
"THE  MOTHER  COUNTRY  OF  SUCH  COLONY;  AND  IN  LIKE  MAN- 
"NER  THE  PRODUCE  AND  MANUFACTURES  OF  THE  MOTHER 
"COUNTRY  MAY,  IN  THIS  CIRCUITOUS  MODE,  LEGALLY  FIND 
'•THEIR  WAY  TO  THE  COLONIES.  The  direct  trade,  however,  be- 
"  tween  the  mother  country  and  its  colonies,  has  not,  I  apprehend,  be6n  ttcog- 
*'ni8ed  as  legal,  either  by  his  majesty's  government,  or  by  his  tribunals. 

"  What  is  a  direct  trade,  or  what  amounts  to  an  intermediate  importation 
"into  the  neutral  country,  may  sometimes  be  a  question  of  some  diiBculty.  A 
"  general  dchniiion  of  either,  applicable  to  allcases,  cannot  well  be  laid  down. 
"  The  question  must  depend  upon  the  particular  circumstances  of  each  case. 
"  Perhaps  the  mere  touching  in  the  neutral  country,  to  take  fresh  clearances, 
"  may  properly  be  considered  as  a  fraudulent  evasion,  and  is  jfi  effect  the  di> 
,*'rect  trade  ;  but  the  high  court  •fadmiralty  has  expressly  decided  (and  I  se^ 


CRAP.  10.] 


MERCANTILE  ALARMS. 


87 


•i* 


e  the  law  upon  the 
uture  guidance  and 


•'no  reason  to  expect,  that  the  court  of  appeals  will  vary  the  rule)  that  landing 
*\the  goodt  and  paying  the  duties  in  the  neutral  country  break*  the  continuity  of  the 
*"  voyage;  and  it  such  an  importation  a*  legalises  the  trade,  although  the  goodt  be 
*'  r"- shipped  in  the  same  vessel,  and  on  account  of  the  same  neutral  proprietors,  and 
**  beforwardedfor  sale  to  the  mother  country  or  the  colony," 

"  An  extract  from  this  report,  containing  the  foregoing  pas* 
**  sage,  was  transmitted  by  the  duke  of  Portland,  in  a  letter  of  the 
"  thirtieth  of  March,  1801,  to  the  lords  commissioners  of  the  ad- 
"  miralty.  The  duke's  letter  concludes  thus  :  "  in  order,  there- 
*'  fore,  to  put  a  stop  to  the  inconveniences  arising  from  these  erro- 
**  neous  sentences  of  the  vice  admiralty  courts,  I  have  the  honour 
*'  to  signify  to  your  lordships  the  king's  pleasure,  that  a  communi- 
*'  cation  of  the  doctrine  laid  down  in  .d  report  should  be  im- 

"  mediately  made  by  your  lordship  ^  f-  several  judges  presi 

**  ding  in  them,  setting  forth  what  i 
"  subject  by  the  superior  tribunals, 
"direction."* 

The  depredations  above  stated,  excited  universal  indignation 
throughout  the  United  States.  The  mercantile  part  of  the  com- 
munity were  exasperated  to  the  utmost  degree.  The  adminis- 
tration was  stigmatized  as  equally  regardless  of  the  honour  and 
interest  of  the  nation,  for  not  resisting  these  pretensions  and  pro- 
curing redress  for  the  depredations.  A  recurrence  to  the  ga- 
zettes of  that  period  will  fully  prove  that  the  federal  party  was 
then  clamorous  for  war,  if  redress  could  not  be  procured  for 
grievances  incomparably  less  than  those  that  finally  provoked 
the  late  c'ecJaration  of  war.  But  it  may  be  said,  with  some  de- 
gree of  truth,  that  newspapers  are  <in  equivocal  criterion  of  the 
public  opinion.  This  I  well  know,  and  freely  admit :  and  there- 
fore I  sha!t  !ay  before  the  reader  other  and  most  unerring  proofs 
of  the  mercantile  temper  of  this  period. 

Meetings  of  the  merchants  were  held  in  almost  all  the  com- 
mercial towns  and  cities  in  the  United  States.  The  subject  was 
eloquently  discussed.  Strong  memorials  were  agreed  upon, 
urging  the  president  and  congress  to  adopt  such  measures  as 
might  be  necessary  to  procure  redress.  In  these  inemorials, 
which  were  couched  in  the  most  emphatical  language,  the  pre- 
tensions of  England  were  considered  as  akin  to  actual  piracyf 
— as  opening  the  door  to  the  most  flagrant  frauds  and  imposi- 
tions— as  unworthy  of  a  great  and  magnanimous  people — and  as 
derogatory  to  our  reputation  and  honour  as  an  independent  na- 
tion. The  administration  was  in  the  most  impassioned  style  in* 
voked  to  resist  such  pretensions  ;  and  the  memorialists  generally 
pledged  themselves  most  solemnly  to  support  it  in  the  attempt.  As 

*  Letter  from  Messrs.  Monroe  and  Pinkney  to  lord  Howick,  dated  Auirust 
20, 1806. 

t  "  It  cannot  become  the  inteffrity  of  a  great  nationt  to  prey  upon  the  unpro- 
l^ed  property  of  a  friendly  p(n\ier  .'*  Boston  Memorial , 


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V 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[cHAr.  11. 


I  shall  devote  a  separate  chapter  [the  18th]  to  the  consideration 
of  the  policy  of  the  mercantile  portion  of  the  nation,  I  shall  not 
here  inquire  how  far  these  pledges  were  redeemed. 

These  memorials  are  immenstly  important  in  the  formation 
of  a  correct  estimate  of  the  policy  of  our  government.  I  shall, 
therefore,  make  very  copious  extracts  from  them.  They  are 
most  precious  documents,  and  present;  "  a  round,  unvarnished 
tale"  of  the  outrages  experienced  by  American  commerce,  and 
the  extravagant  pretensions,  as  well  as  the  lawless  depredations 
of  Great  Britain. 


CHAPTER  XL 

Extracts  from  the  Boston  Memorial  to  Congress* 

The  Boston  merchants,  after  glancing  at  the  vexations,  insults, 
and  barbarities,  suffered  from  France  and  Spain,  pass  on  to  the 
consideration  of  the  grievances  inflicted  by  the  British.  They 
state  that, 

"  It  is  their  object  in  the  present  memorial,  to  confine  their  animadversions 
to  THE  MORE  ALARMING,  BECAUSE  MORE  NUMEROUS  AND  EX- 
TENSIVE DETENTIONS  AND  CONDEMNATIONS  OF  AMERICAN 
VESSELS  BY  GREAT  BRITAIN,  and  to  advert  to  the  principles  recently 
avowed,  and  adopted  bv  her  courts  relative  to  neutral  trade  in  articles  of  colo* 
nial  produce  ;— principles,  which,  if  admitted,  or  practised  upon  in  all  the  lati* 
tude,  which  may  fairly  be  inferred  to  be  intended,  would  be  dettruciiiie  of  the 
na«i>a(ion.an(/ RADICALLY  IMPAIR  THE  MOST  LUCRATIVE  COM. 
MERGE  OF  OUR  COUNTRY  :  principles  that  had  been  virtually  abandoned 
subsequently  to  their  avowal,  men  during  an  intermediate  and  invterate  viar,  and 
during  the  prosecution  of  a  trade  which  it  now  interdicted  and  alkgedto  be  illegal, 
but  which  trade  was  at  that  time  sanctioned  by  the  promulgated  decisions  of 
her  courts,  and  by  an  official  communication  from  one  of  the  highest  organs  of 
the  very  government,  which  is  now  attempting  to  destroy  it,  and  with  its  sup* 
pression  to  ANNIHILATE,  OR  GREATLY  DIMINISH  THE  COM- 
MERCE OF  NEUTRAL  NATIONS. 

"  There  is  great  cause  to  apprehend,  that  the  British  government  means  to 
set  up  as  a  principle,  that  she  has  a  right  to  interdict  all  commerce  by  neutrals, 
to  the  ports  of  her  enemies,  which  ports  had  not  been  opened  previously  to  the 
commencement  of  hostilities  i— that  if  she  permits  a  trade  with  them  in  any 
degree,  she  Has  a  right  to  prescribe  the  limits  of  it  <  to  investigate  the  inten- 
tion  of  the  parties  prosecutmg  it  (  and  if  such  intention  be  not  the  actual  dis* 
position  of  the  property  in  the  neutral  country,  to  consider  the  merchandise, 
even  after  the  importation  into  such  country,  ail«r  havmg  been  landed  therein, 
warehoused,  and  the  duties  paid  on  it,  ai  only  in  the  ttage  of  a  continued  and 
direct  voyage /rom  the  colony  to  the  mother  country,  orviceverta/  and  therefore 
illegal,  and  liable  to  condemnation. 

'*  Unless  the  present  disposition  of  the  British  admiralty  courts,  and  navy 
ofRcers,  can  be  eounteractea  and  removed,  a  widelv -dispersed  and  unprotected 
comnerce,  ext  jnding  to  every  region  of  the  globe,  will  only  serve  TO  IN- 
VITE DEPREDATION,  TO  BANKRUPT  OURSELVES,  ANDENRICH 
OTHERS,  UNTIL  SUCH  COMMERCE  BE  SWEPT  i  ROM  THE  FACE 
OF  THE  OCEAN,  and  leave  nothing  in  its  stead,  but  sentiments  of  hostility 
and  acts  vf  contention. 

"  A  tacit  submiisiuii  to  pretensions  thus  lofty  and  comprehensive,  but  which 
your  memorialists  trust  arc  most  of  them  untenable,  would,  they  conceive,  be 
AN  ABANDONMENT  OF  RIGHTS  OPENLY  RECOGNIZED  AND  A 


■\ 


sHAp;  13.3 


NEW  YORK  MEMORIAL. 


8» 


DERGUCTION  OF  THE  MOST  IMPORTANT  COMMERCIAL  INTERESTS 
OF  OUR  COUNTRY. 

'  "  Reason,  and  the  most  powerful  considerationa  of  equity,  enjoin  it  a«  % 
DUTY  ON  THE  UNITED  STATES  TO  OPPOSE  THESE  PRETENSIONS  ; 
for  circumstanced  a*  these  states  are,  possessing  an  tntmensely  extended  and 
fertile  territory,  producing  mostly  the  necessaries  of  life,  whichg  with  the  mer* 
chandise  obtained  from  abroad  by  the  industry  and  enterprise  of  her  citizens, 
she  is  obliged  to  barter,  or  furnish  in  payment  for  importations  of  foreign  pro- 
duce or  manufactures!  it  behoves  her  strenuously  to  contend  forthe  right  of  an 
open  commerce  in  innocent  articles  between  other  nations  that  are  willing  to  ac> 
cord  it,  and  herself;  for  if  the  right  be  not  both  claimed  and  admitted,  scarce- 
ly any  of  the  European  powers  can  in  future  be  engaged  in  warfare  without 
making  the  United  States,  in  opposition  both  to  her  eilbrts  and  wishes* 
EITHER  A  VICTIM,  OR  PARTY  IN  THE  CONTEST. 

"  As  to  the  inquisitorial  right  of  search  intq  the  ownership  of  neutral  prop< 
erty  set  up  by  Great  Britam,  and  the  doctrine  appended  to  it,  that  a  neutral  ita- 
porter  shall  not  again  export  his  goods,  but  that  they  shall  be  first  alienated 
and  passed  intothepossessionof  others— your  memoriatiBts  believe  them  to  be 
UNSOUND  IN  POINT  OF  PRINCIPLE.  OFFENSIVE  IN  PRACTICE  "AND 
NUGATORY  IN  EFFECT. 

"  At  any  rate,  whetlier  the  doctrine  were  sound  or  not,  or  whether  it  inj«« 
red  Great  Britain  or  not,  it  cannot  become  the  integrity  and  magnanimity  of  a 
great  and  powerful  nation,  at  once*  and  without  notice,  to  revers^  her  rule  of 
conduct  towards  other  states,  and  TO  PREY  UPON  THE  UNPROTECT- 
ED PROPERTY  OF  A  FRIENDLY  POWER,  the  extension  of  whose  com. 
merce  had  been  invited  by  the  formal  avowal  of  her  intentions,  and  prosecuted, 
under  a  reliance  on  her  good  faith,  and  from  the  confidence  reposed,  that  lier 
courts,  uniform  to  their  principles,  would  never  be  influenced  by  the  time* 
serving  politics  of  the  moment. 

"  In  all  events,  fully  relying  that  the  subject  of  our  differences  with  Great 
Britain  will  receive  the  due  eontideratnn  of  government  \  and  that  such  measures 
will  in  consequence  be  prnmptly  adopted,  as  will  tend  to  DISSEMB  ARK  ASS 
OUR  COMMERCE,  ASSESrr  OUR  RIGHTS,  AND  SUPPORT  THE  DIGNI- 
TY OP  THE  UNITED  STATES, 

**  Your  memonalists  have  the  honour  to  remain,  in  behalf  of  their  conilitu« 
ents  and  themselves,  most  respectfully, 

James  Lloyd,  jr<  David  Green, 

Arnold  Welles,  George  Cabot» 

David  Sears, 
Botton,  January  20,  IB06. 


John  CofHn  Jones, 
Thomas  H.  Perkins, 


CHAPTER  XII.      . 
Extracts  from  the  New  Tori  memorial. 

'<  They  have  been  suddenly  confounded  ly  unexpected  intelligence  of  tlm 
arrestaiirn,  on  the  high  teat,  of  a  lafge  portion  if  their  property,  which  had  ietn 
embatied  viith  the  mott  utmu^pecting  coiifJence.  The  feelings  of  your  memorisl- 
ists  are  not  only  excited  by  (lie  louses  which  they  have  actually  sustained,  in 
consequence  of  a  measure  insusceptible  of  previous  calculation,  but,  also,  from 
the  state  i>f  uncertainty  in  which  they  are  placed  with  respect  to  futui^  com* 
mcrcial  operations. 

"  In  the  recent  decision,  which  prohibits  an  importer  of  colonial  proiluce 
from  exporting  it  to  Europe,  they  perceive  with  concern,  either  a  nugatory 
and  vexatious  regulation,  or  a  meditatt-d  blow  ul  what  they  deem  an  incuotes* 
tible  and  valuable  right, 

"  If  the  arrival  of  a  ship  in  the  countrv  to  which  it  belongs  1  the  landing  of 
the  cargo  1  the  inspection  of  the  custom  iiuusc  1  the  payment  or  security  of  du* 
tif  s  i  do  not  terminate  a  voyage,  then  we  rciitleiiB  our  ignorance  on  a  point, 
which,  never  having  been  before  qiieittioned,  has  been  asNiimcd  by  us  as  an 
u(  kitowlrdgcd  truth.  If  the  entry  for  ex|  tort  at  ion  1  the  embarkation  of  merchan- 
dise i  Uic  rt'-iiisptclion  of  the  custom  lioiine  1  the  bond  for  secuiing  a  delivery 


ilr 


I 


'I 


?p 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[OHAP<  12. 


1 


in  a  foreign  country  i  and  a  public  clearance,  do  not  indicate  the  commence- 
ment  of  a  new  voyage ;  then  vre  are  yet  to  learn  the  meaning  of  the  exprei« 
■ion. 

"  But  theae  embarraaamenta,  thou|;h  perplexing  and  vexatioua,  are  not  those 
which  principally  occasion  our  solicitude  i  we  are  compelled  to  consider  the 
late  decisions  of  the  British  tribunals  as  preliminary  steps  towards  a  system  of 
controlling  the  importations  and  esportations  of  colonial  productions,  and  there- 
by  ANNIHILATING  THE  MOST  LUCRATIVE  BRANCHES  OF  OUR 
COMMERCE.  If  we  owed  this  trade  solety  to  the  favourof  Great  Britain,  still 
we  might  ask,  what  urgent  motive,  what  imperious  necessity,  required  that 
the  favour  should  be  resumed  at  a  period  tvAen  •w  commerce  via*  tpread  o<oer  the 
ocean,  and  when  a  change  so  essential  might  destroy  its  security,  and  subject 
us  to  incalculable  losses.  We  deny,  however,  that  the  rights  of  commerce, 
as  claimed  by  us,  are  to  be  deemed  favours  i  on  the  contrary,  if  the  law  of  na« 
tions  is  other  than  a  temporary  rule,  prescribed  by  an  arbitrarv  will,  and  en- 
forced  by  power,  then  we  appeal  to  its  most  universal  and  inviolable  prineiple 
in  our  defence.  Thia  principle  is,  that  the  gnods  of  a  neutral,  consisting  of 
articles,  not  cuntrabiind  of  war,  in  a  neutral  vessel,  employed  in  a  direct  trade 
betwreen  neutral  countries  and  ports  of  a  belligerent  country,  not  invested  or 
blockaded,  are  protected. 

"  Whatever  theoretical  opinions  may  heretofore  have  been  advanced,  there 
has  existed  no  such  practical  rule  [as  that  of  17561  which,  under  the  unpa- 
rallelled  circumstances  of  the  present  war,  MUST  INFALLIBLY  DES- 
TROY THE  COMMERCE  OF  THIS  COUNTRY. 

'*  With  these  preliminary  facts  in  view,  we  request  permisRion  to  detail 
■ome  of  the  most  important  consequences  of  the  assumed  rule,  that  neutrals 
may  be  restrained  in  time  of  war  to  their  accustomed  trade  in  time  of  peace. 
The  injustice  of  such  a  rule,  in  relation  to  the  United  States,  will  be  most 
manifest;  the  individuals  employed  in  commerce  would  not  alone  be  affect- 
ed I  all  the  internal  relations  of  our  country  would  be  disturbed  ;  the  inte- 
rests of  those  districts  which  are  most  remote  from  our  principal  ports,  would, 
in  proportion  to  their  dependence  on  foreign  supplies,  be  most  severely  de- 
pressed. 

<<  If  Great  Britain  permits  commerce  betaeen  her  subjects  and  the  colonies  of 
her  enemies,  may  we  not,  with  the  consent  of  those  colonies,  participate  in  the 
same  commerce  i  If  our  commerce  with  the  enemies  of  Great  Britain  may 
now  be  confined  to  the  svstem  established  in  time  of  peace,  may  we  not  ap- 
prehend that  the  principle  will  be  retaliated  in  respect  to  our  commerce  with 
the  colonies  of  Great  Britain  i  In  that  case,  WHAT  CAN  ENSUE  BUT 
WAR,  PILLAGE.  AND  DEVASTATION  ? 

•*  These  are  not  imaginary  suppositions.  They  illustrate  the  most  important 
principles  of  our  commerce.  They  evince  the  necessity  of  a  circuitous  trade, 
to  enable  us  to  realize  the  greatv^  '>fexportsof  ourcwn  native  productions, 
by  whicj^,  alone,  we  acquire  t^^e  r  to  liquidate  the  balance  against  us,  in 

•ur  commerce  with  Great  Br'aaii  ey  demonstrate,  that  the  position  against 
which  we  contend,  is  not  a  rule  of  the  law  of  nations.  THE  LAW  OF 
NATIONS  ORDAINS  NO  RULE.  WHICH  IS  UNEQUAL  AND  UN- 
JUST. 

"  It  is,  however,  witl'.  much  surprise,  that  we  have  recently  discovered,  that 
th«  very  oircumstanuiL-s  upon  which  our  hopes  of  security  were  reposed,  have 
been  urged  as  arguments  to  justify  an  invasion  of  our  rights  t  and  that  H  AV- 
ING  TOTALLY  SUPPRESSED  THE  EXTERNAL  COMMERCE  OF 
HER  ENEMIKS,  GREAT  BRITAIN  IS  NOW  COUNSELLED  TO  AP- 
PROPRIATE TO  HERSELF  THAT  OF  HER  FRIENDS. 

We  wish  only  for  justice  :  and  believing  that  a  commercial  nation  which 
disregards  justice,  thereby  undermines  the  citadel  of  her  power  t  we  rely  on 
the  effect  of  mutual  interests  and  wishes  in  promoting  a  cordial  explanation 
and  fair  adjustment  of  every  cause  of  misunderstanding  i  in  particular  we  re- 
ly on  the  government  of  our  country,  THAT  OUR  RIGHTS  WILL  NOT 
BE  ABANDONED,  and  tliitt  NO  ARGUMENT  IN  FAVOUR  OF  AN 
VSURPATION  WILL  EVER  BE  DERIVED  FROM  OUR  ACQUIES- 
CENCE. 


«MAr.  13.] 


PHILADELPHIA  MEMORIAL. 


9), 


Iwhich 
sly  on 

Ination 
vc  re* 
NOT 
AN 
JIES. 


•<  Your  memorialist!  conclude  with  remarking,  that  they  deem  the  present  •!• 
tuation  of  public  afTaira  to  be  peculiarly  critical  and  perilous ;  and  tuch  a*  reqtdru 
till  the  prudence,  the  v)iedomt  and  the  energy  i^thegcnenment,  SUPPORTED  BY 
THE  CO-OPERATION  OF  ALL  GOOD  CITIZENS.  By  mutual  exertions, 
under  the  benign  influence  of  providence  upon  this  hitherto  favoured  nation, 
we  hope  the  clouds  which  '.hreaten  to  obscure  its  prosperity  maybe  dispelled. 
AND  WB  PLBDGB  OUR  UNITED  SUPPORT  IN  FAVOUR  UP  ALLTHB 
MEASURES  ADOPlEl  TO  VINDICATE  AND  SECURE  THE  JUST 
RIGHTS  OF  OUR  COUJiTRY." 
New  Tori,  Dec.  28, 1805. 

Signed  '>n  behalf  of  the  merchants,  by 
Jolin  Broome,  chairman, 
Isaac  Lawrence,     Eben.  Stevens,        ElishaCoit,  Edmond  Seaman, 

Henry  J.  Wyckoif,  Wm.  W.  ^oolsey,  Sml.  A.  Lawrence,  Thomas  Farmer, 
Goelet  Hoyt,  Chls.  M'Evers,  jr.  Geom  Oriswold,  Charlea  Wright, 

James  Aruen,         William  Codmun,  W.  Henderson,       Wm.  Clarkson, 
James  Maxwell,     Oliver  Woleott,      William  Bayard,    John  B.  Murray, 

Rensselaer  Haveus,Robert  Lenox, 


W.  Edgar, 
John  De  Peyster, 
John  B.  Coles, 
LefTeri  LefTerts, 
John  Murray, 
J.  R.  Livingston, 


Thos.  Carpenter, 
G.  M.  Woolsey, 
Duniel  Ludlow, 
William  Lovet, 
Benjamin  Bailey, 
W.  Van  Zandt, 


Benj.  G.  Mmturo,  I.  Clason, 


James  Scott, 
John  Kane, 
John  Franklin, 
John  Taylor, 
D.  M.  Clarkson, 
Samuel  Russel, 


Henry  Post, 
Archibald  Gractev 
Gulian  Ludlow, 
P.  Shermerhom, 
John  P.  Mumford, 
John  Clendining, 


CHAPTER  XIII. 


Extractsfrom  the  memorial  of  the  Merchants  of  PhiladelphicK 

I  PROCEED  to  state  the  sentiments  of  the  merchants  of  the 
great  city  of  Philadelphia,  on  this  invasion  of  their  rights  and 
those  of  the  nation.  We  shall  see  that  they  felt  the  same  sense 
of  injustice  of  these  measures,  with  their  brethren  of  Boston  and 
New  York  ;  made  the  same  strong  requisition  for  protection  i 
and  gave  an  equal  pledge  of  full  support. 

**  Ajealouty  of  our  enterprite  and  protperity,  hat  excited  a  detign  of  cheeking  the 
commercial  grovith  tffour  country,  the  fruit  of  which  has  been  an  attempt  to  in> 
novate  upon  ancient  and  approved  principles,  and  introduce  unheard-of  arti« 
eles  and  provisions  into  the  code  of  public  law. 

*<  It  becomes  your  memorialists  to  state,  that  the  pressure  of  these  evils  has 
greatly  increased,  and  that  others,  of  even  superior  magnitude,  have  arisen, 
which  assume  a  most  alarming  and  distressing  form.  What  were  considered 
irregularities,  insusceptible  ot  prevention,  have,  by  continuance  and  success, 
strengthened  into  REGULAR  AND  SYSTEMATIC  PLUNDER.  What 
were  regarded  as  mischiefs  incident  to  a  state  of  war,  temporary  though  not 
remediless,  are  vindicated  upon  the  ground  of  right ;  and  tneir  practice  is  re- 
iterated under  the  authority  of  government,  and  receives  the  solemn  sanction 
of  law.  * 

"  They  moreover  foresee,  in  the  prevalence  of  the  principles,  and  the  con. 
tinuance  of  the  practices  alluded  to.  nothing  but  THE  RUIN  OF  INDIVL 
DUALS,  THE  DESTUUCTIUN  OF  THEIR  COMMERCE,  AND  THE  DE. 
GRADATION  OF  THEIR  COUNTRY. 

"  Could  the  judgment  or  even  the  charity  of  your  memorialists  see,  in  the 
new  doctrines  of  the  British  court,  nothing  but  the  revival  and  enforcement 
of  an  ancient  and  established  principle,  which  IViendship  had  relaxed,  or  (k- 
vnur  permitted  to  slumber,  thev  might  regret  the  departed  good,  but  could 
impute  no  injustice  to  the  hand  that  withdrew  it.  They  are  struck,  however, 
with  the  novelty  of  these  doctrines  \  their  unequixocal  hottility  to  neutral  interetie 
and  rights .-  thetr  incontitttney  laith  former  declarations  of  their  minntry,  and  deci* 
sions  (if  their  courts,  and  with  the  extraordinary  time  and  manner  of  their  an* 
nunc  iat  ion. 


«3 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[cBAv.  13;^ 


'*  The  effect  of  thii  novel  principle  upon  neutral  interests  i«  of  the  most  se-< 
rious  md  aUrminf?  character.  IT  GOES  TO  NOTHING  SHORT  OF  THE 
DESTRUCTION  OF  NEUTRAL  COMMERCE}  and  from  the  well-known 
neutral  situation  and  character  of  the  United  States,  to  nothing  thort  of  inflict- 
ing a  mott  deep  and  deadly  viound  upon  their  trade, 

"  But  your  memorialists  cannot  but  consider,  that  this  principle  has  not  the 
weightof  a  consistent  and  uniform  support  by  the  government  which  professes 
to  uphold  it.  In  1801,  the  declaration  of  its  ministry  and  the  decisions  of  iu 
courts,  were  unequivocally,  "  that  the  produce  of  the  colonies  of  the  enemy 
may  be  imported  by  a  neutral  into  his  own  country,  and  be  rc'czported  from 
thence,  even  to  the  mother  country  of  such  colony  {"  and  also,  "  that  landing 
the  goods,  and  paying  the  duties  in  the  neutral  country,  breaks  the  continuity 
of  the  voyage,  and  is  such  an  importation  as  legalises  the  trade,  although  the 
goods  be  re-shipped  in  the  same  vessel,  and  on  account  of  the  same  neutral 
proprietors,  and  forwarded  for  sale  to  the  mother  country."  In  1805,  it  is  de- 
cided, that  landing  and  paying  the  duties  does  not  break  the  continuity  of 
the  veyagpe :  and  the  course  of  trade  pointed  out  to  the  neutral,  four  years  be- 
fore, as  legii  and  safe,  is  now  unsatisfactory  to  the  belligereflt,  and  ATTEND- 
ED INFALLIBLY  WITH  CONFISCATION.  What  clear  and  immutable 
principle  of  the  law  df  nations,  can  that  be,  your  memorialists  would  ask, 
which  is  supported  by  the  high  court  of  admiralty,  and  avowed  by  the  ministry 
in  1801,  and  which  is  prostrated  by  the  ministry  and  the  high  court  of  appeals 
in  1805  ?  Such  a  principle  nvuat  be  eontidered  at  rather  partaking  of  the  shifting 
eharacter  of' convenience,  than  of  that  of  permanent  right  und  established  iav>.^ 

*<  The  time  and  manner  of  announcing  it  accord  with  the  principle  itself. 
At  a  moment  when  mercantile  enterprise,  confiding  in  the  explanations  an 
this  point  given  by  the  British  ministry  to  our  ambassador,  is  strained  to  the 
utmost,  a  new  decision  of  the  court  of  appeals  is  unnnunced,  and  EVERY 
bAIL  18  STRETCHED  i  O  COLLBCT  THE  UNWARY  AMERICANS,  WHO 
ARE  UNSUSPECTINGLY  CONFIDING  IN  WHAT  WAS  THE  LAW  OF 
NATIONS. 

'<  In  the  princiiples  they  have  here  submitted  to  your  consideration,  they 
feel  all  the  confidence  of  justice,  and  all  the  tenacity  of  truth.  TO  SURREN- 
DER THEM,  THEY  CONCEIVE,  WOULD  DEItOGATE  FROM  THE 
NATIONAL  CHARACTER  AND  INDEPENDENCE  OF  THE  UNITKp 
STATES.  FROM  THE  JUSTICE  OP  GOVERNMENT  THEY  HOPE  FOR 
THEIR  AVOWAL?  PROM  THE  SPIRIT  OF  GOVERNMENT  THEY 
HOPE  FOR  THEIR  DEFENCE  ;  AND  FROM  THE  BLESSING  OF  HEA- 
VEN  THEY  HOPE  FOR  THEIR  ESTABLISHMENT. 

"  As  citizens,  they  claim  protection ;  and  they  conceive  that  the  claim  is  en- 
forced by  the  consMeration,  that  from  their  industry  and  enterprise  is  collect- 
ed a  revenue  which  no  nation  has  been  able  to  equal,  witliout  a  correspondent 
expense  for  the  protection  of  the  means. 

"  To  preserve  peace  with  all  nations,  is  admitted,  without  reserve,  to  be  both 
tbe  interest  and  the  policy  of  the  United  States.  They  therefore  presume  to 
aoggest,  that  every  measure,  not  ineoneittent  with  the  honour  of  the  nation,  by 
which  the  great  objects  of  redress  and  security  may  be  attained,  should  first 
be  used.  IF  SUCH  MEASURES  PROVE  INEFFECTUAL,  WHATEVER 
MAY  BE  THE  SACRIFICE  ON  THEIR  PART,  IT  WILL  BE  MET  WITH 
8UBMI88ION." 

Thos*  Fitisimons,  chairman, 
Jae.  Gerard  Koch,  Wm.  Montgomery,  George  Ijitimer, 
Thos.  W.  Francis,  Abraliam  Kmtsing,  Chandler  Price, 
Thomas  English,    Philip  Nicklin,        L.  CIspier, 
Josephs.  Lewis,    Thomas  Allibone,    Daniel  W.  Coxe, 
Manuel  Eyre, 

)  H.  £■  Hobart,  Secretary. 

The  preceding  list  embraces  decided  men  of  both  the  hostile 
jbarti««tand   of  various  natiom— Americans,  finglish,  Iriih, 
rrench,  and  Diitchk 


John  Craig, 
Vf.  Sims. 
Robert  llaUtcn, 
Jamei  Yard, 
BobtrtWdn, 


OBAT.  14.j 


^BALTIMORE  MEMORIAL. 


93 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

Extracts  from  the  Baltimore  Memorial, 

The  memorial  of  the  merchants  of  Baltimore  is  more  diffuse 
and  argumentative  than  any  of  the  preceding.  It  is  a  most  mas- 
terly composition,  and  may  be  regarded  as  a  complete  and  un- 
answerable defence  of  neutra^^rights  against  belligerent  preten- 
sions and  encroachments.  Its  maxims  ought  to  be  committed  to 
memory  by  every  statesman,  in  all  those  countries,  whose  inter- 
est it  is  to  preserve  a  neutral  situation.  . 

"  It  would  not  be  desired  that  the  state  of  things  which  Great  Britain  had 
herself  prescribed,  and  which  use  and  habit  had  rendered  familiar  and  intelligi- 
ble to  all,  should  be  disturbed  by  oppressive  innovations ;  far  less  that  these  in- 
novations should,  by  a  tyrannical  retroapecHotit  be  made  to  justify  the  teixure  and 
confiscation  of,  thar  property,  committed  to  the  high  seas,  under  the  protection  of 
the  existing  rule,  and  without  toaming  of  the  intended  change.  In  this  their  just 
hope,  your  memorialists  have  been  fatally  disappointed.  THEIR  VB^SELS 
AND  EFFECTS  TO  A  LARGE  AMOUNT,  HA  STE  LATELY  BEEN  CAPTU- 
RED  BY  THE  COMMISSIONED  CRUISERS  OP  GREAT  BRITAIN,  upon 
the  foundation  of  NEW  PRINCIPLES  SUDDENLY  INVEN1T.D,  and  applied 
to  this  habitual  traffic ;  and  suggested  artd  promulgated,  for  the  first  time,  by 
sentences  of  condemnation ;  by  whith,  unavoidable  ignorance  hat  been  considered 
a*  criminal,  and  AN  HONOURABLE  CONFIDENCE  IN  THE  JUSTICE  OF  A 
FRIENDLY  NATION,  PURSUED  WITH  PENALTY  AND  FORFEITURE. 

"  Your  memorialists  are  in  no  situation  to  state  the  precise  nature  of  tlie 
rules  to  which  their  most  important'  interests  have  been  sacrificed :  and  it  is 
not  tlie  least  of  their  complaints  against  them,  that  they  are  undefined  and  unde- 
finablei  equivocal  in  titeirform,  and  the  fit  instruments  of  oppression,  by  reason  of 
their  ambiguity. 

"  When  we  see  a  powerful  state,  in  possession  of  a  commerce,  of  which  the 
world  affords  no  examplea,  endeavoring  to  interpolate  into  the  laws  of  nations  ca- 
suistical niceties  and  wayward  distinctions,  which  forbid  a  citizen  of  another  imk- 
pendent  commercial  country  to  export  from  that  country  what  unquestionably  belongs 
to  him,  only  because  he  imported  it  himself,  and  yet  allow  him  to  sell  a  right  of 
exporting  it  to  another ;  which  prohibit  an  end,  because  it  arises  out  of  one 
intention,  but  permit  it  when  it  arises  out  of  two ;  which,  dividing  an  act  into 
stages,  search  into  the  mind  for  a  correspondent  division  of  it  in  the  contem* 
plation  of  its  author,  and  determine  its  innocence  or  criminality  accordingly ; 
which,  not  denying  that  the  property  acquired  in  an  authorised  traffic  by  neu- 
tral nations  from  belligerents,  may  become  incorporated  into  the  national  stock, 
and,  under  the  shelter  of  its  neutral  character,  thus  superinduced,  and  still 
preserved,  be  afterwui  Js  transported  to  every  quarter  of  the  globe,  reject  the 
only  epoch,  which  can  distinctly  mark  the  incorporation,  and  point  out  none 
other  m  its  place ;  which,  proposing  to  fix  with  accuracy  and  precision,  the  line 
of  demarcation,  beyond  which  neutrals  are  trespassers  upon  the  wide  domain 
of  belligerent  rights,  involve  every  thing  in  darkness  and  confusion;  there  can 
be  hut  one  opinion  as  to  the  purpose  wfiich  all  this  is  to  accomplish, 

"Your  memorialists  object,  in  the  strongest  terms,  apainst  this  new  criterion 
of  legality,  because  of  its  inevitable  tendency  to  injustice;  because  of  its  pecu' 
liar  capacity  to  embarrass  with  seizure,  and  ruin  with  confiscation,  the  whole  of  our 
Iraile  with  Europe  in  the  surplus  of  our  colonial  importations. 

"  For  the  loss  and  damage  wlUch  capture  brings  along  with  if,  British  courts  of 
prize  grant  no  adequate  indetnmty,  Redress  to  any  extent  is  difficult ;  to  a  com- 
petent  extent  impossible.  And  even  the  costs  which  an  iniquitous  soizure  com- 
pels a  neutral  merchant  to  incur,  in  the  defence  of  his  violated  rights,  before 
Uicir  own  tribunals,  are  seldom  decreed,  and  never  paid. 

"  Tlie  reasons  upon  which  Great  Britain  assumes  to  herself  a  right  to  inter- 
dict the  independent  nations  of  the  earth,  a  commcrc'al  intercourse  '"ith  the 
colonies  of  her  enemies  (out  of  the  relaxation  of  which  pretended  right  has 
O.  B.  14 


«4 


POLrnCAL  OUVE  BRANCH. 


[chap.  li. 


arisen  the  disUnction  in  her  courts,  between  the  American  trade  from  the  co- 
lonies to  the  United  States,  and  from  the  same  colonics  to  Europe)  will,  wc 
are  confidendy  persuaded,  BE  REPELLED  WITH  FIRMNESS  AND  EF- 
FECT  BY  OUR  GOVERNMENT. 

"  She  forbids  usft'om  transporting  in  onr  vessels,  as  in  peace  tee  could,  the  pro' 
perty  of  her  enemies  ,•  enforces  against  us  a  rigorous  Usi  "f  contraband :  d^ms  up  the 
great  channels  of  our  ortUtiary  trade,-  abridges,  trammi's,  and  obstructs  what  she 
permits  us  toproseade  ,•  and  then  refers  tis  to  ottr  acaistomed  traffic  in  time  of  peach 
for  the  criterion  of  our  commercial  rights,^^  ORDER  TO  JUSTIFY  THE  CON- 
SUMMATION OF  THAT  RUIN,  WITH  WHICH  OUR  LAWFUL  COM- 
MERCE  IS  MENACED  BY  HER  MAXIMS  AND  HER  CONDUCT, 

"  The  pernicious  qualities  of  this  doctrine  are  enhanced  and  aggravated,  as 
from  its  nature  might  be  expected,  by  the  fact  that  GREAT  BRITAIN 
GIVES  NO  NOTICE  OF  THE  TIME  WHEN,  OB  THE  CIRCUMSTANCES 
IN  WHICH,  SHE  MEANS  TO  APPLY»  AND  ENFORCE  IT.  Her  orders  of 
the  sixth  of  November,  1793,  by  which  Uie  seas  were  swept  of  our  vessels  and 
effects,  -were  for  the  first  time,  announced  by  the  ships  of -war,  and  privateers,  by 
•which  they  vere  carried  into  exeexUion. 

"  The  late  decisions  of  her  courts,  which  are  in  the  true  spirit  of  this  doc» 
trine,  and  are  calculated  to  restore  it  in  practice,  to  that  lugh  tone  of  severity, 
whh:h  milder  decisions  had  almost  concealed  from  the  world,  came  upon  us 
by  surprise.  And  the  captures,  of  which  the  Dutch  compluned,  in  the  seven 
years  war,  were  preceded  by  no  warning.  THUS  IS  THIS  PRINCIPLE 
MOST  RAPACIOUS  AND  OPPRESSIVE  IN  ALL  ITS  BEARINGS.  Harsh 
and  mysterious  in  itself,  it  has  always  been,  and  ever  mnst  be,  used  to  betray 
neutral  merchants  into  a  trade,  supposed  to  be  lawful,  and  then  to  give  them 
up  to  pillage  and  ruin. 

"  But  there  cart  be  no  security  -mhile  a  malignant  and  deceitful  principle  Uke 
tfiis  hangs  over  ns.  It  is  just  what  the  belligerent  chooses  to  make  it,  lurking, 
unseen,  and  nnfelt,  or  visible,  active,  tout  noxious.  It  may  come  abroad  when 
least  expected:  and  the  moment  of  confidence  maybe  the  moment  of  de- 
struction. 

It  may  sleep  for  a  time ;  bttt  no  man  knows  when  it  is  ti'  aivake,  to  shed  its  ban^l 
influence  upon  the  commerce  of  the  world.  It  clothes  itself,  from  season  to  season, 
in  what  may  be  called  relaxations,  but  again,  without  any  previous  intimation  to 
the  deluded  citizens  of  the  neutral  powers,  these  relaxations  are  suddenly 
laid  aside,  either  in  the  whole,  or  in  part,  and  the  work  of  confiscation  commences. 
Nearly  ten  nionths  of  the  late  war  had  elapsed  before  it  announced  itself  at  all : 
and  when  it  did  so,  it  was  in  its  most  formidable  shape,  a^d  in  its  fullest  power 
and  ezpapsion. 

"  Your  memorialists  feel  themselves  bound  to  state,  that,  according  to  au- 
thentic information  lately  received,  the  government  of  Great  Britain  does,  at 
this  n^oment,  jranf  licences  to  neutral  vessels  talnng  in  a  proportion  of  their  cargoes 
there,  to  proceed  on  trading  voyages  to  the  colotues  if  Spain,  fhom  which  she  would 
exclude  us ;  upon  the  condition,  that  the  return  cargoes  shall  be  carried  to  Great  Bri- 
tain, to  swell  the  gains  of  her  merchants,  and  to  give  her  a  monopoly  of  the  commerce 
of  the  world.  This  great  belligerent  right,  theb,  upon  which  so  much  has  been 
supposed  to  depend,  sinks  into  an  article  of  barter.  It  is  used,  not  as  a  hostile  in- 
strument wielded  by  a  warlike  state,  by  which  her  enemies  are  to  be  wounded^ 
or  their  colonies  subdued,  but  as  the  selfish  means  of  commercial  ag^ndize- 
men^  for  the  impoverishment  and  nun  ofherfriemls  ,•  as  an  engine  by  whichGreat 
Britain  is  to  be  lifted  up  to  a  vast  height  of  prosperity,  and  the  trade  of  neutrals 
crippled,  and  crushed,  and  destroyed.  Such  acts  are  a  most  intelligible  commen- 
tary upon  the  principle  in  question.  They  show  that  it  is  a  hollow  and  fallaci- 
ous ptinciple,  susceptible  of  the  worst  abuse,  and  incapable  of  a  just  and  honour- 
able appfication.  They  shew  that  in  the  hands  of  a  great  maritime  state,  it  is 
not,  in  its  ostensible  character  of  a  weapon  of  hostility,  that  it  is  prized ;  but  ra- 
ther as  one  of  the  meatis  of  establishing  an  unbounded  monopoly,  by  which  every 
enterprise  calculated  to  promote  national  wealth  and  power,  shall  be  made  to 
begin  and  end  in  Great  Britain  alone.  Such  acts  may  well  be  cu^uidcred  as  pro- 
nouncing the  condemnation  of  the  principle  against  which  we  contend,  as  with- 
drawing froQ)  it  the  only  pretext,  upon  which  it  was  possihlo  to  rest  it.    Great 


(MUP.  15.] 


NE^t/^URYPORT  MEMORIAL. 


9r 


Britain  does  not  pretend  that  this  principle  has  any  warrant  in  the  opinion  of 
writers  on  public  law.  She  does  not  pretend,  and  cannot  pretend,  that  it  derives 
any  countenance  from  the  conduct  of  other  nations.  She  is  confeatedly  loUtary 
in  the  tue  of  this  invention,  by  vMch  RAPACITY  IS  SYSTEMAllSED,  and  A 
STATE  OF  NEUTRALITY  AND  WAR  ARE  MADE  SUBSTANTIALLY 
THE  SAME.  In  this  absence  of  all  other  authority,  her  courts  have  made  an 
appeal  to  her  own  eariy  example,  for  the  justification  of  her  own  recent  practice. 
Your  memoralists  join  m  that  appesd,  as  affording  the  most  cpnclusive  and  au- 
thoritative reprobation  of  the  practice,  which  it  is  intended  to  support  by  it. 

"  The  solemn  renunciation  of  the  principle  in  question,  in  the  face  of  the 
whole  world,  by  her  highest  tribunal  in  matters  of  pri2e,  reiterated  in  a  succes- 
sion of  decrees,  down  to  the  year  1786,  and  a^erwarui,  is  powerfully  confirmed 
by  the  acquiescence  of  Great  Britain,  during  the  first,  most  important,  and  ac- 
tive period  of  the  late  war,  in  the  free  and  unlimited  prosecution,  by  neutrals, 
of  the  whole  colony  trade  of  France.  She  did,  indeed,  at  last,  prohibit  tliat  trade, 
by  an  instruction,  UNPRECEDENTED  IN  THE  ANNALS  OF  MARITIME 
DEPREDATIONS  ;  but  the  revival  of  her  discarded  rule  was  characterized  with 
such  circumstances  of  iniquity  and  violence,  as  rather  to  heighten,  by  the  effect 
of  contrast,  the  veneration  of  mankind  for  the  past  justice  of  h°r  tribunals. 
The  world  has  not  forgotten  the  instruction  to  which  we  allude,  or  tiie  enormi- 
ties by  which  its  true  character  was  developed.  Produced  in  mystery,  at  a 
moment  when  universal  confidence  in  the  uitegrity  of  her  government  had 
bought  upon  the  ocean,  a  prey  of  vast  value  and  importance  ;  sent  abroad  to 
the  oifTerent  naval  stations  with  such  studied  secrecy  that  it  would  almost  seem 
to  have  been  intended  to  make  an  experiment,  HOW  FAR  LAW  AND  HO- 
NOUR COULD  BE  OUTRAGED  BY  A  NATION  PROVERBIAL  FOR  RE- 
SPECTING  BOTH;  the  heralds  by  whom  it  was  first  announced  were  the 
commanders  of  her  commissioned  cruisers,  who  at  the  same  instant  carried  it 
into  effect,  with  every  circumstance  of  aggravation,  if,  of  such  an  act,  there  can 
be  any  aggravation.  Upon  such  conduct  there  was  but  one  sentiment.  It  was 
condemned  by  reason  and  justice.  It  was  condemned  by  that  law  which  flows 
from,  and  is  founded  upon  them.  IT  WAS  CONDEMNED  AND  WILL  FOR- 
EVER  CONTINUE  TO  BE  CONDEMNED  BY  THE  UNIVERSAL  VOICE 
OP  THE  CIVILIZED  WORLD." 


Thomas  Tenant, 
William  Wilson, 
William  Taylor, 
George  Stiles, 
John  Collins, 
Hugh  Thompson, 
John  Sherlock, 
Baltimore^  Jannary 


Henry  I'ayson, 
William  Lorman, 
T.  HoUingsworth, 
Steuart  Brown, 
Samuel  Sten-et, 
William  Pattei-son, 
John  Strieker, 
21,  1806. 


Benjamin  Williams, 
Luke  Tiernan, 
Joseph  Sten-et, 
James  Calhoun, 
Alexander  M'Kim, 
Mark  PrJ  iv:k, 


Jolm  Donnel, 
T.  Swan, 
Robert  Gilmor, 
J.  A.  Buchanan, 
David  Stewart, 
Samuel  Taylor. 


This  list,  like  that  signed  to  the  Philadelphia  memorial,  em-, 
braces  federalists  and  democrats  indiscriminately.ir~aa  well  st^ 
citizens  of  various  nations. 

CHAPTER  XV. 

Extracts  from  the  Memorials  of  Newhaven  and  Newbury  port. 

Extracts  from  the  memorial  of  the  chamber  of  commerce  ofJVewhaven. 
"  Your  memoralists  cannot  behold  without  surprise  and  regret,  a  powerfiil 
and  respectable  nation,  bendinef  the  principles  of  the  common  law  of  nations,  to 
answer  political  purposes,  and  introducing  a  versatile  policy  into  the  solemn 
adjudications  of  her  courts.  WE  HOLD  IT  TO  BE  EXTREMELY  IMPOR- 
TANT THAT  ALL  NATIONS  SHOULD  COMBINE  AGAINST  SUCH  INNO- 
VATIONS UPON  THEIR  RIGHTS;  and,  in  particular,  that  the  United  States, 
whose  geographical  position  gives  them  the  bestcliance  of  maintaining  neutral- 
ity, dunng  wars  in  Europe,  SHOULD  FIRMLY  RESIST  EVERY  ENCROACH^ 
WENT  UPON  THE  UKJHTS  or  NF.UTUAL  COMMERCE.  *     ' 


t6 


POUTICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[chap.  16. 


"  Willi  tliese  impressions  of  the  necessity  of  measures  for  defending  our  coni' 
mercial  rights,  which  shall  be  firm,  but  temperate,  and  bold,  yet  marked  with 
9.  spirit  of  conciliation,  your  memorialists  cordially  unite  with  their  fellow-citi- 
zens of  other  commercial  towns,  in  expressing  their  sentiments  freely  to  the  le- 
Sislative  and  executive  authorities  of  their  country ;  with  assurances  of  their 
[•position  TO  GIVE  AID  AND  SUPPORT  TO  EVERY  MEASURE  OF  GOV- 
EKNMENT  CALCULATED  TO  ACCOMPLISH  THIS  IMPORTANT  OB- 
JECT." 

Signed  by  order, 

.    HENRY  DAGGET, 
JVewhaven,  February  7,  1806.  President  of  the  Chamber  of  Commerce. 

Extracts  from  the  memorial  of  the  merchants  of  J^ewburyport. 

"  In  many  cases  our  vessels  and  cargoes  have  been  captured,  tried  and  con- 
demned in  courts  of  law,  under  unusual  and  alarming  pretences,  which,  if  permit- 
ted to  eontimie,  THREATEN  THE  RUIN  OF  OUR  COMMERCIAL  INTER- 
ESTS. 

*•  So  far  from  obtiuning  redress  of  our  grievances  by  the  ordinaiy  modes  and 
processes  of  law,  we  have  in  most  cases  been  subject  to  heavy  costs,  and  suffer- 
ed embarrassing  and  distressing  detention  of  property,  even  where  no  pretence 
could  be  found  to  authorise  the  seizure  of  it. 

"  Having  sustained  these  losses  and  injuries  in  the  prosecution  of  our  lawful 
commerce,  and  in  the  exercise  of  our  just  rights,  we  rely  with  confidence  on  the 
wisdom,  firmness,  and  justice  of  our  government,  to  obtiun  for  us  that  compen- 
^tion,  and  to  grant  to  us  that  protection,  which  A  REGARD  TO  THE  HONOUR 
OF  OUR  COUNTRY,  no  less  than  the  rights  t  'our  citizens  must  (Uctate  aJid  re- 
quire. * 

Eben.  Stocker,        Stephen  Howard,        EcvardTappan,*) 

John  Pearson,  William  Bartlet,  Moses  Howard,   C  Committee. 

JVewburyport,  December,  1805. '  William  Fans,     j 

The  same  outrages  having  been  experienced  by  the  citizens  of 
Newhaven  and  Newburyport  as  by  those  of  other  parts  of  the 
union,  we  of  course  find  the  same  style  of  complaint — the  same 
call  for  redress — ^the  same  pledge  of  support — in  one  case  expli. 
citly  expressed,  in  the  other  unequivocally  implied. 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

Extracts  from  the  Memorial  of  the  merchants  ofSalem^  Ms, 

"  Your  memeralists  have  witnessed  with  unhesitating  approbation  the  disposition 
to  neutrality,  patronised  by  the  general  gox'emment,  at  times  when  national  wrongs 
have  been  pressed  with  peculiar  aggravations,  and  seemed  to  point  to  summary 
redress.  Firmness  and  moderation  have  happily  secured  all  the  advantages  of 
successful  war,  and  the  sober  appeal  of  reason  carried  conviction  to  foreign  na* 
tions. 

"  Your  memorialists,  however,  have  witnessed,  with  deep  regret,  and  deep 
anxiety,  that  to  some  of  their  tribunals  they  can  no  longer  appeal  for  safety. 
>/VcT0  interpretations  of  old  rules,  and  new  glosses  on  ancient  doctrines,  have  been 
arrayed  to  controul  the  circuit  of  neutral  commerce,  and  restrain,  if  not  annihil- 
ate, its  most  beneficial  operations.  I'heir  surprise  has  been  the  greater  because 
the  nation  who  has  atlopted  t/iem,  is  one  from  whom  we  had  a  right  to  expect  the 
tnost  conciliatory  conduct ;  since  with  her,  ultimately  centre  the  proceeds  of  our 
commerce,  and  from  her  we  purchase  the  greatest  portion  of  her  staple  mahu 
factures. 

"  The  interests  of  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States,  seem  m  this  respect 
mutual.  We  consume  the  products  of  her  industry ;  and  give  her,  in  return, 
besides  large  sums  of  money,  raw  materials  by  wfuch  she  may  levy  new  contribu- 
Unns.  Similarity  of  manners  and  ht^bits,  of  language  and  education,  have  added 


.gti.i' 


% 


OIAT.  16.] 


SALEM  ME^tlORIAL. 


9S 


artificial  inducementi  for  tnteicoune,  and  Runed  for  her  among  us  a  ropect 
not  slightly  to  be  viewed,  or  inconuderately  forfeited.  On  att  oeeauom  the  Uni- 
ted States  have  exhibited  towardt  her  an  amicable  interett,  and  ajntt,  it  mt^  be  ad- 
ded,  a  generous  policy.  If.  therefore,  we  had  iaToura  to  ask  or  receive,  our 
cIuiDS  hare  been  peculiarly  strong  upon  her ;  because  we  have  been  enlphati. 
cally  the  sinews  oi  her  opulence.  But  it  is  believed  that  the  United  States  ne> 
ver  asked  of  any  nation  more  tlian  justice,  and  are  willing  to  be  bound  by  the  , 
established  rules  of  conunerce.  Your  memorialists  therefore  expresa  deep  re- 
gret, because  a  confidence  has  been  shaken  which  may  not  easily  be  restored ; 
and  deep  anxiety,  because  the  principles  alluded  to,  if  cmiceded,  MUST 
EVEJrrUALLr  PROSTRATE  OUR  TRADE,  OR  LEAVE  IT  AT  THIS 
ARBITRARY  DISCRETIOJ^f  OF  RELLIGER EJSTTS.  Whether  peace  or 
war  prevul,  the  baneful  influence  will  eversr  where  be  felt ;  and  in  the  latter 
predicament,  we  shall,  as  neutnJs,  share  the  mischiefs  of  it  witiiout  the  chances 
of  benefit. 

"  The  principle,  recently  established  by  Great  Britidn,  is,  as  your  memorialista 
understand  it,  that  it  is  not  competent  for  a  neutral  to  carry  on,  in  -mar,  any  trade, 
■which  he  is  not  accustomed  to  do  in  peace ;  and  that  he  shall  not  be  permitted  to  ef- 
feet  that  in  a  circuitous,  which  is  inhibited  in  a  direct  trade :  as  corollaries  from 
this  principle,  she  insists  that  the  colonial  trade  exercised  by  neutrals,  shall 
not  extend  beyond  the  accustomed  peace  establishment ;  and  that  whenever  the 
neutral  ipiports  into  his  own  country  colonial  produce  with  the  intentimi  to 
tranship  it  to  the  mother  country,  if  a  direct  intercourse  be  inter«Ucted  in  peace, 
the  circuity  of  the  route  shall  not  protect  the  property  from  confiscation.  It 
seems  admitted  that  such  circuitous  route,  with  such  intention,  is  not  consider- 
ed as  evidence  of  enemy's  property,  confiscable  within  ordinary  rules ;  but 
as  a  distinct,  substantial,  and  condemnatory  principle,  independent  both  in  ef- 
ficacy and  application.  For  it  yields  not  tq  the  most  clear  proof  of  neutral  pro- 
perty, or  innocent  though  misdirected  conduct.  The  unaccustomed  trade,  or 
the  importation  with  specific  intentions,  are  the  tests  by  which  every  voyage  is 
to  be  tried. 

"  In  another  view,  the  rule  appears  to  your  memorialists  as  not  less  untenable 
and  unjust.  It  is  stated,  as  a  part  of  it,  that  if  colonial  produce  be  imported  by 
any  person  with  an  intention  to  tranship  it  on  his  own  account  to  the  mother 
country,  it  is  subject  to  confiscation.  But  if  imported  for  the  purpose  of  general 
commerce,  and  thrown  into  the  market  for  general  trMishipment,  it  is  within 
the  exception.  To  distinguish  between  ,s«nera/  and  particular  intentions,  and  to 
separate  things  so  subtie  m  their  own  natures,  and  almost  incapable  of  proof,  for 
the  purposes  of  national  decisions,  seems  a  r^nrmenr  reserved  for  the  present  age. 
The  foundation  of  this  modem  doctrine  is  laid  in  this  principle,  that  the  neutoal 
has  no  right,  by  an  extenuon  of  his  trade,  to  afford  supplies  to  the  beUigerettt 
to  ward  off  the  blows  of  his  enemy,  and  to  oppose  for  a  longer  period  we  do* 
minion  of  his  force.  But  to  this  your  memorialists  deem  it  a  aoncluaive  answer, 
that  the  proposition  proves  too  much ;  that,  if  true,  it  is  a  foundation  for  a  far 
more  broad  and  sweeping  principle  ;  that  every  commerce  vith  the  beUigerent  it 
inhibited  to  neuti'aU  ,■  for  every  commerce  assists  him  in  resistance,  and  diminishes  hie 
necessities.  A  doctrine  thus  comprehensive,  has  never  yet  been  avowed,  and  it 
is  presumed  never  will  be.  Yet  such  must  be  the  logical  conduuon ;  and  it 
shews  irresistibly  the  absurdity  of  the  assumed  premises. 

"  The  accustomed,  as  well  as  the  unaccustomed  trade,  is  within  the  terms,  and 
must  stand  or  fUll  together.  Either  the  doctrine  is  unsound,  AJ^B  ASSUMED 
AS  A  MERE  PRETEXT  FOR  PREDATORY  SEIZURES,-  or  neutrals 
have  no  rights  as  such ;  and  must  endure  the  .calamities  inflicted  by  belligre. 
rents  in  a  contest  in  which  they  have  no  voice,  and  in  which  they  can  reap  only 
injury. 

"  Other  considerations  add  force  to  the  preceding  remarks.  It  is  well  known 
that  ih  time  of  war  neutrals  cannot  carry  on  even  their  accustomed  trade  in  its 
full  extent.  They  are  prohibited  from  trading  in  contraband  goods,  and  to 
blockaded  ports.  Variations  necessarily  arise  in  tlie  relations  of  tl>e  ho-stile 
powers,  which  the  neutral  ought  to  possess  a  right  to  turn  to  his  profit,  as  an 


98 


POUTICAL  OUVE  BRANCH. 


XctUTi.  1^. 


indemnity  tOt  Uie  obttructions  of  his  old  trade.  These  obslructions  are  of  a 
very  serious  nature.  When  exercised  in  the  mildest  form,  they  produce  OP- 
JPRESSIVE  SB.IIRCHES  JU^D  DELAYS,  EXPEJVSIVE  LITIGATION', 
AJfD  OFTEJ^A  TOTALFAILURE  OF  AJ^  OTHERWISE  LUCRATIVE 
VOYAGE.  Reason  would  therefore  seem  to  declare,  that  for  the  hazards  of 
this  nature,  the  benefits  ariung  to  neutrals  from  war,  are  not  more  than  a  just 
equivalent 

**  It  is  somewhat  singular,  that  a  beUigeretU  ahould  invite  a  trade  vith  itself, 
■which  it  declaret  frauduktU  with  its  enemy  s  and  should  lift  the  arm  of  ptnver  to 
crush  the  neutral,  whose  conduct  is  criminal  only  whim  it  ceases  to  be  partial ! 

"  Such  are  tlie  remarks  your  memorialists  respectfully  submit  upon  the  rule 
considered  in  itself.  On  this  examination  they  confess  it  appears  to  them,  fun- 
damentally incorrect.  It  subjects  commerce  to  fluctuating  decisions ;  over- 
throws  the  ordinary  rules  of  evidence ;  and  places  an  immense  power  to  be 
wielded  at  the  uncontroulable  discretion  of  magistrates  appointed  by  a  single 
party. 

^  "  It  therefore  wants  all  the  ^sct^minative  features  of  a  fundamental  proposi- 
tion of  the  law  of  nations ;  uniformity,  precision  and  general  applicability.  It 
would,  in  their  opinion,  if  established^  create  gpreater  evils  than  it  professes  to  ■ 
redress,  by  perpetuating  strife,  destroying  the  emoluments  of  trade,  embarrass- 
ing commercial  intercourse,  and  LETTIJVG  LOOSE  THE  PASSIOJ\rS  TO 
PREY  OJ\rrHE  MISERIES,  AJVD  PLUJVDER  THE  PROPERTY  OF 
THE  /JVJVO  CJSJJVT.  It  would  subject  neutrals  to  hazards  nearly  as  perilous 
as  those  of  actual  hostilities)  and  independent  of  its  influence  in  stimulating  to 
revenge  and  retaliation,  IT  WOULD  TRAjVSFER  THE  BEJVEFITS  OF 
PEACE  TO  AJV'Y  VICTORIOUS  USURPER  OF  THE  OCEAJST. 

*<  It  is  conceded  by  the  BriUsh  Civilians  that  during  the  American  revolution* 
the  doctrine  was  entirely  intermitted,  and  the  commerce  of  neutrals  was  pur- 
sued according  to  the  ancient  code.  Many  cases  of  this  period  might  be  cited 
from  the  admiralty  records,  which  overthrow  the  rule,  and  expressly  vindicate 
the  opposite.  If  precedents  are  to  decide,  the  judgments  of  a  tribunal  esta- 
blished in  Great  Britain  under  her  sole  appointment,  and  acting  with  open 
powers,  must  surely,  when  acquiescence  creates  the  law,  complete  the  renun- 
ciation of  the  contested  rule. 

"  It  is  Jtot  the  least  singularity  attending  the  conduct  of  the  present  war, 
that  Great  Britain  has  licensed  her  subjects  in  a  tratle  which  she  declares  fraudu- 
lent in  others ;  that  she  admits  them  unmolested  to  supply  her  enemy  with  means  of 
resistance,  when  sfie  declares  confiscation  is  the  penalty  of  neutral  succour.  Were 
tlie  rule  ever  so  just  in  itself,  it  certainly  demands  relaxation,  when  the  bellige- 
rent partakes  the  profit,  and  connives  at  the  breach.  If  its  foundation  be  the 
unlawfulness  of  aflbrding  assistance  to  a  distressed  enemy,  surely  it  ought  not  to 
be  enforced  when  that  assistance  is  an  authorised  object  of  speculation  with  the 
distresnng  belligerent. 

"  It  is  our  pride  to  believe  that  the  American  merchants,  with  very  few  ex< 
ceptions,  are  as  distinguished  for  g^od  &ith  as  any  on  earth.  The  imputation 
thrown  on  them  is  a  naked  pretence  to  repel  the  odium  of  vexatious  injuries, 
and  excuse  violations  of  law,  which  cannot  be  justified.  ' 

*'  Your  memorialists  wish  to  take  no  part  in  the  contests  which  now  convulse 
the  world ;  but  acting  with  impartiality  towards  all  nations,  to  reap  the  fruits  of 
a  just  neutrality.  If,  nowever,  conciliation  cannot  effect  the  purpose  of  justice, 
and  Alf  APPEAL  TO  ARMS  be  the  last  and  necessary  protection  of  honour, 
they  feel  no  disposition  to  decline  the  common  danger,  or  shrink  fi-om  the 
common  contribution. 

"  Relying  on  the  wisdom  and  firmness  of  the  general  gfovemment  in  this  be- 
half, they  feel  no  hesitation  to  PLEDGE  THEIR  LIVES  and  PROPER. 
TIES  in  support  of  the  measures  which  tnaybe  adopted  to  vindicate  the  public  rights,  , 
and  redress  the  public  wronffs." 

John  Huthome,         Joseph  Sprngue, 

B.Crowninshield,  jr,  Joseph  White,  jr. 
Salem,  January  20, 180o, 


Jonathan  Mason,?  r,„__;.».- 
Joseph  Story,    '  J  Committee, 


OBAP.  17.] 


BEFLECTI0N8. 


P 


les, 

Ise 
I  of 
ce, 
ur, 
the 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

Reflections  on  the  memorials.     Uniform  call  for  redress.     Uni- 
form pledge  of  support. 

A  re-perusal  of  these  important,  tnese  invaluable  documents 
is  recommended  to  the  reader.  Without  bearing  in  mind  their 
contents,  it  is  impossible  to  form  a  correct  estimate  of  the  policy 
of  this  nation,  or  of  the  merits  and  demerits  of  the  two  parties, 
whose  senseless,  envenomed,  and  infuriated  hostility  was,  of  late, 
rapidly  sending  to  perdition  the  noblest  country,  the  happiest 
people,  and  the  best  form  of  government  in  the  world. 

We  must  not  forget  for  an  instant,  the  cause  of  these  impas- 
sioned complaints,  these  invocations  for  redress,  these  pledges 
of  support.  This  is  the  most  important  item  in  the  affair.  It 
was  simply  the  right  to  re-export  uie  productions  of  the  Colonies 
of  the  enemies  of  Great  Britain — a  right  which,  however  clear 
and  indefeasible,  was  wholly  unessential  to  the  prosperty  of  our 
country.  We  might  have  abandoned  it  without  the  sacrifice  of 
an  iota  of  the  happiness  of  our  citizens,  or  the  real  honour  of 
the  nation. 

No  man  of  decency  can  deny,  after  the  perusal  of  these  docu- 
ments, that  the  mercantile  citizens  of  the  United  States  urged— 
it  would  not  be  extravagant  to  say,  goaded — the  government  into 
a  resistance  of  the  high-handed  and  oppressive  pretensions  and 
outrages  of  Great  Britain.  Every  paragraph  establishes  this  im- 
portant fact.  The  expression  of  tne  public  sentiment  on  this  sub- 
ject was  nearly  simultaneous  from  Newburyport  to  Baltimore. 

That  they  calculated  upon  war,  as  the  dernier  resort,  is  obvi- 
ous from  the  phraseology.  It  cannot  be  misunderstood.  When 
the  Boston  merchants  express  their  reliance,  that 

"  Such  measures  will  be  promptly  adopted,  as  will  tend  to  disembarrass  com- 
merce,'ASSERT  OUR  RIGHTS,  and  support  the  dignity  of  the  United  States," 
It  would  be  absurd  and  ridiculous  to  suppose  these  measures 
were  to  be  limited  to  mere  negociation,  the  utter  inefficacy  of 
which  had  been  so  often  experienced.  A  child  would  spurn  at 
the  idea  of  "  asserting  the  rights  and  supporting  the  dignity  of 
the  United  States"  by  negociation  alone.  This  had  already 
proved  a  feeble  resource,  and  might  have  been  protracted  for  a 
century,  without  *'  asserting"  any  of  "  our  rights,"**  Their 
views  were  not  so  limited.  No.  War,  war,  war,  must  indu- 
bitably have  been  in  their  contemplation,  should  negociation 
have  an  unfavourable  issue. 

Can  any  man  of  common  sense  doubt,  can  any  man  of  charac- 
ter deny,  that  the  merchants  of  Philadelphia  calculated  on 
WAR,  when,  after  having  suggested, 

'*  That  every  measure  not  inconsistent  with  the  honour  and  interests  of  the 
nation,  by  which  the  great  objects  of  redress  and  security  might  be  attained, 
should  be  first  tried ," 
they  add 

"  If  such  measures  should  prove  ineffectual,  whatever  may  be  the  sacrifice 
on  their  part,  it  will  be  met  with  submission  ?" 


-s^ 


¥■'■  fi 


T'  *!>  3" 


m 


POUTICAL  OUVE  BRANCH. 


[crap.  17. 


When  the  merchants  of  Newburyport 


"  Rely  with  confidence  on  the  FIRMNESS  and  JUSTICE  of  the  government, 
to  obtain  for  them  compensation  and  protection," 

they  must  have  been  insane,  if  they  did  not  calculate  upon  WAR 
as  the  ultima  ratio.  These  are  the  worthy  citizens  who  stand 
recorded  in  the  annals  of  their  country,  as  having  since  patrioti' 
cally  pledged  themselves  to  resist  their  own  government, 
"EVEN  UNTO  BLOOD."* 

And  who  can  pretend,  that  the  merchants  of  Newhaven,  when 
they  called  upon  the  government 

"  FInrily  to  resist  every  encroachment  upon  the  rights  of  neutral  nations," 

did  not  calculate  upon  war?  And  did  they  not  most  solemnly 
pledge  themselves  to  support  war,  should  it  eventually  be  de- 
clared, when  they  tendered  the 

"  Assurauces  of  their  disposition  to  g^ve  aid  and  support  to  EVERY  MEA- 
SURE calculated  to  accomplish  tliis  important  object  f" 

And  when  the  New  York  merchants  declared  their 

"  Reliance  upon  the  government  of  their  country,  that  their  rights  would  not 
be  abandoned," 

and  that  the  crisis  required 

"  Alx.  TBI  KiriROT,  as  well  as  the  prudence  and  wisdom  of  tlie  government," 

can  there  be  found  a  man  who  will  pretend  that  war  was  not 
calculated  on,  unless  other  means  might  be  found  to  accomplish 
the  end  in  view  ?  It  cannot  be. 

And  is  there  not  a  clear  and  explicit  pledge  to  be  found  at  the 
close  of  their  memorial— 

"We  pledge  our  united  support  m  favour  of  all  the  meaiures  adopted  to  vin- 
dicate and  secure  thejwt  rigM»  of  our  country." 

I  am  credibly  informed  that  there  are  subscribed  to  this  me- 
morial, names  of  persons  who  lately  prayed,  fervently  and  open- 
ly, for  the  destruction  of  the  armies  of  the  tlnited  States  invad- 
ing Canada!  Most  wonderful  consistency  and  patriotism! 

But  the  merchants  of  Salem  are  more  explicit  on  the  subject 
of  war  than  most  of  their  mercantile  brethren  elsewhere.  1  iiey 
leave  no  room  for  inference  or  supposition.  They  most  unam- 
biguously declare  their  views. 

"  if,  however,  conciliation  cannot  effiect  the  purpose,  and  AN  APPKAL  TO 
ARMS  be  tlic  lust  and  ncceisury  protection  of  honour,  they  feci  no  disposition 
to  decline  the  conmutn  di>nger,  or  sliriiik  fVom  llie  common  contribution." 

And  was  there  ever,  since  the  world  was  formed,  a  more  so- 
lemn pledge  given,  than  the  one  with  which  they  close  their  me- 
morial, and  which  I  here  repeat— 

"  Relying  on  the  wisilomand  firmness  of  the  general  government,  in  thisbe- 
balf,  they  feci  no  hesitation,  to  pledge  tkrir  Hrv»  and  proftertiei  in  support  uf 

*  Thiw  monstrous  exprcsiton  was  contained  inunc  of  their  addresses  to  tlie 
itutc  legislature,  in  l(il4. 


FHAF.  18.] 


CHARACTER  OF  MERCHANTS. 


101 


the  measures  which  may  be  adopted  to  VINDICATE  THE  PUBUC  RIGHTS, 
AND  REDRESS  THE  PUBUC  WRONGS." 

In  the  next  chapter,  I  shall  investigate  the  question,  how  far 
these  pledges  were  redeemed. 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 

Character  of  merchants  by  Edmund  Burke.    Illiberal  and  un? 
founded.     Merchants  as  various  in  character  as  other  classes 
of  men. 

Edmund  Burke  has  left  on  record  a  most  unfavourable  cha- 
racter of  merchants,  which  has  been  a  thousand  times  quoted  to 
their  disparagement.  He  has,  if  my  memory  do  not  deceive  me, 
asserted,  that  they  have  no  national  attachment  or  patriotism-^ 
that  their  ledger  is  their  Bible—and  gold  their  God. 

1  his  character  is  unfounded  and  illiberal.  All  sweeping  de- 
nunciations of  entire  classes  are  unjust.  The  merchants  are 
as  various  in  thefr  characters  as  any  other  description  of  men. 
There  are  among  them  numbers  of  persons  of  the  highest  re- 
spectability— great  patriotism-^a  high  sense  of  honour — great 
liberality — and  possessing  all  the  other  virtues  than  can  adora 
the  human  character.  There  are  likewise  some  as  base  and  vile 
as  the  others  are  excellent. 

There  is  nothing  in  mercantile  affairs,  or  commerce,  that  has 
a  tendency  to  deteriorate  those  who  follow  the  profession.  It  is 
inconceivable  how  it  should  be  otherwise.  The  large  scale  on 
which  commerce  is  conducted,  is  calculated  to  expand,  not  to 
illiberalize  the  mind. 

Moreover,  a  considerable  portion  of  the  merchants  having  en- 
joyed the  advantages  of  the  best  education,  must,  from  that  cir- 
cumstance alone,  have  a  fair  chance  of  not  meriting  the  denun- 
ciation of  Edmund  Burke. 

That  the  American  merchants  are,  in  general,  shrewd,  intel- 
ligent, and  penetrating,  cannot  be  denied.  They  are,  in  the^ 
respects,  at  least  on  a  level  with  the  merchants  of  any  other 
country. 

It  must,  however,  be  acknowledged,  that  in  the  course  they 
have  steered  from  the  commencement  of  the  year  1806,  when 
the  preceding  memorials  were  presented  to  Congress,  till  the 
declaration  of  war,  and  during  its  continuance,  they  have  been 
as  lamentably  .blind  to  their  own  vital  interests,  to  the  highest 
inlereats  of  their  country,  and  to  their  duty  as  citizens,  as  if 
they  were  almost  altogether  deficient  of  the  reasoning  faculty. 

They  have  inflicted  incalculable  injury  on  themselves  and  their 
covmtvy.  Indeed,  so  intimately  in  this  case  were  the  interests  of 
both  connected,  that  they  were,  necessarily  and  equally,  affected 
by  the  same  wound.  I  hone  to  make  this  appear  tQ  their  con-, 
viction,  and  that  of  the  public. 
O.  B.  11 


rrn 


m 


POUTICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[chap.  18. 


,  The  reader  has  seen  that  the  mercantile  part  of  the  communi- 
ty felt  the  highest  indignation  in  1806,  at  the  pretensions  of  En- 
gland to  limit  the  American  trade  in  the  colonial  productions  of 
her  enemies ;  that  they  very  strongly  remonstrated  with  the  go- 
vernment to  resist  those  pretensions }  and  that  thei/  pledged 
themselves  to  their  country  and  to  the  world,  to  support  what- 
ever measures  might  be  necessary  to  obtain  redress — ohviouslyy 
evidently,  and  undeniably  contemplating"  even  war  with  all  its 
horrors.  I  propose  to  examine  how  their  practice  correspond- 
ed with  their  professions  and  pledges. 

The  pacific  measures  adopted  to  effect  the  object  of  their  de- 
sires were — a  prohibition  of  the  importation  of  some  of  the  most 
important  of  the  manufactures  of  Great  Britain—an  embareo, 
when  the  injuries  we  experienced  from  that  nation  had  vastly  m- 
crcased — and  non-intercourse. 

Did  the  American  merchants  redeem  their  pledge  ?  Did  they 
preserve  their  faith  ?  Did  they  support  the  government  in  all  or 
any  of  these  measures  ? 

No.  They  indubitably  did  not.  There  is  not  a  candid  fe- 
deralist from  New-Hampshire  to  Georgia,  that  will  assert  that 
the  merchants,  as  a  corps,  supported  the  government  in  any  of 
these  measures.  I  say  distinctly,  as  a  corps.  There  were  illus- 
trious exceptions.  But  their  fidelity  in  redeeming  the  pledge 
was  unavailing.  It  was  forfeited  by  the  corps — completely  for- 
feited. 

The  clear,  indisputable,  and  melancholy  fact  is,  that  after 
having  impelled  and  goaded  the  administration  into  measures 
to  procure  redress,  they  not  merely  withheld  their  support  from 
those  measures,  but  actually,  as  far  as  depended  on  them,  pre- 
vented their  success.  They  hung  hostilely  on  the  skirts  of  the 
government,  and  defeated  the  embargo,  non-intercourse,  and  all 
the  other  restrictive  measures. 

I  have  thus  far  considered  the  point  in  respect  to  their  duty 
as  citizens,  their  plighted  faith,  and  the  ()I)ligation  they  thereby 
incurred  to  support  the  government  in  measures  which  had  ari- 
sen out  of  their  memorials,  remonstrances,  and  solemn  pledges. 

I  now  enter  on  the  consideration  of  their  conduct,  as  it  de- 
monstrates an  unparalleled  blindness  towards  their  own  interests, 
and  those  of  their  country. 

Whatever  misju  Iging  prejudice,  or  faction,  devotion  to  Eng- 
land, or  hostility  to  France,  may  pretend,  the  solemn  fact  is,  that 
tlie  IJnitid  States  were  most  grievously  outraged  and  injured 
by  Cireat  Britain.  The  violence  or  excesses  of  France,  enor- 
mous, and  iniquitous,  and  indefensible  as  they  were,  afforded  no 
juRtifitatinn  to  those  of  her  enemy.  "  Retaliation,"  ///  the  tvords 
of  Mr.   Hayard  and  Mr.   Lloi/'d*   "was   A  MERE    PRE- 

•  In  nsiihsrnncnt  chanter,  I  shall  Mimtr  tlir  icnlimcn''?  of  Umsc  u-nillcirt'n  a' 

r..i!i.Mv:th. 


m 


CHAP.  18.] 


MERCANTILE  PROCEEDINGS. 


IQi 


H'n  V 


'^   "  NCE."     ^  A  rob  me  of  my  hat,  it  does  not  follow  that  B  has 

ight  to  retaliate  on,  HIM,  by  robbing  ME  o/*  my  coat  or 
i^aistcoat.  And  still  less,  if  A  threaten  to  rob  me,  but  has  not 
tlie  power  to  do  it,  has  B  a  right  to  retaliate  on  him  by  robbing 
me.  France  pretended  to  blockade  England,  and  seize  neutral 
vessels  bound  there — but  was  unable  to  effect  her  purpose  through 
her  destitution  of  naval  power.  England  retaliated  on  France 
by  SEIZING  OUR  VESSELS  bound  to  that  country ;  and  persevered 
in  that  lawless  course  for  entire  years,  having  depredated  on  the 
United  States  to  the  amount  of  many  millions,  and  with  every 
species  of  aggravation,  of  which  such  an  outrage  is  susceptible 
—and,  forsooth,  all  was  perpetrated  to  punish  France^xvhom  she 
■rvas  at  the  same  time  supplying  xvith  our  productions  herself  J  !  I 
There  is  not  in  the  historj'  of  the  world  any  conduct  more  gross 
or  less  defensible. 

When  we  are  laid  in  our  graves,  and  our  factions  and  con- 
vulsions have  sunk  into  oblivion,  posterity  will  pass  a  heavy  sen- 
tence of  condemnation  upon  these  odious,  these  oppressive,  these 
scandalous  transactions. 

That  America  has  been  the  aggrieved  nation,  and  England 
wholly  the  agg  essor,  is  palpable  from  one  circumstance.  In  all 
the  diplomatic  intercourse  that  has  taken  place  between  the  cabi- 
net of  St.  James's  and  that  at  Washington,  the  former  has  hard- 
ly ever  made  the  slightest  complaint  of  injustice  against  the  lat- 
ter, except  occasionally  of  partiality  towards  France  as  a  pallia- 
tion of  British  violence.  This,  if  it  mean  any  thing,  must  cer- 
tainly mean  that  we  bore  French  depredation,  insult,  and  outrage, 
more  patiently  than  English  outrage,  insult,  and  depredation.  If 
it  have  any  other  meaning,  I  shall  be  gratified  to  have  it  demon- 
strated. 

But  we  inflicted  oh  France  one  solid,  substantial,  important, 
and  most  destructive  injury,  from  which  England  wholly  es- 
caped. From  1793  to  1812,  we  uniformly  submitted  to  the  vio- 
lation of  our  neutrality,  to  the  material  benefit  of  one  belligerent 
and  extreme  disadvantage  of  the  other.  Our  commercial  marine 
was  a  constant  nursery  for  Great  Britain,  to  supply  her  navy 
xvith  seamen  to  annoy  and  distress  her  enemy. 

This  was  an  unceasing  cause  of  war  against  us  by  France.  It 
wa»^/m  direct  hostility  with  fundamental  principles  of  the  law  of 
nations.  It  was  affording  a  most  decisive  and  all-important  aid 
to  one  belligerent  for  the  destruction  of  the  other,  to  an  enor- 
mous extent,  unparalleled  in  the  history  of  Europe. 

It  results,  from  the  nrcniisis,  that  from  the  declaration  of  war 
between  France  and  England,  the  latter  p(nver  constantly  made 
inroads  upon  us — und  we  as  lonstantly  sought  redress — and  that 
our  principal  grievances  were  the  atrocious  outrages  practised  on 
f)ur  seamen,  and  the  reiterated  and  iutoh  vublf  infringement  of 
our  commercial  rights  and  privileges. 


:04 


POLITICAL  OUVt  BRANCir. 


[ghat.  18. 


Under  this  view  of  the  case,  the  correctness  of  which  will  not, 
I  trust,  be  disputed,  what  course  ought  an  enlightened  body  of 
merchants  to  steer? 

Suppose  them  patriotic,  public-spirited,  and  magnanimous;  a 
regard  to  the  national  honour  and  interest  would  impel  them  to 
uphold  the  government  of  their  own  country  in  a  struggle  against 
the  lawless  outrages  of  a  foreign  nation.  But  even  suppose 
them  base,  sordid,  selfish,  avaricious,  and  without  a  single  spark 
of  patriotism,  public  spirit,  or  liberality,  ought  not  their  very 
selfishness  dictate  the  same  course  ?  How  could  they  fail  to  see 
that  every  effort  to  harass,  to  cripple,  to  embarrass  their  own 
goverament,  was  an  effort  towards  enabling  the  foreign  and  ag- 
gressing nation,  to  triumph  over  their  country,  and  to  enforce 
its  claims,  to  the  manifest  and  immense  injury  of  their  own  most 
vital  interests  ?  the  fatuity  of  a  lad  who  had  been  but  six  weeks 
in  a  counting-house,  and  did  not  at  once  perceive  the  cogency  of 
these  arguments  would  be  pitiable.  This  point  is  clear  and  plain 
in  theory.  But  it  does  not  rest  on  theory.  We  have  a  strong 
and  practical  illustration  of  it  by  our  own  melancholy  experience ; 
an  illustration  which  the  merchants  of  this  countiy  will  long  have 
to  deplore.  By  the  Jacobinical,  seditious,  and  disorganizing 
combinations  to  oppose  ijhe.  measures  calculated  to  procure  re- 
dress, England  was  enabled  to  enforce  the  orders  in  council  for 
four  years  and  a  half;  whereby,  during  sixteen  months,  she  in- 
terdicted our  trade  with  all  Europe  except  Sweden  and  her  own 
dependencies :  that  is  to  say,  she  forbade  us  to  trade  with  about 
one  hundred  and  thirty  millions  of  the  people  of  Europe. — For  the 
remainder  of  the  time,  when  she  somewhat  relaxed  her  orders, 
she  proscribed  our  trade  xvith  at  least  fifty  millions. 

Never  has  the  sun  in  his  course  beheld  such  transcendent, 
such  lamentable,  such  irreparable  folly  as  the  merchants  of  the 
United  States  have  been  guilty  of  in  this  instance.  Throughout 
the  whole  of  the  arduous  conflict  between  the  United  States  and 
Great  Britain,  they  invariably  thwarted^  and  harassed^  and  em- 
harrassed  their  own  government.  They  have  defended  the  go- 
vernment of  Britain  throughout — and  as  constantly  laboured,  in 
the  face  of  reason,  justice,  and  common  sense,  to  put  their  own 
nation  in  the  wrong.  And  for  what  end  ?  to  serve  the  purposes  of 
party ;  to  enable  a  few  ambitious  men,  rvho  were  out  ofojice^  and 
panted  to  ffet  in^  to  accomplish  this  object  !  J  ! 

I  once  more  wish  to  (jualify  these  observations.  There  were 
here,  as  in  a  former  case,  noble  exceptions  among  the  mer- 
chants, citizens  who  displayed  the  most  exalted  patriotism. 
These  exceptions  do  not  invalidate  the  rule.  I  consider  the 
merchants  as  a  corps  (for  it  is  thus  only  they  can  be  considered 
in  this  discussion^  and  as  their  operations  on  the  government 
and  nation  were  felt— and  more  particularly,  as  they  acted  in  the 
rustcrn  States^ 


CQAP.  18.] 


MERCANTILE  PROCEEDINGS. 


lOJ 


Any  one  of  the  three  pacific  measure?  adopted  by  this  govern- 
ment, had  it  been  duly  supported  by  the  mercantile  interest, 
would  have  obl^ed  Great  Britain  to  redress  our  wrongs,  and 
very  speedily.  We  should  then  have  enjoyed  an  unshackled 
commerce.  And  had  our  merchants,  either  from  patriotism  or 
selfishness,  submitted  to  a  short  temporary  privation  of  business, 
they  would  have  been  repaid  by  a  tenfold  harvest  of  most  lucra- 
tive commerce.  But  faction  led  them  astray.  They  rendered 
wholly  nugatory  all  the  measures  adopted  to  guard  their  inte- 
rests, and  to  extort  justice  for  their  wrongs.  Great  Briton  was 
thus  encouraged  to  proceed  in  her  aggressions.  This  led  to  a 
wasting  war.  To  the  hostile  opposition  of  the  mercantile  class, 
therefore,  we  may  fairly  ascribe  its  ravages. 

In  all  the  wild,  frantic,  and  fatuitous  career  of  faction— -from 
the  earliest  records  of  time  to  the  present  day,  I  believe  there  is 
no  parallel  case.  Never  did  an  intelligent,  enlightened,  and  re- 
spectable body  of  men,  make  so  immense,  so  wanton,  so  irreco- 
verable a  sacrifice  of  their  dearest  interests,  and  so  completely 
in  hostility  with  the  dictates  of  reason  and  common  sense. 

Jf  Behebub  or  Lucifer  held  the  reins  of  government^  policy 
ana  self  interest  would  dictate  that  in  all  contests  with  foreign 
nations^  he  ought  to  be  supported"^  unless  most  manifestly  and  egre. 
giously  unjust.  Public  spirit  and  selfishness  equally  cotfibine  to 
enforce  this  precept* 

How  transcendently  superior  Great  Britain  towers  over  us  in 
this  respect !  What  a  sublime  lesson  she  holds  out — what  a  noble 
example  she  offers  us  to  follow  ! 

She  is  tomlby  faction  like  America.  There  is  a  constant  strug- 
gle between  the  incumbents  in  office,  and  those  who  pant  after 
the  seats  they  fill.  But  whenever  the  honour  or  vitta  interest 
of  the  nation  is  at  stake,  party  in  a  great  measure  dies  away,  or, 
at  least,  becomes  incapable  of  injuring  the  common  cause— all 
unite  under  tlie  national  standard— ^ind,  till  the  end  in  view  is  ac- 
complished, distinctions  are  almost  wholly  lost  in  one  common 
designation,  supporters  of  their  country's  interests  and  honour. 

Not  so  in  America.  It  is  a  fatal  truth,  that  at  the  moment, 
when  this  page  was  written,  [September  1814]  when  not  merely 
our  interest,  and  our  honour,  but  even  our  very  salvation  was  jeo- 
pardized, faction  raged  in  many  places  with  unabated  violence ; 
and  wicked  men  were  incessantly  employed  in  exciting  our  citi- 
zens to  imbrue  their  hands  in  the  blood  of  their  countrymen,*  in- 
stead of  preparing  to  oppose  a  vindictive  enemy.  May  the  God 
of  peace  and  love  dispel  the  clouds  that  impend  over  us — banish 
our  discords — and  once  more  unite  us  in  the  bonds  of  harmony" 
and  charity  towards  each  other.     Amen. 


*  Tliit  was  the  incvltublc  toiulcncy,  although  not  the  declared  purpose*  of » 
very  considerable  number  of  the  publications  in  ccrttiln  ncwsipapcrs. 


m 


I 


POUTiCAL  OUVE  BRANCH. 

CHAPTER  XIX. 


(.CBAP.  19. 


British  'Depredations  brought  on  the  tapis  in  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States,  Condemnatory  Resolutions  passed. 

In  consequence  of  the  presentation  of  the  mercantile  memo- 
rials, the  Senate  .of  the  United  States  took  the  subject  into  their 
most  serious  consideration;  and  passed  the  following  Resolu- 
tion, on  the  10th  Feb.  1806. 

"  Resolved,  that  the  capture  and  condemnation,  under  orders  of  the  British 
government,  and  adjudications  of  their  courts  of  admiralty,  of  American  ves- 
sels and  their  cargoes,  on  the  pretext  of  their  bcinj;  employed  in  a  trade  with 
the  enemies  of  Great  Britain  prohibited  in  time  of  peace,  is  AN  UNPROVO- 
KED AGGRESSION  UPON  THE  PROPERTY  OF  "HE  CITIZENS  OF  THE 
UNITED  STATES ;  A  VIOLATION  OF  THEIR  \  i  iUTRAL  RIGHTS ;  AND 
AN  ENCROACHMENT  UPON  TH|i:iR  NATIONAL  INDEPENDENCE."* 

I  hope  the  reader  will  attentively  peruse  this  resolution.  It 
is  clear  and  explicit.  It  solemnly  protests  against  the  revival  of 
the  exploded  rule  of  the  war  of  1 756,  as 

"  An  encroachment  upon  the  national  independence,  and  a  violation  of  our 
neutral  rights." 

Stronger  language  could  not  be  well  used.  What  renders  it 
peculiarly  remarkable,  is,  that  it  was  carried  by  an  unanimotis  vote 
of  the  Senate^  28  members  present.  But  secondly  and  chiefly,  I 
beg  it  may  be  borne  in  remembrance,  that  among  the  senators 
who  thus  voted,  are  to  be  found  Messrs.  PICKERING,  Hill- 
house.  Bayard  and  Tracy. 

Another  resolution,  passed  February  14,  stands  in  these 
words  :— 

''Resolved,  tliat  the  president  of  the  United  States  be  reauested  to  DEMAND 
the  restoration  of  the  property  of  their  citizens  captured  and  condcmnccl  on 
the  pretext  of  its  beittff  employed  in  a  trade  tuith  the  enenriea  of  Great  Britain,  pro- 
hibited in  time  of  peace .-  and  the  indemnification  of  such  American  citizens  for  their 
toMea  anddamagei  sustained  by  these  captures  and  condemnations ;  and  to  en- 
ter into  such  arrangements  with  the  British  government,  on  these  and  all  other 
differences  between  the  two  nations,  (and  particularly  respecting  the  IM- 
PRESSMENT OF  AMERICAN  SEAMEN)  as  may  be  consistent  with  the  hon- 
our and  interests  of  the  United  States,  and  manifest' their  earnest  desire,  for 
themselves  and  their  citizens,  of  that  justice  to  which  they  are  entitled."f 

There  was  a  division  upon  this  resolution.  It  was  carried  by 
twenty  affirmative,  against  six  negative  votes.  Messrs.  PICK- 
ERING, Hillhouse,  Bavard,  and  Tracy  were  in  the  affirmative, 
as  on  the  former  resolution. 

To  obtain  redress  from  Great  Britain,  four  modus  presented 
themselves— negociation—non-intercouse — embargo— or  war. 

The  first  in  order  required  to  be  first  essayed.  Accordingly, 
the  administration  entered  upon  negociution,  and,  to  attach  more 
solemnity  to  it,  Mr,  Wm.  Pinkney  was  appointed  minister  extra- 
ordinarVf  and  united  with  Mr.  Monroe,  then  resident  at  the 
court  of  St.  James's. 


*  Journal  of  the  Senate  for  1806— ptgc  136. 


\  Idem.  pRifje  VA. 


^BAP.  19.] 


COMMERCIAL  RESTRICTIONS. 


To  give  the  negociation  a  greater  likelihood  of  success,  an  act 
was  passed,'**'  making  a  strong  appeal  to  the  interest  of  Great 
Britain.  This  act  prohibited  the  importation  into  the  United 
States,  of  a  variety  of  her  most  important  manufactures,  viz. 

"  All  articles  of  which  leather  is  the  material  of  chief  value. 

"  Alt  articles  of  which  silk  is  the  material  of  chief  value. 

"  All  articles  of  which  hemp  or  flax  is  the  material  of  chief  value. 

"  AH  articles  of  which  tin  or  brass  is  the  material  of  chief  value,  tin  in  sheets 

excepted. 
"  Woolen  cloths,  whose  invoice  prices  shall  exceed  five  .shillings  sterling  per 

square  yard. 
"  Wooli;n  hosiery  of  all  kinds.  ^    ,         '  '■-  .  »  « 

"  Window  glass,  and  all  the  manufactures  of  glass.  ,     ,  ;, 

"  Silver  and  plated  wares.  '        ,   ■  •    , 

"Paperof  every  description,  •        '        i 

"  Nails  and  Spikes.  ■      '^^^\.,      ,       *     't  '       ■• 

"  Mats  and  cloathing  ready  made.  ."  ^\X    •         ,  ..     ->',:•>>  ;     ■ 

"  Millinery  of  all  kinds,  ,     ,    /       ,  ...  ■ 

♦' Playing  cards. 
"  Beer,  ale,  and  porter ;  and  pictures  and  prints." 

This  act  was  passed  on  the  18th  day  of  April,  1806,  and,  as  has 
been  shown,  in  compliance  with  the  remonstrances  of  the  mer- 
chants, as  a  means  of  inducing  England  to  abandon  her  unjust 
pretensions,  and  cease  her  depredations.  And  with  a  laudable 
view  to  afford  her  time  to  weigh  its  consequences,  and  to  pre- 
vent a  rupture  between  the  two  nations,  its  operation  was  not  to 
commence  till  the  15th  of  the  following  November,  a  period  of 
seven  months.  Thus  reluctant  was  our  government  to  have  re- 
course to  extremities,  notwithstanding  the  grievous  provocations 
that  had  been  offered.  It  is  impossible  to  conceive  a  more  leni- 
ent mode  of  proceeding,  or  one  reflecting  more  credit  on  the 
forbearance  of  an  injured  and  insulted  nation. 

Still  further  to  evmce  the  wish  of  our  rulers  to  preserve  peace, 
the  operation  of  this  act  was,  in  December  1806,  suspended  till 
the  1st  of  July  1807:f  and  moreover,  the  president  was  author- 
ised, "  if  in  his  judgment  the  public  good  should  require  it,  to 
suspend  it  still  farther  till  the  second  Monday  of  December  in 
the  same  year." 

Here  let  us  pause  a  moment.  The  United  States  had  suffer- 
ed depredations  on  their  commerce  to  an  enormous  amount,  by 
the  revival  of  a  preten.ded  rule  of  the  law  of  nations,  which  had, 
at  a  former  period,  been  clearly  and  distinctly  abandoned,  and 
of  which  revival  no  previous  notice  had  been  given.  And  in- 
stead of  having  recourse  to  reprisals,  or  to  a  declaration  of  war, 
either  of  which  would  have  been  perfectly  just,  they  adopted  the 
mild  measure  of  restraining  the  commerce  of  the  aggressor,  in 
order  to  make  it  his  interest  to  do  them  justice.  Never  was  great- 
er forbearance  shown— ^never  was  forbearance  worse  requited. 


Idem,  page  230 


I  Laws  of  tlvc  United  States,  vol.  vi.  page  BO. 


^m 


POUrnCAL  OLIVE  BRANCHi 
CHAPTER  XX. 


(CHIV.  2Q. 


Atttxk  on  the  Chesapeake,    Proclamation  interdicttng  our  har- 
bours to  the  British, 

While  the  depredations  sustsdned  by  our  merchants  were  yet 
under  discussion,  a  tragical  affair  occurred,  which  still  further 
uniPortunately  embroiled  the  two  nations. 

The  Chesapeake,  capt.  Gordon,  suled  from  Norfolk  on  the 
22d  of  June,  1 807.  The  Leopard,  of  50  guns,  which  was  moored 
near  her,  weighed  anchor  shortly  afterwards.  She  soon  over- 
took the  Chesapeake,  and  demanded  four  sailors,  three  of  whom 
had  deserted  from  the  British  frigate  Melampus.  The  fourth 
was  said  to  have  deserted  from  a  British  merchant  vessel.  Com- 
modore Baii'on,  who  was  on  board,  refused  to  deliver  them;  and 
in  consequence,  the  Leopard  commenced  an  attack  upon  the 
American  frigate,  which  was  wholly  unprepared  for  resistance. 
Three  men  were  killed,  and  sixteen  wounded ;  among  the  latter 
was  the  commodore,  who  struck  his  flag,  and  surrendered  the 
vessel.  Captaiii  Humphreys,  of  the  Leopard,  sent  an  officer  on 
board  the  Chesapeake,  who  seized  four  of  her  crew,  William 
Ware,  Daniel  Martin,  John  Strachan,  and  John  Wilson. 

Of  these  four  persons,  one  wis  brought  to  trial  at  Halifax, 
and,  being  found  guilty  of  desertion,  was  hanged.  One  died  in 
confinement.  The  other  two  were  retained  in  bondage  till  June 
13th,  1812,  a  few  days  previous  to  the  declaration  of  war,  when 
they  were  restored  to  freedom  on  board  the  Chesapeake,  at  Boston, 

This  outrage  excited  the  utmost  indignation  throughout  the 
United  States,  and  for  a  time  united  all  parties  in  the  common 
clamour  for  reparation  of  the  insult  and  injury,  or  for  war.  The 
federalists  were  as  ardent  in  their  denimciations  of  the  lawless 
violence,  as  the  democrats. 

I  have  already  stated  the  prudence  of  the  then  president,  Mr. 
Jefferson.  The  attack  took  place  on  the  22d  of  June — and  he 
delayed  the  extra  meeting  of  congress  till  the  26th  of  October, 
to  afford  time  for  the  effervescence  of  the  public  to  subside.—- 
This  wise  measure  preserved  the  country  from  war. 

But  to  tfuard  agamst  a  repetition  of  these  outrages  and  others 
which  we  nad  sufrered  withm  our  own  jurisdiction  from  British 
vessels  of  war,  the  president  issued  the  following  proclamation 
forbidding  them  the  entrance  into  our  ports  and  harbours.        \ 

PROCLAMATION. 

During  the  wan,  which,  for  some  time,  have  unhappily  prevailed  among 
the  powers  of  Europe,  the  United  States  of  America,  firm  in  their  principles  of 
peace,  have  endeavoured  by  justice,  bv  a  regular  discharge  of  all  their  national 
and  social  duties,  and  by  every  fHendly  oflice  their  situation  has  admitted,  to 
maintain  with  all  the  belligerents  their  accustomed  relations  of  friendship, 
hospitality,  and  commercial  intercourse.  Taking  no  part  in  the  questions 
which  anunate  tlie  powers  agtunst  each  otho*,  nor  penpitting  themselves  to 


CBAP.  20.] 


PKOCL.\MATION. 


1$»' 


entertain  a  wish  but  for  the  restoration  of  general  peace,  they  have  observed 
with  good  faith  the  neutrality  they  assumed .-  and  tiiey  believe  that  no  instance 
of  a  departure  from  its  duties  can  be  justly  imputed  to  them  by  any  nation.    A 
free  use  of  their  harbours  and  waters,  the  means  of  refitting  and  of  refresh- 
ment, of  succour  to  their  sick  and  sneering,  have,  at  all  times,  and  on  equal 
principles,  been  extended  to  all,  and  this  too  amidst  a  constant  recurrence  of 
acts  of  insubordination  to  the  laws,  of  violence  to  the  persons,  and  of  tres- , 
passes  on  the  property  of  our  citizens,  committed  by  oAiccrs  of  one  of  the  belli- 
gerent parties  received  among  us.    In  trtitli,  these  abuses  of  the  laws  of  hospi- 
talitv  have,  with  few  exceptions,  become  habitual  to  the  commanders  of  tne 
British  armed  vessels  hovering  on  our  coasts,  and  frequenting  our  harbours. 
They  have  been  tiie  subject  of  repeated  representations  to  their  government. 
Assurances  have  been  given  tliat  proper  orders  should  restrain  them  witliin  the 
limits  of  the  rights  of,  and  of  the  respect  due  to,  a  friendly  nation  :  but  those  or- 
ders and  assurances  have  been  without  eff'ect ;  no  instance  of  punishment  for  past 
wr<j(igs  has  taken  place.    At  length,  a  deed,  transcending  all  we  have  hitherto 
seen  or  suffered,  brings  the  public  sensibility  to  a  serious  crisis,  and  our  for- 
bearance to  a  necessary  pause.     A  frigate  of  the  United  States,  trusting  to  a 
state  of  peace,  and  leaving  her  harbour  un  a  distant  sei'vice,  has  been  sur]>rized 
and  attacked  by  a  British  vessel  of  superior  force — one  of  a  squadron  then  lying 
in  our  waters,  and  covering  the  transaction ;  and  has  been  disabled  from  service, 
with  the  loss  of  a  number  of  men  killed  and  wounded. — Tliis  enormity  was  no^ 
only  without  provocation  or  justifiable  cause,  but  was  committed  with  the  avow- 
ed pui<pose  of  taking  by  force,  from  a  siiip  of  war  of  the  United  States,  a  part 
of  her  crew ;  and  that  no  circumstance  might  be  wanting  to  mai'k  its  character, 
it  liad  been  previously  ascej*tained,  that  the  seamen  demanded  were  native  citi- 
zens  of  the  United  States.    Having  effected  his  purpose,  he  returned  to  an- 
chor  with  his  squadron  within  our  jurisdiction.     HospiUUity  under  such  cir- 
cumstances ceases  to  be  a  duty  ;  and  a  continuance  of  it,  with  sucli  uncontrol- 
led abuses,  would  tend  only,  by  multiplying  injuries  and  irritations,  to  bring 
on  a  rupture  between  tlie  two  nations.    Tliis  extreme  resort  is  equally  opposed 
to  tlie  interest  of  both,  as  it  is  to  assurances  of  the  most  friendly  dispositions  on 
the  part  of  the  Britisii  government,  in  the  midst  of  which  this  outrage  has  been 
committed.    In  this  light,  tlie  subject  cainiot  but  present  itself  to  that  gfovern- 
ment,  and  strengthen  the  motives  to  an  honourable  reparation  of  the  wrong 
which  has  been  done,  and  to  that  effectual  controul  of  ivs  naval  commanders, 
which  alone  can  justify  the  government  of  the  United  States  in  the  exercise  of 
iliose  hospitalities  it  is  now  constrained  to  discontinue. 

In  consideration  of  these  circumstances,  and  of  the  right  of  every  nation  to  re- 
gulate its  own  police,  to  provide  for  its  peace  and  for  the  safety  of  its  citizens, 
and  consequently  to  refuse  tiie  atlmission  of  armed  vessels  into  its  hafbours  or 
waters,  cither  in  such  numbers  or  of  such  descriptions,  as  are  inconsistent  with 
these,  or  with  the  maintenance  of  tlie  authority  of  the  laws,  I  have  thought 
proper,  in  pui*suance  of  tiie  autliorities  especially  given  by 'aw,  to  issue  this  my 
proclamation,  hereby  requiring  all  armed  vessels  bearing  coinmission  under  the 
government  of  Great  Britain,  now  within  the  harbours  or  waters  of  the  United 
States,  immediately  and  without  any  delay,  to  depart  from  the  same ;  and  in- 
terdicting the  entrance  of  all  the  said  harbours  and  watcra  to  the  said  armed 
vessels,  and  to  all  othere  bearing  commissions  under  the  authority  of  the  British 
government. 

And  if  the  said  vessels,  or  any  of  them,  shall  fail  to  depart  as  aforesaid,  or  if 
they  or  any  othera,  so  intcrdictid,  sliall  hereafter  enter  the  harbours  or  waters 
utorusaid,  I  do  in  that  case  forbid  all  intercourse  with  them  or  any  of  them,  tlieir 
officcivs  and  crews  ;  and  do  prohibit  all  supplies  and  aid  from  being  furnished  to 
them  or  any  of  them. 

And  Ido  declaieand  make  known,  that  if  any  person  from,  or  within  the 
jurisdiction  and  limits  of  the  United  States,  shall  "afford  any  aid  to  any  such  ves- 
sel, contrary  to  the  prohil)itinn  contained  in  this  proclamation,  either  in  refit. 
I  ing  any  such  vessel,  or  in  furnishing  her,  her  otticers,  or  crew,  with  supphes  of 
»ny  kind,  or  in  any  manner  whatsoever ;  or  if  any  pilots  shall  assist  in  navigating 
any  of  tiie  said  armed  vessels,  unless  it  be  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  them, 

O.  B.  10 


i: 


110 


POLITICAL  OUVE  BRANCH. 


[chap.  20. 


in  the  first  instance,  beyond  the  limits  and  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States, 
or  unless  it  be  in  the  case  of  a  vessel  forced  by  distress,  or  charged  with  pub- 
lic despatches  as  hereinafter  provided  for,  such  person  or  persons  shall,  on 
conviction,  sufler  all  the  pains  and  penalties  by  the  laws  provided  for  such  of- 
fencas. 

And  I  do  hereby  enjoin  and  reqiure  all  persons  bearing  office,  civil  or  milita- 
ry, within  or  under  the  authority  of  the  United  States,  and  all  others,  citizens  or 
inliabitunts  thereof,  or  being  within  the  same,  with  vigilance  and  promptitude  to 
exert  their  respective  authorities,  and  to  be  aiding  and  assisting  to  the  carrying 
this  proclamation,  and  every  part  thereof  into  full  effect. 

Provided  nevertheless,  that  if  any  such  vessel  shall  be  forced  into  the  harbours 
or  waters  of  the  United  States  by  distress,  by  the  dangers  of  the  sea,  or  by  the 

J>ursuit  of  an  enemy,  or  shall  enter  them  charged  with  despatches  or  business 
rom  their  government,  or  shall  be  a  pubUc  packet  for  the  conveyance  of  letters 
or  despatches,  the  commanding  officer,  immediately  reporting[  his  vessel  to  the 
collector  of  the  district,  stating  the  object  or  causes  of  entering  the  said  har- 
bours  or  waters,  and  conforming  himself  to  the  regulations  in  that  case  prescri- 
bed under  the  authority  of  the  laws,  shall  be  allowed  tlie  benefit  of  such  regu- 
lations respecting  repairs,  supplies,  stay,  intercourse  and  departure,  as  shall  be 
permitted  under  the  same  authority. 

Iq  testimony  whereof,  I  have  caused  the  seal,  &c. 

Given  at  Washington  the  second  day  of  July,  one  thousand  eight 
hundred  and  seven,  and  of  the  Independence  of  the  United  States 
the  thirty  first.  By  the  president, 

James  Madison,  Secretary  of  State.  TH.  JEFFERSON. 

At  this  distance  of  time,  it  is  hardly  possible  to  realize  the  in- 
dignation, the  abhorrence,  the  resentment,  universally  excited  by 
the  outrageous  conduct  of  captain  Humphreys.  It  pervaded 
every  quarter  of  the  union,  without  exception.  All  party  dis- 
tinctions were  lost  for  the  moment.  Federalists  and  democrats, 
foreigners  and  natives,  all  united  in  the  strongest  call  upon  the 
government  to  procure  redress  for  the  outrage.  War  was  con- 
templated throughout  the  union :  and  there  was  hardly  a  meet- 
ing held,  of  which  the  members  did  not  most  solemnly  pledge 
themselves  to  support  the  constituted  authorities  in  whatever 
measures  might  be  requisite  for  the  defence  of  the  national  rights 
and  national  honour. 

To  enable  the  reader  to  form  some  idea  of  the  fervid  state  of 
the  public  mind,  I  submit  the  following  extracts  to  his  perusal. 
They  are  fair  specimens  of  the  universal  sentiment  on  this  in- 
teresting topic. 

Extract  from  the  proceedings  of  the  citizens  of  Richmond,  July  1, 1807. 
"  Resolved,  That  while  we  deprecate  the  horrors  of  war,  and  approve  all  hon- 
ourable means  of  averting  them,  we  possess  the  firm  hope  that  the  government 
of  the  United  States  will  avenge  this  unjbaralleled  mitrage  with  the  spirit  which  be- 
cQmrs  the  nation,  and  which  the  nation  reels  ;  believing  as  wr  do,  that  however 
unequal  may  be  our  naval  strength,  our  enemies  have  nevertheless  vulnerable 
points  witlimour  reach,  through  which  we  may  strike  them  vitally." 

Rrtractfrom  the  proceedings  of  the  citizens  of  West  Chester,  July  4,  180r. 
••  Resolved  unanimonsly.  That  we  shall  consider  the  government  of  Great  Bri- 
tain as  having  forfeited  all  claim  to  the  friendship  and  hos]>itality  of  tlic  govern- 
ment and  people  of  the  United  States,  ;;..'!  ample  and  proper  satisfaction  be 
made ;  and  in  conformity  therewith,  we  do  solemnly  pledge  ourselves  to  main- 
tain the  strict  observance  of  the  proclamation  of  the  president  of  the  United 
States,  by  every  means  in  our  power." 


CHAT.  20.] 


ATTACK  ON  THE  CHESAPEAKE. 


Ill 


'*  Resolved,  That  we  shall,  at  all  times,  be  prepared  to  encounter  all  hazards,  to 
maintain  the  rights  and  independence  of  our  country  irith  our  lives  ami  our  fortunes  t 
aad  that  we  will  support  the  administration  of  the  general  government  in  eveiy 
proper  measure  which  it  may  adopt,  in  tlie  'alternative  of  a  coerced  retfibution 
of  our  wrongs,  or  in  calling  forth  me  energy  and  resources  of  the  people  at  this 
hnportuiit  crisis." 

Extract  frwm  the  proceedings  of  the  citizens  ofLewistovm,  July  10, 1807. 

"  Resolved  unanimously,  That  the  repeated  aggressions  and  violations  committed 
by  Great  Britain  against  all  7ieutral  nations  in  general,  and  parti  cidarly  against  the 
persons  and  privileges  of  our  citizens,  as  a  free  and  independent  people,  have 
excited  in  us  a  just  abhorrence  and  indignation ;  that  the  late  outrage  by  the 
Leopard  ship  of  war  against  the  Chesapeake,  we  consider  as  a  premeditated  in- 
sult to  our  government  and  national  character,  and  wearing  so  barbarous  an  as- 
pect, that  longer  patience  would  degrade  the  name  of  Americans. 

"  Resolved  unanimously,  That  if  upon  the  meeting  of  Congress,  it  shall  be 
found  necessary  to  resort  to  hostile  measures  against  Great  Britain  for  the  at- 
tiunment  of  justice,  we  inll  clieerfuUy  subtnit  to  any  ilepiivations  or  hardships  at- 
tendant on  a  state  of  war ;  and  we  wiUmake  every  exertion  to  perfect  ouribelves 
ill  the  military  art,  and  equip  ourselves  to  oppose  tlie  base  and  cowardly  ene- 
my of  our  country." 

Extract  from  the  proceedings  of  the  citizens  of  Alexandria,  June  27,1807. 

"  Resolved  that  the  tyrannic  conduct  of  the  British  nation  on  the  ocean  has 
justly  rendered  her  odious  among  all  civilized  powers. 

"  Resolved,  That  we  viexo  the  late  savage  and  dastardly  outrage  committed  by 
the  Leopard  British  sfdp  of  war  on  tlte  Utiiled  Stalesfrigate  Cliesapeake,  with  due 
indignation." 

Extract  from  the  proceedings  of  the  citizens  of  Wilmington,  Delaware,  July  4, 1807f 
the  venerable  John  Dickinson  in  the  chair. 
"  Resolved,  That  we  view  with  tli£  strongest  sentiments  of  indignation  and  ab- 
horrence the  late  unprovoked,  lawless,  and  ferocious  attack,  made  by  the  British  slap 
•fwar  Leopard  upon  the  frigate  Chesapeake,  and  the  daring  insult  offered  thereby 
to  the  flag,  the  government,  and  the  people  of  the  United  States." 

Extract  from  the  proceedings  of  lite  citizens  of  Baltimore,  June  30,  1807. 

••  Resolved  unanimously,  Tiiat  we  view  with  indignation  and  horror  the  wan- 
ton attack  lately  made  upon  the  Chesapeake  frigate  by  the  British  ship  of  war* 
Leopard,  by  which  many  of  our  fellow  citizens  have  been  killed  and  wounded^ 
and  the  government  and  flag  cf  our  country  most  grossly  insulted. 

"  Resolved  unanimously,  That  we  will  with  our  lives  and  fortunes  support  the 
government  in  all  such  measures  as  they  may  adopt  on  tids  momentous  occasion^  to 
obtain  redress  and  satisfaction  for  the  outrage  aforesaid." 

Extract  from  the  proceedings  of  the  citizens  of  PhiladelpMa,  July  1,  1807,  Joseph 

Hopk-inson,  esq.  Secretary.* 

"Resolved,  That  the  conduct  of  Great  Britain  towards  the  United  States,  has 
been  too  often  marked  by  hostility,  injustice,  and  oppression  ;  and  that  the  out- 
rage committed  by  the  Leopard,  one  of  the  ships  of  war,  under  the  express  or- 
ders of  one  of  the  admirals,  upon  the  Chesapeake,  a  frigate  belonging  to  the 
United  States,  is  an  act  of  such  consummate  violence  and  wrong,  and  of  so  barboT' 
Otis  and  murderous  a  character,  that  it  would  debase  and  degi'ade  any  nation,  and 
much  more  so,  a  ruttion  of  freemen,  to  submit  to  it. 

"Resolved,  That  we  will  support  the  administmtion  of  the  general  govern- 
ment in  all  and  every  mcajure  which  may  be  adopted  by  them,  to  avenge  the 
wrongs  our  country  has  sufltred  from  Great  Britain,  anil  to  compel  tlie  mokt 
rigid  retribution ;  and  that  to  attain  a  full  measure  of  justice  from  her,  we 
pledge  ourselves  to  make  any  sacrifices,  and  to  encounter  any  hazards. 

•  To  readers  at  a  distance  from  Philadelphia,  it  may  not  be  amiss  to  state; 
that  Mr.  Ilopkinsnn  is  and  has  always  been  as  decided  a  federalist  as  Hanison 
iJray  Otis,  Timothy  Pickering,  or  Josiuh  Quincy,  Esqrs. 


112 


POLITICAL  OUVE  BRANCH, 


[CBAF.  20. 


IN 


"  Resolved,  That  by  the  laws  and  usages  of  nations,  a  national  ship  is  always 
exempt  and  free  from  examinations  or  search,  by  any  foreign  vessel  or  power. 

Resolved,  That  tfus  pvemeditated  outrage  is  consiilered  as  taritamount  to  a  de- 
claration of  war  on  tlie  part  of  Great  Britain,  and  as  evincive  of  an  irreconcilable 
hostility  to-this  nation. 

"  Resolved,  That  we  entertain  a  confidence,  that  the  government  of  the  Uni- 
ted States  will  adopt  the  most  decisive  and  vigorous  tneastires  to  obtain  reparation 
for  the  injuries  and  wrongs  sustained  from  the  goveniment  of  Great  Britain." 

Extract  from  the  proceedings  of  the  citizens  of  Pittsburg,  July  10, 1807. 

"  Resolved,  That  the  late  outrageous  and  hostile  conduct  of  the  officers  of 
the  British  navy,  to  <^he  flag  of  the  United  States  on  the  coast  of  Virginia,  has 
excited  our  higltest  indignation. 

"  Resolved,  That  it  is  the  duty  of  every  American  to  aid  the  government  of 
our  country  in  all  measures  having  a  tendency  to  protect  its  best  interests,  its 
honour  and  independence. " 

Extract  from  the  proceedings  of  the  citizens  ofMrfolh,  June  24. 
"  Resolved  unanimously,  Tliat  we  view  the  unprovoked,  piratical,  savage, 
and  assasin-like  attack  upon  the  Chesapeake  with  that  hoiTor  and  detestation 
which  should  always  attend  a  violation  of  the  faith  of  nations  and  the  laws  of 
war ;  and  we  pledge  our  lives  and  our  property  to  co-operate  with  the  govern- 
ment in  any  measures  which  tliey  may  adopt,  whether  of  vengeance  or  retalia- 
tion." 

Extract  from  an  address  of  a  committee  appointed  in  JVorfolk,  to  tlieir  fellow  Cit'- 

zetis,  dated  July  11, 1807. 
"  The  la.tt  deed  of  savage  ferocity,  unparalleled  even  in  the  naval  annals  jf 
Britain,  awakened  the  sentiment  of  abhoiTence  in  every  breast.  Every  voice 
was  loud  in  its  call  for  reparation,  commensurate  to  the  insult ;  British  insolence 
and  barbarity  had  reached  the  ne  pins  ultra.  They  had  the  unblushing  efiion- 
tery  to  claim  the  rights  of  hospitality,  while  their  hands  were  crimsoned  and 
smoaking  with  the  blood  of  your  countrymen;  even  at  the  instant  they  had  de- 
clared war  in  siglit  of  those  shores  from  which,  not  many  years  past,  their  dis- 
comfited  and  recreant  myrmidons  were  driven  with  disgrace;  in  sight  of  those 
monuments,  which  fill  your  breasts  with  a  holy  and  aspiring  admiration  for  the 
valour  and  triumphs  of  your  forefathers.  The  nation  was  unexpectedly  plunged 
into  war,  and  yourselves  the  first  exposed  to  its  ruthless  blast.  The  choice  of 
tame  submission  or  resistance  was  forced  on  your  consideration:  with  one  voice 
you  declared  that  your  ancestors  had  wrested  their  rights,  their  liberties  and 
independence-i'rom  the  suffocating  grasp  of  British  tyranny,  by  the  sword;  and 
that  you,  their  posterity,  had  resolved  with  it  to  defend  and  to  perpetuate  the 
hallowed  patrimony." 

Extract  from  the  proceedings  of  tlie  citizens  ofj^'ew  York,  July  2, 1807. 
*'  Itesolved,  That  \,  e  consider  the  dastardly  and  unprovoked  attack  made  on 
the  United  States  armed  ship  Chesapeake,  by  his  Britannic  majesty's  ship, 
the  Leopard,  to  be  a  violation  of  our  national  rights,  as  atrocious  as  it  is  unpre- 
cedented." 

Last  in  the  long  list,  let  me  take  the  liberty  of  offering  to  the 
world  the  sentiments  of  the  citizens  of  Boston,  in  town  meeting, 
held  in  the  court-house. 

Boston^  July  10,  1807. 

"  Resolved  unanimously,  Tliat  the  late  aggression,  committed  by  a  British 
ship  of  war  on  afrigate  of  tlie  United  States,  for  the  avowed  pui*pose  of  taking 
from  her  by  force  a  part  of  her  crew,  was  a  wanton  outrage  upon  the  persons 
and  lives  of  our  citizens,  and  a  direct  attack  on  our  national  sovereignty  and  in- 
dependence ;  that  the  spirited  conduct  of  our  fellow  citizens  at  Norfolk  on  this 
occasion,  before  the  orders  of  government  could  be  obtained,  was  highly  ho- 
iioumble  to  themselves  and  to  the  nation. 

"  Resolved  unanimously,  That  Ifwfrm,  dignified,  and  temperate  policy  adoptcft 
hy  n>tv  rxeaitive  at  this  momentous  crisia  is  entitled  to  our  moit  cordial  approbation 
ami  support. 


CHAP.  20.] 


ATTACK  ON  TflE  CHESAPEAffiB. 


"  Resolved  unanimouBly,  That  with  all  our  personal  influence  and  exertions 
we  will  aid  ami  assist  the  constituted  authorities  in  carrying  the  proclamation  of 
the  president  of  tlie  United  States,  in  every  particular,  into  AiU  and  effectual 
execution." 

Besides  the  above  meeting,  there  was  another  held  in  Boston, 
at  Faneuil  Hall,  on  the  16th  of  July,  1807,  at  which  John  Coffin 
Jones,  esq.  ncted  as  moderator.  John  Quincy  Adams,  ^arrfson 
Gray  OtiSy  Wm.  Eustis,  Christopher  Gore^  Charles  Jones,  yohn 
C,  Jones^  Thomas  H,  Perkhis^  Jonathan  Mason,  and  John  War- 
ren, esqrs.  were  appointed  a  committee  to  prepare  a  report, 
which  contained  the  following  resolutions — 

"  Resolved,  that  we  consider  the  unprovoked  attack  made  on  the  United 
States'  armed  ship  Chesapeake,  by  the  British  ship  of  war  Leopard,  a  wanton 
outrage  upon  the  Uves  of  our  fellow  citizens,  a  direct  violation  of  our  national 
honour,  and  an  infringement  of  our  national  rights  and  sovereignty. 

"  Resolved,  that  we  most  sincerely  approve  the  proclamation,  and  the  firm  and 
dispassionate  course  of  policy  pursued  by  the  president  of  the  United  States :  and 
we  will  cordially  unite  with  our  fellow  citizens  in  affording  effectual  support 
to  such  measures  as  our  government  niay  further  adopt,  in  uie  present  crisis  qf 
our  affairs." 

To  those  unacquainted  with  the  solemnity  and  regularity  of 
the  proceedings  in  Boston  town  meetings,  it  may  not  be  impro- 
per to  state,  that  there  is  probably  no  town  in  the  world  whose 
public  meetings  are  conducted  with  more  propriety  and  decorum 
— and  that  these  resolutions  are  as  full  and  as  fair  an  expres- 
sion of  the  sentiments  of  the  citizens  of  the  town  as  ever  was 
given. 

I  have  already  offered  a  few  reflections  on  the  charge  of 
French  influence,  so  universally  alleged  against  Mr.  Jefferson, 
and  so  generally  believed  by  the  federalists  throughout  the  union. 
At  the  period  of  passing  these  resolves,  he  had  been  in  office  six 
years  and  four  months,  out  of  eight  years  of  his  presidency. 
And,  behold,  the  town  of  Boston,  after  so  long  an  experience  of 
his  conduct  in  this  dignified  and  arduous  office,  passes  on  him  in 
a  report  expressly  drawn  up  by  Harrison  Gray  Otis,  Christopher 
Gore,  and  other  gentlemen  of  the  same  description,  the  highest 
encomiums  for  his  ^\firm  and  dispassionate  course  of  policy  ^^  at  a 
crisis  of  the  utmost  delicacy.  What  a  contrast — what  a  contra- 
diction between  this  panegyric  and  the  never-ending  abuse,  the 
remorseless  virulence,  with  which  he  has  been  Assailed  from  that 
period  to  the  present,  in  that  town,  by  men,  the  major  part  of 
whom  were  probably  at  the  meeting,  and  concurred  in  this  vote 
of  approbation !  Alas  !  alas !  what  a  poor,  miserable,  contempti- 
ble, senseless  animal  is  man  !  To  how  little  purpose  is  he  endow- 
ed with  that  proud,  distinctive  faculty,  called  reason,  of  which 
he  makes  so  little  use  ! 

It  is  due  to  justice,  and  to  the  spirit  of  impartiality  which  I 
have  studiously  laboured  to  preserve  throughout  this  work,  to 
.fitate,  that  previous  to  the  sailing  of  the  Chesapeake,  Mr.  Ha- 


;f;V' 


51;  t 


ft* 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[chap.  20. 


*■ 

M 


I.  > 


milton,  the  British  consul  at  Norfolk,  had  made  repeated  official 
demands  of  these  four  seamen,  which  demands  were  repelled  by 
the  officers  on  board  the  Chesapeake,  with  the  concurrence  and 
approbation  of  the  cabinet  at  Washington,  This  refusal  led  to 
the  orders  issued  by  admiral  Berkeley,  then  at  Halifax,  to  captain 
Humphreys,  to  take  the  men  by  force. 

It  is  also  due  to  justice,  to  state,  that  as  these  men  had  entered 
voluntarily  on  board  the  Chesapeake — and  as  Great  Britain 
steadily  refuses  to  surrender  foreigners  who  enter  her  vessels 
voluntarily — the  claim  made  for  these  four  sailors  was  not  justi- 
fied or  warranted  by  her  own  practice. 

The  following  account  of  three  of  the  four  men  thus  seized, 
is  extracted  from  a  letter  written  by  commodore  Barron,  to  the 
secetary  of  the  navy,  and  dated  April,  7th,  1807.  It  arose 
from  the  requisition  of  the  British  consul  at  Norfolk,  for  their 
delivery. 

"  William  Ware,  pressed  from  on  boanl  the  brig  Neptune,  captain  Crafts,  by 
the  Britisli  frigate  Mclampus,  in  the  bay  of  Biscay,  has  served  on  boaixl  tlie  said 
frigate  fifteen  months. 

"  William  Ware  is  a  native  Amciican,  born  (in  Pipe  creek,  Frederick  county, 
state  of  Maryland,  at  Druce's  mills,  and  served  his  time  at  said  mills,  lie  also 
lived  at  Ellicott's  mills,  near  Baltimore,  and  drove  a  wagon  several  years  be- 
tween llagerstown  and  Baltimore,  lie  also  served  eighteen  months  on  boanl 
the  United  States'  frigate  Chesapeake,  under  the  command  of  commodore  Moi- 
ris  and  captain  James  Barron,    lie  is  an  Indian  looking  man. 

"  Daniel  Martin  was  pirssed  at  the  same  time  and  place.  He  is  a  native  of 
Westport,  in  Massachusetts,  about  thirty  miles  to  the  Eastward  of  Newport, 
Ithodc-Island ;  served  his  time  out  of  New-York  with  captain  Marrowby,  in  the 
Calc<l'onia ;  refers  to  Mr.  Benjamin  Davis,  merchant,  and  Mr.  Benjamin  Corcc, 
of  Westport.  He  is  a  coloured  man. 

•*  John  Strachan,  born  on  the  eastern  shore  of  Maryland,  Queen  Ann's  coimty, 
between  Ccnterville  and  Quecn's-town  j  refers  to  Mr.  John  Price,  and  ■ 
Prait,  esq.  on  Kent  island,  who  know  his  relations.  Strachan  sailed  in  the  brig 
Martha  Bland,  captain  Wyvill,  from  New  York  to  Dublin,  and  from  thence  to 
Liverpool.  Ht:  there  left  the  brig,  and  shipped  on  board  an  English  (iuincaman. 
He  was  pressed  on  boai-d  the  Mclampus,  off  cape  Finisterre.  'I'o  better  his 
Bituat!  >n  he  consented  to  enter,  i)eing  determined  to  make  his  escape  when 
opportunity  offered  He  served  on  boiml  the  frigate  two  yeai-s.  He  is  a  white 
man,  about  five  feet  seven  inches  high. 

"  William  Ware  and  John  Strachan  have  protections.  Daniel  Martin  says  he 
loit  his,  after  leaving  the  frigate." 

While  the  American  mind  was  festering  under  the  atrocious 
outrage  perpetrated  by  captain  Humphreys,  the  British  govern- 
ment issued  a  proclamation,  directing  the  search  for,  and  sei/un^ 
of  British  subjects  on  board  merchant  vessels,  of  which  I  sub 
join  the  two  principal  paragraphs. 

"  For  the  better  execution  of  the  purposes  of  this  our  royal  proclamation,  wf 
do  authorise  and  rommand  all  captains,  musters,  and  others  cummunding  our 
ships  and  vessels  of  war,  to  stop  and  make  stay  of  all  and  every  snrh  person  or 
persons  (being  our  natural  born  subjects)  iiSHhall  endeavour  to  transpoh  or  en- 
ter Ihemsolves  into  the  service  of  any  foreign  stale,  contrary  to  the  intent  and 
command  of  this  «Hir  royal  prorlamution  i  and  to  seize  upon,  take,  and  bring 
nway  all  such  persons  aforesaid,  who  shnll  be  found  to  be  employed  orser\ing 
in  any  foreign  merchant  ship  ur  vessel  us  aforesaid :  but  wc  do  strictly  enjoin  on 


caxv.  21.] 


BLOCKADE. 


115 


all  such  our  captains,  masters,  and  others,  that  they  do  permit  no  man  to  %o  on 
board  sucli  ships  and  vessels  belonging  to  states  at  amity  with  us,  for  the  pur> 
pose  of  seizing  upon,  taking,  and  bringing  away,  such  persons  as  aforesaid,  for 
whose  discreet  and  orderly  demeanour,  tlie  said  captains  cannot  answer  ;  and 
that  they  do  take  especial  care  that  710  utmcceHHury  violence  Ijc  done  or  offered 
to  the  vessel,  or  to  tlie  remainder  of  the  crew,  from  out  of  which  such  persons 
sliall  be  taken. 

"  And  in  case  of  tlicir  receiving  information  of  any  such  person  or  persons 
being  employed,  or  serving  on  board  any  ship  of  war  lielonging  to  such  foreign 
state,  being  a  stale  at  amity  with  us,  we  do  authorise  and  command  our  cap- 
tains, masters,  and  others  commanding  our  ships  of  war,  to  require  o/tlie  captain 
or  commumkr  of  mtch  foreign  ship  of  war,  that  lie  ilo  forthwith  release  and  discharffc 
mch  person  or  persons,  being  our  natural-burn  subject  or  subjects ;  and  if  such 
release  and  discharge  shall  be  refused,  then  to  transmit  information  of  such  re- 
fusal to  the  ccmimanderin  chief  of  the  squadron  under  whose  orders  such  cap- 
tains or  commanders  shall  be  then  serving;  which  information  the  said  com- 
mander in  cliief  is  hereby  strictly  directed  and  enjoined  to  transmit,  with  the 
least  possible  delay,  to  our  minister  residing  at  the  seat  of  government  of  that 
state  to  witicii  the  said  foreign  ship  of  war  shall  bcloiif^,  to  demand  reparation 
for  the  injury  done  to  us  by  the  unwarrantable  detention  of  our  natural-bom 
subjects  in  the  service  of  a  foreign  state." 

CHAPTER  XXI. 

Blockade  of  the  Coast  from  the  Elbe  to  Brest,    Berlin  Decree. 

Instead  of  redressing  the  grievances  of  which  our  merchants 
.so  loudly,  and  so  eloquently,  and  so  justly  complained,  the  Bri- 
tish government,  on  the  16th  of  May,  1806,  under  the  adminis- 
tration of  the  celebrated  Charles  James  Fox,  issued  a  proclama- 
tion, blockading  the  coast  of  Germany,  Holland,  and  Francei, 
from  the  Elbe  to  iirest,  extending  to  about  eight  hundred  miles. 
There  never  was  an  adequate  force  stationed  to  effect  a  legal 
blockade  of  a  third  part  of  the  coast  included  within  the  procla- 
mation. 

The  French  government,  exasperated  at  this  offensive  and  un- 
justifiable measure,  retaliated  on  Great  Britain  by  the  notorious 
Berlin  decree,  whereby  the  whole  of  the  British  dominions  were 
declared  to  be  in  a  state  of  blockade,  although  a  single  French 
vessel  of  war  hardly  dared  to  shew  itself  on  the  seas  !  ! ! 

Imperial  Decree  declaring  the  British  Isles  in  a  state  of  blockade. 

Imperial  ('(imp,  Uerliii,  A'oj'ctnhrr  21,1806. 

Napoleon,  emperor  of  the  French,  and  king  of  Italy,  considering  : 

1.  That  Knglaiid  does  not  admit  tlic  right  of  nations,  as  universally  acknow- 
lodfed  l>y  all  t  ivili/.eil  people  ; 

'2.  That  she  declares  as  an  enemy  every  individual  belonging  to  an  enemy 
state  ;  and  in  consi(|uencc  makes  prisoners  of  war,  not  only  of  the  crews  of 
nrmfr/ vessels,  but  those  also  of  merchant  vessels,  and  even  the  supeiruigoes  of 
the  same ; 

;}.  That  slie  extends  or  applies  to  meirhant  vessels,  to  nrlielcs  of  cfunmorrc, 
and  to  till-  property  ofindividuals,  the  right  of  con(|uest,  wliicii  can  <Hily  be  ap- 
plied or  extended  to  wliat  belongs  to  an  enemy  state  ; 

4.  That  she  extends  to  ports  not  fortified,  to  liarliours  and  mouths  of  rivers, 
tlie  rii^/ii  if  filiirk'iiite,  which,  according  to  reason  and  the  usages  of  civili/eil 
jiations,  is  ajiplieablc  only  t(»  strong  or  fortified  ports; 

5.  'I'iiHt  sliu  dvclures  places  blocKMd«d)  bclurv  wliigltshc  hAS  not  a  «in|{le  vci' 


pull 


¥!:,> 


mm 


POUTICAL  OLIVE  BBA^*CH. 


[chap.  i^l. 


F1 


4 


I' 


sel  of  war;  although  a  place  ought  not  to  be  considered  blockaded,  but  when 
it  is  so  invested  as  that  no  approach  to  it  can  be  made  without  imminent  haz- 
ard ;  that  she  declares  even  places  blockaded  which  her  united  forces  would  be 
incapable  of  doing,  such  as  entire  coasts,  and  a  whole  empire ; 

6.  That  this  unequalled  abuse  of  the  right  of  blockade  has  no  other  object 
than  to  inten-upt  the  communication  of  difTcrent  nations,  and  to  extend  the 
commerce  and  industry  of  England  upon  the  ruin  of  tiioso  of  the  continent ; 

7.  That  this  being  the  evident  design  of  England,  wlioever  deals  on  the  con- 
tinent  in  English  merchandise  favours  that  Ucsign,  and  becomes  an  accomplice  j 

8.  That  this  conduct  in  England  (wortliy  only  of  the  first  ages  of  barbarism) 
has  benefited  her  to  the  detriment  of  other  nations ; 

9.  That  it  being  right  to  oppose  to  an  enemy  the  same  arms  she  makes  use 
of;  to  combat  as  she  does;  when  all  ideas  of  justice,  and  every  liberal  senti- 
ment (the  result  of  civilization  among  men)  are  disregardotl  .- 

We  have  resolved  to  enforce  against  England  the  usages  which  siie  has  con- 
secrated in  her  maritime  code. 

The  present  decree  shall  be  considered  as  the  fundamental  law  of  the  eoi- 

{)ire,  until  England  has  acknowledged  tiiat  the  rights  of  war  are  tiie  same  on 
and  as  at  sea ;  that  they  cannot  be  extended  to  any  jirivate  property  wluitever, 
nor  to  persons  wivo  are  not  military;  and  until  the  right  of  bhickading  be  re- 
strained to  fortified  places  actually  invested  by  competent  forces. 
Article  1,  Tiie  British  islands  are  in  a  state  of  blockade. 

2.  All  commerce  and  correspondence  with  tliem  is  prohibited.  Consequently, 
all  letters  or  packets  written  in  England,  or  to  an  Englishman,  written  in  tin- 
JEngliah  lanjtiaffe,  shall  not  be  despatched  from  the  post-offices ;  and  shall  be 
seized. 

3.  Every  individual,  a  subject  of  Great  llritain,  of  whatever  rank  or  condi- 
tion, who  is  found  in  ccnnitries  occupied  by  our  troops  or  those  of  our  aUics, 
shall  be  made  prisoner  of  war. 

4.  Every  warehouse,  all  merchandise  or  property  whatever,  belonging  to  an 
Englishman,  are  declared  good  prize. 

5.  One  half  of  the  proceeds  of  merchandise  declared  to  be  good  prize,  and 
forfeited  as  in  the  preceding  articles,  shall  go  to  indemnify  mei"cnants  who  have 
sufi'ered  l().sses  by  the  English  cruisers. 

6.  No  vessel  coming  (hrectly  from  England  or  her  colonies,  or  having  been 
there  since  the  pviblicution  of  this  decree,  shall  be  admitted  into  any  port. 

7.  Evcrv  vessel  that,  by  a  false  declaration,  contravenes  the  foregoing  dispo- 
sition, shall  be  seized,  and  the  ship  and  cargo  confiscated  as  English  property. 

8.  ['I'his  article  st.:ktes,that  the  romu-ils  of  prizes  at  Furis  and  at  .Milan,  sliall 
have  recognisance  of  what  may  arise  in  tlie  empire  and  in  Italy  uiuler  the  pre- 
sent decree] 

9.  (Joinmui\icationsof  this  decree  sliall  be  made  to  the  kings  of  Spain,  Nh- 
l^lcs,  Holland,  Etruria,  aiul  (o  our  other  allies,  whoso  8«ibjccts,  as  well  as  ours, 
are  victims  of  the  injuries  and  barbarity  of  the  Eiigli.sh  maritime  code. 

10.  Our  ministei-s  of  foreign  relations,  Ike.  are  charged  with  the  execution  gf 
the  |)resent  decree.  NAi'OLEON. 

Extravagant  as  this  decree  appears,  it  is  capable  of  some  de- 
fence ;  a  defence  not  void  of  plausibility.  It  was  promulgated 
to  retaliate  the  blockade  cT  a  great  extent  of  coast,  of  which,  as 
I  have  stilted,  two  thirds  were  not  invested  by  any  force  what- 
ever. And  it  cannot  be  denied  that  if  the  blockade  of  a  single 
port  three  miles  in  extent,  much  more  a  long  line  of  coast,  with- 
out a  force  to  support  it,  be  legal,  the  blockade  of  the  British  do- 
minions, or  evi  !i  of  a  wliole  continent,  without  a  force,  is  like- 
wise legal.  And  on  this  principle,  captain  Boyle's  celel)rated 
blockade  of  the  British  dominions,  was  (|uite  as  legal  and  de- 
fensible, as  the  blockade,  during  our  late  war,  of  such  ports  of 
the  Ignited  States  as  had  no  naval  force  stationed  before  them. 


i 


1\S 

lat- 
^If 
th- 
ilo- 
ikc- 
Atcd 
ilc- 
s  of 
t'ln. 


cttAP.  22.] 


MILAN  DECREG. 


m 


So  far  as  respected  American  vessels,  the  Berlin  decree  was 
not  euforced  for  twelve  months.  This  is  a  most  important  fact, 
and  is  not  asserted  lightly.  It  stands  on  respectable  authority, 
to  which  no  objection  can  lie.  This  authority  is  Alexander 
Baring,  esq.  member  of  the  British  house  of  commons. 

"  JVo  conilemnation  of  an  American  vessel  had  ever  taken  placH  under  it ,-  and 
so  little  did  the  French  privateers  interfere  with  the  trade  of  America  with  this 
country,  that  the  insurance  on  it  has  been  verif  little  higher  than  in  time  ofpro' 
found  peace !  while  thutof  tlie  American  trade  with  the  continent  of  Europe 
liiui  at  the  same  time  been  doubled,  and.  even  U*cbled,  by  the  conduct  of  our 
<'ruisers."* 

Besides  the  above  authority,  I  annex  an  official  proof  of  my 
position : — 

Pang,  Mvember  12,  1807. 

Sir,  It  was  not  till  yesterday  that  I  received  from  Mr.  Skipwith  a  copy  of  the 
decree  of  the  council  of  prizes,  in  tlie  case  of  the  Horizon.  This  is  the 'first  un- 
friendly decision  of  that  body  under  the  decree  of  the  twenty-first  of  JVffvember, 
18U6.  In  this  chsc,  and  on  the  petition  of  the  defendant,  the  couil  has  recom- 
mended Ihe  restoration  of  the  w/mlf  cargo.  I  did  not,  however,  think  proper 
to  join  in  asking  as  a  favour,  wiiut  1  believed  myself  entitled  to  as  a  right.  I 
subjoin  a  copy  of  my  note  to  the  minister  of  foreign  affiiirs. 

And  I  am,  sir.  Sec. 

Mr.  Madison,  &c.  JOHN  AUMSTRONG, 

CHAPTER  XXII. 

Orders  in  Council  of  November  \\th^  1807.    Milan  Decree, 

As  a  retaliation  for  the  preceding  Berlin  decree,  were  issued 
the  British  orders  in  council  of  Nov.  11, 1807,  whereby  all  neu-. 
tral  vessels  bound  to  France,  or  her  dependencies,  or  to  any  port 
1  rom  which  British  vessels  were  excluded — and  further,  all  ves- 
sels furnished  with  French  consular  certificates  of  the  origin  of 
the  cargoes,  were  declared  liable  to  seizure  and  condemnation. 
This  measure,  so  destructive  to  the  rights  and  interests  of  the 
United  States,  was  jiredicated  upon  our  acquiescence  in  the  Ber- 
lin decree  of  November,  1806,  twelve  months  anterior,  although 
that  decree,  as  I  have  stated,  had  not  been  enforced  against  our 
commerce,  and  of  course  we  had  had  no  right  to  remonslvite 
against  it.  There  did  not,  therefore,  exist  any  appearance  of  that 
acquiescence  which  could  have  warranted  this  high-handed  out- 
rage. 

To  enable  the  reader  to  judge  correctly  on  the  subject  of  these 
celebrated  orders,  I  annex  a  copy  of  them  entire. 

At  the  Court  of  the  !^ieen\s  Palace^  the  Wth  of  November^  1807, 
prcficiity  the  Kinj^'s  most  excellent  Alujcstij  in  Council. 

Wiureas  ccrtnin  orders,  esttiblisliing  an  unprecedented  system  of  warfare 
against  this  kingdom,  and  ainud  lapiciidly  at  the  iloslnn  lion  of  its  romnierce 
and  resources,  were  some  tinu-  slnee  issiietl  by  the  government  «tf  l-'mnee,  by 

•  "  Inquiry  into  the  causes  and  eonscqucnccs  of  tlie  orders  in  eouneil  j  and  an 
pxaniiiiation  of  tlie  coniluot  of  (ireiiV  Hntain  lowanls  the  neutral  tonnneree  of 
Anitriea.     I)y  Mcxandor  Haring,  vm\.  W  P."     London,  published  February, 
1HU8.     Ue-publislicd  in  I'h'Jadelphiu,  by  Bradford  ai\d  Intkocp 
O.  B.  17 


^tt;;- 


li» 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


cBiP.  22.} 


u 


,''1 


i       h 


which  the  British  islands  tirere  declared  to  be  in  a  state  of  blockade  ;  thereby 
subjecting  to  capture  and  condemnation  all-  vessels  with  their  cargoes,  which, 
should  continue  to  trade  with  his  majesty's  dominions : 

"  And  whereas  by  the  same  ordera,  all  trading  in  English  merchandise  is  pro- 
hibited :  and  every  article  of  merchandise  belonging  to  England,  or  coming 
from  her  colonies,  or  of  her  manufacture,  is  declared  lawful  prize. 

"  And  whereas  the  nations  in  alliance  with  France,  and  under  her  controul, 
were  required  to  give,  and  have  given,  and  do  give,  effect  to  such  orders : 

"  And  whereas  his  majesty's  order  of  the  seventh  of  January  last,  has  not  an- 
swered the  desired  purpose,  either  of  compelling  the  enemy  to  recall  those  or- 
ders, or  of  inducing  neutral  nations  to  interpose,  with  effect,  to  obtain  their  re- 
vocation ;  but,  on  me  contrary,  the  same  have  been  recently  enforced  with  in- 
creased rigour : 

"  And  whereas  his  majesty,  under  these  circiimstanccs,  finds  himself  compel- 
led to  take  fiirther  mea.<*ures  for  asserting  and  vindicating  his  just  rights,  and 
for  supporting  that  maritime  power  which  the  exertions  and  valour  of  his  peo- 
ple have,  under  the  blessing  of  providence,  enabled  him  to  establish  and  main- 
tain, and  the  maintenance  of  which  is  not  more  essential  to  the  safety  and 
prosperity  of  his  majesty's  dominions,  than  it  is  to  the  protection  of  such  states 
as  still  retain  their  independence,  and  to  the  general  intercourse  and  happiness 
of  mankind. 

"  His  majesty  is  therefore  pleased,  by  and  with  the  advice  of  his  prity  coun- 
cil, to  order,  and  it  is  hereby  ordered,"  that  alt  the  ports  atul  places  of  France 
ami  her  aUies,  or  of  any  other  cnnntry  at  tuar  with  his  majesty,  ami  all  otliei'  ports 
or  places  in  Europe,  from  ivldch,  allhomrh  not  at  war  with  hin  majesty,  the  British 
flag  is  excluded,  and  all  povtn  or  places  in  the  colojues  hcloiiginij  to  Ids  majesttfs 
enemies,  shall,  from  henceforth,  be  siib  ject  to  tlie  same  restrictions  in  point  of 
trade  and  navigation,  with  the  exceptions  hereinafter  mentioned,  as  if  the  same 
were  actually  blockade<{  by  his  majesty's  nava!  forces,  in  the  most  strict  and 
rigorous  manner.  And  it  is  hcivby  farther  oixlcrcd  and  declared,  that  all  trade 
in  articles  which  are  of  the  produce  or  manufacture  of  the  said  coimtries  or  colo- 
nies, shall  be  deemed  and  considered  to  be  unlawful ;  and  that  nwry  vessel 
trading  from  or  to  the  said  countries  or  colonies,  toqrethrr  with  q-oods  and  merchan- 
dise onboard,  and  all  articles  of  the  produce  w  manufacture  of  the  said  countHes  or 
colonies,  shall  be  captured  and  condemned  as  prize  to  the  captors. 

"  But  althougli  his  niiijosty  would  he  fully  justified,  by  the  circumstances  and 
eonsideratinus  iitiove  reritcd,  in  establishing  such  a  .system  of  restrictions  with 
respect  to  all  the  coiuitries  aiul  colonies  «)l  his  enemies  without  exception  or 
qualification  ;  yet  his  majesty,  being  noviitlielcss  desirous  iu)t  to  subject  neu- 
trals to  any  greater  iiiconvenieuce  than  is  aljsoluloly  inseparai)le  from  the  car- 
rying into  effect  his  majesty's  just  dLtermination  to  eoiintcract  the  designs  of 
his  enemies,  and  to  rotort  upon  tlu*msehi's  tl)c  cnnse(iucnccs  of  their  own 
violence  and  injustice  ;  and  being  vet  willing  to  hope  that  it  may  be  possible 
(consistently  with  that  object^  still  to  allow  to  neutrals  the  opportunity  of  fur- 
nishing themselves  with  colonial  produce  lor  tlicir  own  ronsiiniptiou  and  sup- 
ply ;  <»/;f/ «r«  to  leave  nfwn,  for  the  l>re.<,;it,  SUCH  TUM)K  WITH  HIS  MA- 
JESTY'S KNEMIKS  .\S  SII.VLL  HK  C.MJItlKI)  ON'  DlltEt  TI,Y  WITH  THK. 
poms  OF  HIS  MAJESTY'S  DOMINIONS,  Oil  OF  HIS  .VI.LIES,  in  the  man- 
ner honiuiiftcr  mentioned ; 

"  His  majesty  is  tliorefore  nlcascd  farther  to  onler.  and  it  is  hereby  ordered, 
that  nothing  herein  containeu  sliall  extend  to  subject  to  rapture  or  condemna- 
tion any  vessel,  or  tlii'  cargo  of  any  vessel,  lieloiij^ing  to  any  country  not  de- 
clared Iiy  this  onler  til  lie  suiiiepted  to  the  restrictions  incident  to  a  state  of 
blockade,  which  shall  liave  cleared  out  witii   such  cargo  from   some  port  or 

fdace  of  the  country  to  which  she  belonn-s,  either  in  F.iirope  or  Amciici,  or 
him  some  free  poil  in  his  imjc  sty's  colonies,  iiniler  ciirunistances  in  which 
such  tru'e  from  such  free  port  is  iiennitted,  dinct  to  snme  port  or  place  in  the 
C'lhiliei  tf  Ilia  tiuijeslii'ii  eniiuies,  nr  fniil  Ihnie  cnhiuies  direct  to  the  couutrti  to 
whiih  such  vcHHel  helninrH,  or  to  some  free  poll  in  his  majesty's  colonies,  in  such 
rases  and  with  such  arlli  les,  as  it  may  he  lawful  to  import  into  such  free  juirt ; 
Morto  any  vessel,  or  cargo  of  any  vessel,  belonging  to  aji>  country  not  at  war 


CHAP.  22.] 


ORDER  IN  COUNCIL. 


119 


with  his  majesty,  which  have  cleared  out  from  some  port  or  place  in  this  Idnp- 
dom,  or  from  Gibraltar  or  Malta,  under  such  regulations  as  his  majesty  may 
think  fit  to  prescribe,  orfrom  any  port  belonging  to  his  majesty's  allies,  and 
shall  be  proceeding  direct  to  the  port  specified  in  the  clearance ;  nor  to  any 
Tessel,  or  the  cargo  of  any  vessel,  belonging  to  any  country  not  at  war  with  his 
majesty,  which  shall  be  coming  from  any  port  or  place  in  Europe,  which  is  de- 
clared by  this  order  to  be  subject  to  the  restrictions  incident  to  a  state  of  block- 
ade, DESIINEI)  TO  SOME  PORT  OR  PLACE  IN  EUROPE  BELONGING 
TO  HIS  MAJESTY,  and  which  shall  be  on  her  voyage  direct  thereto  ;  but 
these  exceptions  are  not  to  be  understood  as  excepting  from  capture  or  confis- 
cation any  vessel  or  goods  which  may  be  liable  thereto  in  respect  of  having  en- 
tered or  departed  from  any  port  or  place  actually  blockaded  by  his  majesty's 
squadrons  or  ships  of  war,  or  for  being  enemies*  property,  or  for  any  other 
cause  than  the  contravention  of  this  present  oi-der. 

"  And  the  commanders  of  his  majesty's  ships  of  war  and  privateers,  and  other 
vessels  acting  under  his  majesty's  commission,  shall  be,  and  arc  hereby  in- 
structed, to  warn  any  vessel  wliich  shall  have  commenced  her  voyage  prior 
to  any  notice  of  this  order,  and  shall  be  destined  to  any  port  of  France,  or  of 
her  allies,  or  of  any  other  country  at  war  with  his  majesty,  or  to  any  port  or 
place  fi'om  which  the  British  flag,  as  aturcsuid,  is  excluded,  or  to  any  colony 
belonging  to  his  majesty's  enemies,  :.nd  which  shall  not  have  cleared  out  as  is 
herein  before  allowed,  to  discontinue  her  voyage,  and  to  pi-oceed  to  some  port 
or  place  in  this  kingdom,  or  to  Gibraltar  or  Malta.  And  any  vessel  which, 
afler  having  been  so  warned,  or  after  a  reasonable  time  shall  have  been  afford- 
ed for  the  arrival  of  information  of  this  his  majesty's  order  to  any  port  or  place 
from  which  she  sailed,  or  which,  after  having  notice  of  this  order,  shall  be 
found  in  the  prosecution  of  any  voyage  contrary  to  the  restrictions  contained 
in  this  order,  sliall  be  captured,  and,  together  witlt  her  cargo,  condemned  a» 
lawful  prize  to  the  captors. 

"  And  whereas  countries  not  engaged  in  the  war,  have  acquiesced  in  the  or- 
ders of  France,  prohibiting  all  trade  in  any  articles  the  produce  or  manufacture 
of  his  majesty's  dominions ;  and  the  merchants  of  those  countries  have  given 
countenance  and  effect  to  those  prohibitions,  by  accepting  from  persons  styl- 
inp  themselves  commercial  agents  of  the  enemy,  resident  at  neutral  ports,  cer- 
tam  documents  termetl  '*  certificatra  of  origin"  being  certificates  obtained  at  the 
ports  of  shipment,  declaring  that  the  articlet  of  the  cargo  are  not  of  tlie  produce  or 
mamifactnre  of  hin  mnjesty's  dominionn,  or  to  that  effect. 

"  And  whereas  this  expedient  has  been  directed  by  France,  and  submitted  to 
by  such  mei*cltants,  as  part  of  the  new  system  of  warfare  directed  against  the 
trade  of  this  kingdom,  and  isthemostefr"'-tualinstmment  of  accomplishing  the 
same  ;  and  it  is  tlicreforc  essentially  necessary  to  resist  it. 

"  If  is  majesty  is  therefore  pleiised,  by  and  with  the  advice  of  his  privy  coun- 
cil, tooixler,  and  it  is  hen  by  ordered,  that  if  any  vess.'l,  after  reasonable  time 
shall  have  beci\  afforded  for  receiving  notice  of  Uiis  his  majesty's  order,  at  the 
port  or  place  fron>  which  such  \essel  shall  have  cleared  out,  shall  be  found  car- 
rying any  mivh  certificate  or  doniiiirnt  «s  aforesaid,  or  any  document  rejeiiing  to  or 
aiithrntieiiting  the  same,  such  vessel  shiill  he  adjudged  lawful  priz.eto  the  captors, 
together  with  the  goods  laden  therein,  belonging  to  the  person  or  persons  by 
whom,  or  on  whose  behalf,  any  such  document  was  put  on  board. 

"  And  the  right  honourable  the  lords  eonmiissoners  of  his  niujesty's  treasury, 
his  majesty's  principal  secretaries  of  state,  the  loitls  commissioners  of  the  ad- 
miralty, and  the  jmlij;es  of  the  high  court  of  admiralty,  and  courts  of  vire-a»lmi- 
ralty,  are  to  takw  the  necessary  measures  herein,  as  to  them  shall  respectively 
nppertaii). 

W.  FAWKEXER." 

The  preceding  orders  were  assigned  by  Napoleon  as  a  reason 
for,  and  justification  of,  the  Mihin  decree,  of  which,  although  it 
somewhat  deranges  the  chronological  order  of  the  work,  I  here 
submit  a  copy.  But  I  prefer  grouping  these  three  documents 
together,  for  the  case  and  convenience  of  the  reader. 


131 


POUTICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


tOBAP.  Zi- 


'i 


m' 


S.*- 


f 


IMPERIAL  DECREE. 

ffejoinder  to  his  Britannic  majesty'a  Ordei'  in  Council, of  tite  l\thJ^ovember,\WT. 

At  our  Royal  Palace  at  Milan,  December  17,  1807. 

f  ''  *'  Napoleon,  emperor  of  the  French,  king  of  Italy,  protector  of  the  Rhenish 

confederation. 

"  Observing  the  measures  adopted  by  the  British  government  on  tlie  11th 
November  last,  by  which  vessels  belonging  to  neutral,  friendly,  or  even  powers 
■\  the  allies  of  England,  are  made  liable  not  oidy  to  be  searched  by  English 
cruizers,  but  to  be  compulsorily  detained  in  England,  and  to  have  a  tax  laid 
on  them  of  so  much  per  cent,  on  the  cargo,  to  be  regulated  by  the  British  le- 
gislature. 

"  Observing  that  by  these  acts  the  British  government  denationalises  ships  of 
every  nation  m  Europe ;  that  it  is  not  competent  for  any  government  to  detract 
from  its  own  independence  and  rights ;  all  the  sovereigns  of  Europe  having  in 
trust  tlie  sovereignties  and  independence  of  the  flag ;  that  if  by  an  unpardon- 
able weaknes^  and  which  in  the  eyes  of  posterity  would  be  an  indelible  stain, 
such  a  tyranny  were  allowed  to  be  estabhsiied  into  principles,  and  consecrated 
by  usage,  the  English  would  avail  themselves  of  it  to  assert  it  as  a  right,  as 
they  have  availed  themselves  of  the  tolerance  of  governments  to  establish  the 
infixiiious  principle,  that  the  flag  of  a  nation  dues  not  cov^r  goods,  and  to  give 
to  their  right  of  blockade  an  arbitrary  extension,  which  infrmges  on  the  sove- 
reignty of  every  state ;  we  have  decreed  and  do  decree  as  follows ; 

"  I.  Every  smp,  to  whatever  nation  it  may  beh)ng,  that  shall  have  submitted 
to  be  searched  by  an  English  shin,  or  to  a  voyage  to  England,  or  shall  have  paid 
any  tax  whatsoever  to  tlic  English  government,  is  thereby,  and  for  that  alone, 
declared  to  be  denationalised  ,■  to  have  forfeited  the  protection  of  its  king;  and 
to  have  l)ecome  English  property. 

"  II.  Wliether  the  ships  tluis  denationaUsed  by  the  arbitrary  measures  of  the 
^  English  government,  enter  into  our  ports,  or  those  of  our  allies,  or  whether 

they  fall  into  the  hands  of  our  ships  of  war,  or  of  our  privateers,  tliey  are  de- 
clared to  be  good  and  lawful  prize. 

"III.  The  British  islands  are  declared  to  be  in  a  state  of  blockade,  both  by 
land  and  sea.  Every  ship  of  whatever  natioui  or  whatsoever  the  nature  of  its 
cargo  may  be,  that  sails  from  the  ports  of  England,  or  those  of  the  EngUsli  colo- 
nies, and  of  the  countries  occupied  by  Englisli  troops,  and  proceeding  to  Eng- 
lantl  or  to  tiie  English  colonics,  or  to  countries  occupied  by  English  troojis,  is 
pood  and  lawful  prize,  as  contrary  to  the  present  decree ;  and  may  be  captured 
py  our  ships  of  war,  or  our  privateers,  and  adjudged  to  the  captor. 

"  IV.  '1  iicse  measures,  which  are  resorted  to  only  in  just  retaliation  of  the 
barbarous  system  adopted  by  England,  which  assimilates  its  legislation  to  that 
of  Algiers,  shall  cease  to  have  any  cflect  witli  respect  to  all  nations  who  shall 
have  the  firmness  lo  compel  the  Knglish  government  to  respect  their  flag. 
They  shall  continue  to  be  rigorously  in  force  as  long  as  that  government  does 
not  return  to  the  prineiple  of  the  law  of  nations  which  ix-gulates  the  relations 
of  civilised  states  in  a  state  of  war.  The  provisions  of  the  present  decree 
shall  be  abrogated  and  null  in  fact,  as  soon  as  the  Knglish  abide  again  by  tlie 

f)rincipK's  of  tiie  law  of  nations,  which  are   also  the  principles  of  justice  and 
lonour. 

"  All  our  ministers  arc  charged  with  tlu'  execution  of  the  present  decree, 
which  shall  be  inserted  in  the  bulletin  of  the  laws. 

NAPOLEON." 

On  the  25th  of  November,  1 807,  an  ucUlition»l  order  in  coun- 
cil was  issticd,  and  on  the  25th  of  March  1808,  an  act  of  par- 
liament passed,  of  lioth  whereof  the  object  was  to  permit  a  trade 
bftween  neutral  nations  (the  only  neutral  nations  then  were  the 
United  States  and  Sweden)  and  France  and  her  dependencies, 
on  the  condition  thai  the  vc.sxc/s  en(^<n(e<l  in  it  should  enter  some 
British  port,  PAY  A  TRANSIT  DUTY,  uml  take  out  a  It- 


■ISm 


t  . 


'/ 


CHAP.  22.] 


TRANSIT  PUTY. 


m 


1 


cence  !  And  the  British  government  affected  to  regard  this  ar- 
rangement as  a  favour  conferred  on  neutrals  !  !  !  This  was 
fairly  capping  the  climax. 

It  may  not  be  unsatisfactory  to  the  reader,  to  state  the  duties 
thus  laid  on  the  exports  of  the  United  States  by  a  foreign  na- 
tion. Well  might  Mr.  Baring  declare— 

"  It  is  immaterial  whether  it  be  a  tax  on  stamps,  or  on  cotton.    This  ques- 
tion has  been  the  subject  of  a  long  and  bloody  war." 

,  Ooods  aUo-wed  to  be  bonded. 


Barilla 

Bark  (Peruvian) 

Cochineal 

Cocoa  nuts    - 

Coffee 

Ginger 

Gum  Arabic,  and  Senegal 

Hemp 

Hides  (raw) 

Jalap 

Indigo 

Iron  (in  bars) 

Pimento 

Pitch 

Quicksilver   - 

Rhubarb 

Hice 

Rum  and  Spirits  single 

Do.  over  proof 

Sugar  (brown  or  Muscovado) 

Do.  (white  or  clayed) 

Tallow 

Tar 

Tobacco 

Turpentine  (common) 

Wine 

Wood  (mahogany)     - 

Cotton 

Timber  . 

Masts,  &c. 


6  inches  under  8 

8 12 

12  and  upwards 


10s  per  cwt.  or 
6s  — 

78  — 

20s—  . 

28s  — 
7a  — 
lOs  — 
15s  — 
3s  per  hide 
6d  per  lb. 
2s  — 
60s  —  per  cwt. 

2d  per  lb. 
45  M  per  31 1-2  gal. 
Is  per  lb.     - 
2s  — 
2s  per  cwt. 

8J  per  g^l. 
Is  4rf 

10s  per  cwt. 
14s  per  cwt. 
7s  — 

As  Ad  per  31 1-2  gal. 
Id  1-2  per  lb.     - 
3fi  6d  per  cwt. 
120s  per  252  gals.      - 
20s  per  ton 

9d  per  lb. 
2rs  per  50  c.  feet 
5s  per  piece 
10s  — 
27s  — 


^2  32 


35 
57 
44 
28 
57 
22 
33 
67 
11 
45 
13  32 


1 

1 
4 
6 
1 
2 
3 


4 

96 

32 

45 

45 

15 

30 

2  32 

3  11 

1  57 

96 

3 

78 

26  64 

4  44 

17 

5  98 

1  11 

2  22 

5  98 

Goods  not  allowed  to  be  bonded,  and  upon  which  tfw  home  consumption  ditties  mtut 

III'  paid  on  importation. 


Anchors  40  per  cent  on  the 

Annatto 

Argol     • 

Asiies 

Oak  bark 

Bread 

Butter 

Gable  and  Cordage 

Wheat 

Wheat  meal  and  Flour 

Stock-iisli 

Otiier  Fisli    • 

Seed  Oil 

Pork 

riax-accd 


aluc 


48s  Ad  per  cwt. 

5s  — 
10s  — 

2s  6(/ 

4s  —  • 

20s  — 
18s  — 
10s  per  qr. 

5s  per  cwt. 

2s  6d  per  120 

4»  per  cwt. 
210s  per  252  gals. 
17s  6d  per  cwt. 

l"6(/pcr5Glb. 


glO  65 

1  11 

2  22 
55 
90 

4  44 


4 
2 
1 


00 
22 
11 
56 
90 
46  62 
3  92 
33 


iJ  ''' 


U 


I 


n 


1S» 


POUnCAL  OUVE  BRANCH. 


[cur.  Sd. 


Prize  ^^oods  prohibited.  Goods  not  enumerated,  but  which  may  be  used  in 
Great  Britain ;  on  the  present  duties,  40  per  cent. 

A  letter  from  AafA&one./Tu^Aea  and  Duncan,  of  Liverpool,  dated  in  the  be" 
^nning  of  April,  1808,  has  thisparag^ph : 

"  These  duties  to  attach  to  tne  caif^es  of  all  vessds  hmind  from  the  United 
States  so  those  ports  on  the  continent,  which  are  under  the  injluence  of  France,  and 
arrive  in  this  country,  in  compliance  viththe  orders  in  countdl  of  the  eleventh  of 
JVovember." 

»4  Synopsis  of  part  of  the  effects'  of  these  duties. 

"  A  cargo  of  cotton,  of  100  bales,  of  300  lbs.  each,  which  is  about  the  com- 
mon weight,  paying  9d  sterling  per  lb.  in  England,  would  amount  to  the  pre> 
cise  sum  of  50,000  dollars.  The  same  cargo  ofcotton  at  14  1-2  cents,*  the  aver- 

Se  price  for  fine  Louisiana  cotton,  would  not  cost  at  New  Orleans  more  than 
,500  dollars.  Thus  the  exporter  would  have  to  pay  6,500  dollars  in  London, 
as  a  duty  for  Hberty  to  proceed  to  the  continent,  more  tJian  the  original  cost—r 
to  this  might  be  added  the  various  other  charges  of  tonnage.  See.  amounting  to 
about  2000  dollars  more. 

"  A  carg^  of  tobacco  may  be  said  to  consist  of  400  hogsheads — ^for  the  sake  of 
round  numbers,  we  will  suppose  each  hogshead  to  weigh  only  1000  lbs.  and 
the  account  stands  thus— 400,000  lbs.  Tobacco,  at  Id  1-2  sterling 
der  pound  is  3,500^  sterling,  or  |gll,100  00 

Tonnage,  at  12«  per  ton  on  400  tons,  is  240/.  sterling,  or  1,065  OO' 

**  Light  money  and  various  other  charges  and  attendant  expenses, 

would  amount  to  800  GO 


"Amount  of  tribute  on  a  cargo  12,965  00 

**  Of  the  80,000  hogsheads  we  generally  exported,  but  about  12,000  were 
consumed  in  the  British  islands.  The  rest  went  to  the  continent.    Put  them,  as 
before,  at  1000  lbs  each,  and  what  is  the  amount  of  tribute  on  this  single  article  ? 
68,000  hogsheads  tobacco,  weighing  each  1000  lbs.  is  68,000,000 
lbs.  at  Id  1.2d  sterimg  per  pound,  is  425,000/.  or  gl,998,000  GO 

170  ships'  tonnage,  &c.  at  2000  dollars  each  340,000  00 

*•  Amount  of  annual  tribute  on  tobacco  2,338,000  00 

**  A  ship  would  carry  about  from  3000  to  3500  barrels  of  flour  •%  say  for  tlie  sake 
ef  calculation,  6000  cwt. 

"  6,000  cwt.  at  5s  sterling  per  cwt.  amounts  to  1,5001.,  or  g6,660  00 

••  Tonnage  and  charges,  as  above  1,865  00 

"  Amount  of  tribute  on  one  cargo  of  flour  *  '8,225  00 

"  A  ship  load  of  fish  would  cost  about  3,500  or  4,000  dollars,  including  thp 
duties  and  charges."! 

CHAPTER  XXIII. 

7^e  orders  in  Council^  of  November  11,  1807,  defended  by  AmC' 
ricans.  Founded  on  the  untenable  plea  of  American  acquies- 
cence in  the  Berlin  Decree.  Enquiry  into  the  causes  and 
consequences^  by  A.  Baring ^  Esq,  M,  P. 

Pernicious  as  were  the  orders  in  council  to  the  most  vital  in- 
terests of  the  United  States— degrading  as  was  the  condition  of 
paying  a  transit  duty  in  English  ports — and  unjust  and  unfound- 
ed as  was  the  allegation  on  which  these  orders  were  predicated, 

•  This  was  written  previous  to  the  lute  war,  and  states  the  prices  in  ^807. 
t  For  all  these  statements  and  calculations  1  am  indebted  to  NUcs's  Weekly 
Register,  vol.  3,  page  79.  g       . 


#1 


CBAF.  23.] 


BABING'S  ENQUmV. 


133 


00 
00 


there  were  defenders  pf  them  in  this  country— Americans  bom. 
Among  the  number  were  men  in  high  and  elevated  stations, 
possessing  a  great  degree  of  public  confider  ind  political  in- 
fluence. It  is  a  most  singular  fact,  that  the  v.ause  of  England 
has  been  far  more  ably  supported  in  our  congressional  debates, 
and  in  our  political  speculations  and  essays,  than  in  London  it- 
self.  No  man  of  character  or  standing  in  society  in  that  dty,  or 
in  the  British  parliament,  has  attempted  to  deny  the  magnitude  of 
our  wrongs.  The  ministry  and  their  friends  have  palliated  their 
proceedings  by  the  miserable  plea  of  necessity-— and  of  retalia- 
tion— a  plea  that  Barbarossa,  or  Koulikan,  or  Bonaparte,  could 
with  equal  justice  advance.  But  such  respectable  men  as  the 
Koscoes,  the  Whitbreads,  the  Barings,  have  bestowed  on  the 
outrageous  measures  of  their  government,  the  most  unqualified 
reprobation.  I  have  it  not  in  my  power  at  present  to  refer  to  the 
debates  in  parliament.  But  I  perfectly  well  recollect,  and  such  of 
my  readers  as  have  access  to  them  will  see  at  once,  that  the  rec- 
titude of  the  conduct  of  our  government,  and  its  mild  endea- 
vours to  procure  redress,  have  received  the  nuMt  unequivocal 
encomiums  from  some  of  the  most  illustrious  characters  in 
Great  Britain. 

TTie  respectability  of  Mr.  Alexander  Baring  is  a  matter  of 
public  notoriety  throughout  the  commercial  world.  There  is  no 
main  in  England  more  attached  to  the  honour  and  interests  of 
his  country.  His  testimony  has  been,  as  I  have  said,  uniformly 
borne  in  our  favour,  and  against  the  enormous  injustice  of  the 
orders  in  council— and  as  it  cannot  fail  to  have  a  weight  propor- 
tioned to  his  talents,  integrity,  and  character,  I  shall  very  freely 
quote  from  such  an  unexceptionable  source. 

The  orders  in  council  of  Nov.  11,  1807,  were,  as  we  have 
seen,  predicated  upon  the  pretence  of  our  acquiescence  in  the 
Berlin  decree.  Mr.  Baring  having  stated  the  fact,*  that  this 
decree  had  not  been  put  into  operation  against  our  commerce, 
and  th^t  therefore,  we  had  no  right  to  remonstrate  against  it, 
proceeds, 

'•Unless,  therefore,  his  majesty's  ministers  liave  some  information  of  which 
the  public  arc  not  possessed,  and  which  contradicts  the  very  clear  evidence  the 
public  do  possess,  we  must  conclude  that  the  assertion  in  the  orders  in  council 
that  America  had  been  guilty  of  that  acquiescence  in  the  decrees  of  France, 
which  was  to  draw  down,  and  has  drawn  down  upon  her,  our  menaced  rctalia* 
tion,  is  totally  void  offouHdation."^ 

The  fallacy  of  the  allegation  of  an  acquiescence  in  the  Berlin 
decree  havmg  been  proved,  Mr.  Baring  thus  accounts  for  the 
Milan  decree,  which  was  the  offspring  of  the  orders  in  council 
of  November  11,  1807. 

"  If  what  has  been  stated,  be  correct,  that  our  orders  in  council  are  not  jus- 
tified, by  any  previous  pruvocatian,  they  mmt  ba  exidently  acts  of  original  ag- 
iprssion.-  and  France  retaliated  much  in  the  same  manner  and  with  the  same 

•  See  page  117.  f  Baring's  Enquiry,  page  70. 


■:f!-.f$v 


124 


POLITICAL  OUVE  BRANCH. 


[CUAF.  2%. 


ft 


right  as  we  ourselves  should  have  done,  had  the  Berlin  decree  been  rigidly 
executed."* 

The  following  masterly  analysis  of  the  orders  in  council  is 
taken  from  Mr.  Baring's  "  Enquiry." 

"  AU  trade  directly  from  America  to  every  pott  and  country  at  tear  -with  Great 
Britain,  or  from  vildch  t/ie  British  flag  is  excluded,  is  totally  prohibited.  In  this 
general  prohibition,  every  port  of  Europe,  ivith  the  exception  at  present  of  Sweden, 
is  included:  and  no  distinction  w/iatevei'  is  made  between  the  domestic  produce  of 
America,  and  that  of  the  colonies,  re-exported  from  thence  !  .'  ! 

"  The  trade  from  America  to  the  colonies  of  all  nations,  remains  unaltered  by 
the  present  order.  America  may  expoH  the  produce  of  her  own  country,  but  that 
of  no  other,  to  Sweden. 

"  With  the  above  exception,  all  articles,  whether  of  domestic  or  colonial  pro- 
duce exported  by  America  to  Europe,  must  be  landed  in  this  country  [England] 
from  whence  it  is  intended  to  permit  their  exportation,  under  such  regulations 
as  shall  be  hereafter  determined.  • 

"  By  these  regulations  it  is  understood  that  diUies  are  to  be  imposed  on  all  ar- 
ticles so  re-exported.  But  it  is  intimated  that  an  exception  will  be  made  in  fa- 
vour of  such  as  are  the  produce  of  the  United  States,  cotton  excepted. 

"  Any  vessel,  the  cargo  whereof  shall  be  accompanied  witli  certificates  of 
French  consuls  abroad,  of  its  origin,  shall,  together  with  its  cargo,  be  liable  to 
seizure  and  condeiiuiation."t 

It  is  proper^here  to  make  a  solemn  paus^%  The  subject  de- 
serves the  deepest,  the  most  serious  reflection.  Let  us  examine 
this  sketch,  drawn  by  a  masterly  hand,  beyond  the  reach  of  sus- 
picion. Let  us  consider  the  despotic,  the  lawless  claims  it  asserts 
—the  prostrate,  the  base,  the  despicable  state  in  which  it  places 
the  commerce  and  the  rights  of  a  sovereign,  an  independent,  an 
unoffending  nation — a  nation  whose  trade  was  of  incalculable 
importance  to  the  power  thus  divring  to  legislate  for  her,  and  de- 
stroy her  dearest  rights  of  sovereignty.  When  all  this  is  fair- 
ly and  duly  weighed,  let  us  correctly  appreciate  the  conduct  of 
so  many  Americans,  who  havje  asserted  with  a  zeal  worthy  of  a 
good  cause,  that  England  "  has  really  done  our  commerce  no  es- 
sential injury!":}:  The  annals  of  the  world  can  produce  nothing 
more  indefensible — nothing  more  astonishing. 

The  end  proposed  by  the  British  government  in  this  stupen- 
dous project  of  usurpation,  is  thus  ably  sketched. 

"  7he  Americans  are  to  bring  to  this  country  all  the  produce  oftlieir  oiim,  and 
all  that  of  our  enemies'  colonies,  which  they  export  to  Europe.  We  arc  here  to 
form  a  grand  emporium  of  the  costly  produce  of  Asia  and  America,  wliich  is  to 
be  dispensed  to  the  diflerent  countries  of  Europe,  under  such  regulations  as 
we  may  think  proper,  I  suppose,  according  to  their  good  behaviour.  Taxon 
are  to  be  raised  from  the  consumers  on  the  continent ;  and  tliey  are  to  be  contrived 
with  such  judicious  skill  as  to  secure  our  own  West  India  planters  a  preference 
over  (hose  of  Cuba  and  Martinique."^ 

"  The  American  merchant,  with  the  best  intentions  of  trading  legally,  can- 
not always  know  what  this  country  permits ;  for  we  admit  that  upliolding  a  ge- 
neral principle  which  we  never  enforce,  we  may  and  do  vary  oiir  permissions  to 
neutrals  under  it  as  we  please.  Supposing  him  in  this  respect  not  liable  to  er- 
ror, he  is  exposed  to  unjust  decisions  in  our  vice  admiralty  courts — a  danger  of 

*  Baring's  Enquiry,  page  70.  f  Idem,  page  12.  %  Mr.  Pickering's  letter 
It)  governor  Sulhvan,  page  12.        \  Baring's  Enquiry,  page  16, 


CHAP.  23.] 


BARING'S  INQUIRE 


12J 


no  common  magfnitude,  if  we  are  to  believe  the  assertion  of  lord  f f awkeshi  . 
in  the  house  of  commons,  the  29th  of  April,  1801,  that  of  318  appeals  from  i  *« 
courts,  only  35  of  the  condemnations  ivere  confirmed."*     . 

What  a  hideous  picture  of  the  rapacity  attd  piratical  procc  (  !- 
ings  of  the  British  privateers  is  here  exhibited !  It  is  not  unfaii- 
to  suppose,  that  of  the  number  of  vessels  captured  and  brought 
in  for  adjudication,  one-fourth  were  cleared  in  the  West  Indies. 
Admitting  this  calculation,  the  whole  number  of  captures  em- 
braced in  the  statement  of  lord  Hawkesbury,  was  probably  420, 
of  which  about  100  were  cleared  in  the  West  Indies — 283  un- 
justly condemned  there,  and  afterwards  cleared  in  Great  Britain 
-—and  only  35  really  and  bona  fide  lawful  prize — so  that  it  ap- 
pears, that  of  every  twelve  vessels  brought  in  for  trial,  eleven 
were  unjustly  captured ! 

"  If  we  had  maintained  and  defended  this  'doctrine  boldly  and  fairly  again^ 
all  nations,  good  arguments  in  favour  of  it  could  not  be  wanting.  But  when  we 
have  uniformly  yielded  it,  and  indeed  forborne  to  claim  it,  can  it  be  cojmstcnt 
eitfierwith  magnanimity  or  good  policy,  to  bring  it  forward  now,  BECAUSE  THE 
ONLY  REMAINING  NEUTRAL  HAS  A  DEFENCELESS  COMMERCE  ?  If 
such  cowardly  injustice  is  to  be  one  of  our  resources  in  these  trying  times,  lulien  eleriO' 
Hon  of  sentiment  and  of  national  character  are  more  than  ever  wanted,  the  means  and 
strength  of  this  powerful  empire  arc  indeed  strangely  misunderstood'*'^ 

This  is  the  language  of  a  dignified  character — ^language  wor- 
thy of  Athens  or  Rome  when  their  glory  was  at  its  zenith.  Hap- 
py would  it  have  been  for  Great  Britain — it  would  have  placed 
her  character  on  a  towering  eminence,  had  her  statesmen,  instead 
of  the  course  of  lawless  depredation  they  pursued,  been  actuated 
by  such  elevated  sentiments. 

"  This  decision  [in  the  case  of  '  the  Essex,  Orme,]  although  the  distinction 
was  not  made  to  catch  the  common  eye,  was  well  known  to  embrace  the  whole 
foreign  trade  of  America,  excepting  that  in  her  own  produce.  It  sirculated  ra- 
pidly  among  our  cruizers  and  privateers ;  andm  the  course  of  a  fortnight  the  seas 
were  cleared  of  every  American  ship  they  could,  find,  which  now  crowded  our  ports 
for  trial ;  and  our  West  India  tnercliants  were  gi-atified  by  neutral  insurance  and 
freights  bein^  at  least  doubled  by  this  ingenious  discovery.  "|| 

"  This  decision  lai^  tJie  foundation  of  all  the  compl^unts  of  America  of  our 
vexatious  measures  against  her  trade,  as  it  inti'oduced  a  totally  new  line  of  con- 
duct towards  it  i  and  that  change  produced  the  non4mportation  act,  at  which  we  affect 
so  much  indignation."^ 

"  Nor  was  the  injury  "to  the  Americans  confined  to  the  application  of  these 
new  and  vexatious  principles  ;  for  our  privateers,  ajiprcliending  little  danger 
of  being  made  answcr.ible  for  their  error,  were  not  disposed  te  make  nice  dis- 
tinctions i  but  detained  and  sent  in  every  vessel  they  met  with,  under  the  most  fri- 
Tolbus  pretences;  in  which  t/wy  were  also  encouraged  by  the  expectation  of  actual 
war.  Of  the  extent  to  which  this  was  carried,  some  idea  may  be  formed,  when 
it  is  stated,  that  cargoes,  wholly  of  American  produce,  and  of  the  produce  of 
neutral  countries  trading  with  America,  were  captured,  and  even  brought  to 
trial."^ 

"  The  owners  of  privati'er'!  arc  in  the  daily  practice  of  bringing  in  valuable 
cargor.t,  and  offering  immtutiatvly  to  release  Ihvm  for  one  ur  two  hundivd  gidneas. 
I'lipy  sometimes  rc<iuirc  a  much  larger  sum.     The  Londmi  merchant  is  either 


Baring's  Enquiry,  page  4' 
Idem,  page  51. 
().  H.  18 


Idem,  page  47.  II  Idem,  page  50. 

j  Ulcm,  pages  57  and  58. 


*'^.^..- 


126 


POLIl  rCAl  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[caip.  33. 


u 


ft' 


'X 


obliged  to  acquiesce  in  THIS  INIQUITOUS  BOBBERY,  or  let  his  correspon- 
dent suffer  the  more  expensive  vexations  which  it  is  unfortunately  in  the 
power  of  those  people  to  inflict."* 

'•  The  measures  resorted  to  by  America,  under  these  circumstances  of  pro- 
vocation, were  certainly  of  the  imldest  species  of  hostility,  and  such  as  eviiientlg 
ihowed  a  desire  of  peace.  A  law  was  passed  prohibiting  the  importation  of  cer- 
tain articles  of  British  manufacture  ;  by  which  a  demonstration  of  commercial 
warfare  was  certainly  intende<l.  But  it  is  such  as  every  independent  nation, 
even  in  lime  of  peace,  has  a  right  to  resort  to  without  giving  offence  ;  and  if 
the  commerce  of  America  were  to  be  materially  interrupted,  a  reduction  of 
her  importation  of  European  articles  became  indispensable.  Tliis  law,  after 
different  suspensions,  is  not  yet  repealed.  t)f  its  wisdom,  as  a  commeirlal  mea- 
sure, there  may  be  doubls ;  but  Off  (in  amwyaiice  of  our  traile,  for  tite  purpose  of 
ei\forci7ig  a  respect  for  theirs,  we  have  no  7'iff/it  to  complain  ofit.Y* 

"  If  we  had  treated  tl>e  commerce  of  America  with  sincerity,  instead  of  mo- 
lesting it,  as  we  have  seen,  BY  A  RKl'E  111  ION  OF  THE  MOST  DISGRACE- 
FUL CHICANK,  that  comm'^rce  would  have  suffered  less,  antl  our  own  ends 
would  have  been  answered.  Such  an  appeal  to  the  good  sense  of  that  country, 
would  certainly  have  been  less  likely  to  produce  war  than  the  sophistry  witli 
which  they  have  been  treated,  and  of  which  every  man  in  it  must  detest  the 
folly."* 

"  For  80  extensive  an  injw-y  to  a  comitri/,  WHOSE  RIGHT  OF  INDEPEN- 
DENT SOVEREIGNTY  WAS  VIOLMRD,  AND  WHOSE  COMMERCE 
WAS  DESTROYED  BY  THIS  PROCFEHIXG,  it  would  have  been  in  vain 
to  search  for  authorities  or  precedents  any  where."^ 

We  have  seen  that  French  consular  certificates  of  the  origin 
of  the  cargo  of  a  vessel,  by  the  orders  in  council,  subjected  both 
vessel  and  cargo  to  condemnation.  On  the  iniquity  of  this  fea- 
ture of  tlie  orders,  Mr.  Baring  remarks  :— 

"  We  in  many  cases  require  foreign  articles,  imported  into  tliis  country,  to 
be  accompanied  by  certificates  from  our  c6nsuls  abroad.  Nothing  can,  there- 
fore, be  m(ire  frivolous  tlian  tiie  assertion  of  ovir  right  to  complain  of  the  ac- 
quiescence of  American  merchants  iik  tiie  regulations  of  France  respecting  cer- 
tificates of  ung'ln.11 

I  hope  the  reader  will  attend  to  the  consequences  of  this  fea- 
ture of  the  orders  in  council.  Let  it  never  be  forgotten.  It  is 
worthy  of  being  borne  in  eternal  remembrance.  If  they  had  no 
other  odious  feature,  this  would  be  sufficient  to  disgrace  them, 
and  their  authors  and  abettors.  Suppose  Mr.  George  Cabot, 
Mr.  James  Lloyd,  jun.  Timothy  Pickering,  Commodore  Dale, 
or  any  other  citizen  of  the  L^nited  States,  to  send  a  vessel  to 
sea,  OM'ned  by  himself,  manned  with  American  sailors,  and 
loaded  with  American  productions — bound  for  the  solitarj* 
comer  of  Europe,  Sweden,  which  was  not  interdicted  by  the 
orders  in  council — suppose  her  provided  with  a  French  consular 
certificate  of  the  origin  of  the  cargo  :  and  finally,  to  close  our 
suppositions,  suppose  her  carried  into  London  by  a  British  pri- 
vateer, and  brought  before  Sir  William  Scott  for  adjudication. 
She  would  most  assuredly  be  condemned  for  an  infringf.ment 
OF  Tin'  LAW  OF  NATIONS,  tn  bchig'  providcd  with  a  French 
consular  certificate!!!     What  an  awful  mockery  of  justice  in 


niirpnK''s  Enquiry,  page  58.        f  Mem,  page  59, 


^  Mem,  page  M 


Idem, 


t  Idem,  piigc  fi(r 


page 


ciiAP.  23.] 


BARING'S  EXQUmV. 


127 


those  who  prescribed— what  a  shameful  prostration  arid  baseness 
of  mind  in  those  who  preached  submission  to— such  a  lawless 
regulation,  calculated  to  '"''prey  tipon  the  unprotected  property  of 
a  friendly  power. ^** 

"  The  comprehensive  nature  of  the  injury  which  America  must  sujTer  from 
our  system,  by  leaving  no  class  of  its  population  unaifccted  by  it,  uHbnls  little 
hope  of  the  interference  of  any  for  the  preservation  of  peace.  Tiie  great  in- 
terest which  a  country  still  possessing  the  means  of  independence,  should  feel 
in  the  preservation  ot  ours,  luill  be  lust  in  the  move  immediate  and  perceptible  con- 
seqiteiiceii  iif  our  foUy  and  inJHSticeV\ 

"  The  new  ortlers  were  of  a  description  to  produce  a  revolution  in  the  whole 
commerce  of  the  world;  and  a  total  derangement  of  those  mutual  rights  and 
relations  by  which  civilized  nations  have  hitherto  been  connected.''^ 

"  It  must  be  evident  from  the  whole  tenor  of  our  proceedings,  that  commer- 
cial interest  has  been  our  moving  principle  thruugliout;  that  evenj  demmintra- 
tioii  of  tlw  slightest  hnstility  on  the  other  aide,  has  oriffinated  in  our  attempts  to  ad- 
vance that  intei-eat  in  vio'Uing  the  rights  and  interests  of  others ;  and  that  if  ivc 
are  at  lust  called  upon  to  take  up  arms,  it  is  on  our  part  a  quarrel  about  sugar  and 
v.offee,  and  not  in  support  of  national  honour."^ 

"  The  consequences  of  snch  a  stale  of  things  must  produce  ruiti  to  er^ery  clasn 
and  dfscription  of  persons  in  Jlmei'ica  :  and  they  are  so  obvious,  so  ineviiabic, 
that  one  cannot  avoid  thinking,  that  they  must  have  occurred  to  the  framcrs  of 
tills  new  system."^ 

"  Tt»  make  this  limitation  of  neutral  trade  a  part  of  the  law  of  nations,  it  is  not 
sufficient  that  it  should  be  asserted  by  one  power.  It  must  likewise  be  admit- 
ted by  othera ;  which  is  so  far  from  having  been  the  case,  that  in  all  our  discus- 
sions about  neutral  rights,  we  have  not  only  never  obtained  from  any  nation  a 
recognition  of  this  rule,  but  it  aoes  not  even  appear  to  have  been  at  any  time  se- 
riously insisted  upon."\\ 

"  What  can  tlien  be  the  object  of  holding  up  this  rule  [of  1756]  as  the  palla- 
dium of  our  maiitime  rights,  or  why  has  it  lain  so  long  dormant  ?  instead  of 
America  being  accused  of  a  disposition  to  encroachment  hostile  to  our  dignity, 
in  refusing  to  admit  into  the  law  of  nations,  a  principle  which  has  neither  been 
admitted  by  or  enforced  toivards  others,  are  we  not  rather  ourselves  wanting  to 
our  own  dignity  in  proclaiming  a  law  which  we  have  never  ventured  to  defend; 
in  sett  I  up  a  right,  which,  by  our  own  treaties  with  foreign  nations,  we  have 
oui-sclvt  b  encouraged  them  to  trample  on  ?"*• 

"  Ft  would  have  been  highly  interesting  to  know  how  many  instances  [of 
fraudulent  ownership]  had  been  discovered ;  as  by  pointing  them  out  to  our 
government,  redress  might  have  been  obtained  by  application  to  that  of  Ame- 
rir:i,  whose  strict  attention  to  the  character  of  her  flag  has  always  been  re 
niarka!)lc."|t 

"  I  must  say,  and  I  speak  from  considerable  experience,  that  the  character 
of  tlic  great  body  of  merciiants  in  America,  little  deserves  the  unjust  insinua- 
tions in  wliich  writoi-s  on  this  subject  have  indidged.'^t 

"  During  a  considerable  part  of  the  last  and  present  war,  we  have  indeed  re- 
spected the  rights  of  those  not  concerned  in  it.  Itvt  the  conduct  even  of  France 
can  furnish  few  stronger  prorfs  of  a  disregard  of  them,  and  of  more  frivolous  pre- 
tences by  -which  they  have  been  invaded,  than  may  be  found  in  our  conduct  in  1305, 
and  still  more  in  tiie  recent  measures  which  we  have  been  considering."^^ 

"  If  our  commercial  treaties  with  Portugal  are  to  be  held  up,  as  they  have 
been,  to  the  admiration  of  statesmen,  we  cannot  fail  to  admire  the  liberal  policy 
of  America  towards  the  produce  of  «)ur  industry,  when  we  consider  the  large 
balance  which  she  annually  pays  us,  and  our  illiberal  jealousy  of  her  intercourse 
with  other  countries,  from  which  alone  that  balance  can  be  pald."^^ 


•  See  Boston  Memorial,  page  89.      f  Enquiry,  page  78, 
§  Idem,  page  79.       %  Idem,  page  18.        ||  Idem,  page  22. 
It  Idem,  page  32.    i\  Idem,  page  .36.    f  ^  Mem,  page  71. 


i  Idem,  page  10. 
*•  Idem,  page  23. 
t1  Idem,  page  88 


3i? 


;i(i>- 
■'};•- 


l:J8 


1»0L1TICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[chap.  23. 


ii 


w 


\W   f 


"  If  my  former  ol)servations  produce,  as  I  think  they  must,  a  conviction  tliat 
the  trade  and  property  so  sported  with,  belong  to  an  honest  neutral,  tliere  can 
be  no  doubt  that  OUH  CONDUCT  J'OVVAItDS  11'  DESliltVKS  THE  NAAU5 
OF  THE  MOST  UNQUAUFIED  INJUSTICE."* 

I  solemnly  invoke  the  reader  to  rc-peruse  these  extracts,  with 
all  tlie  attention  which  their  importance  requires.  They  are 
overwhelming  and  unanswerable.  They  stamp  witii  the  seal  of 
condemnation  the  orders  in  coimcil,  their  British  iVamers,  and 
American  apologists.  Never  was  testimony  more  co£;ent.  And 
never  did  power  more  completely  forget  and  trample  upon  right 
and  justice,  than  in  this  instance  did  the  British  ministry. 

The  reader  who  compares  the  style  and  substance  of  the  me- 
morials, with  Mr.  Baring's  essay,  will  find  that  coincidence, 
that  cogency,  that  irresistible  conviction  which  result  from  truth 
and  honourable  principles.  The  American  merchants,  eloquent- 
ly and  convincingly  pleading  for  the  rights  of  their  country,  and 
their  own  personal  interests,  unjustly  assailed — speak  nearly  the 
same  language,  and  make  use  of  the  same  arguments,  as  Mr. 
Baring,  when  he  sought  to  save  his  country  from  the  disgrace 
and  dishonour  of  employing  her  transcendent  naval  power  to 
overwhelm  and  prey  upon  the  commerce  of  an  unoffending 
neutral,  merely  because  that  neutral  was  not  in  a  state  to  defend 
herself. 

I  trust  that  no  apology  can  be  necessary  for  these  copious  ex- 
tracts on  this  all-important  topic.  I'he  high  standing  and  cha- 
racter of  the  writer,  as  I  have  already  observed,  and  take  the 
liberty  to  repeat,  entitle  his  sentiments  to  peculiar  attention. 
Moreover,  as  an  English  merchant,  interest,  were  he  swayed 
by  such  a  consideration,  would  have  led  him  to  advocate  the 
orders  in  '.ouncil.  But  he  had  too  high  a  regard  for  the  honour 
of  his  country,  to  wish  it  to  be  sacrificed  to  paltry  and  sordid 
considerations  of  interest. 

After  the  reader  has  with  the  deep  attention  the  subject  de- 
serves, perused  the  above  eloquent  defence  of  American  rights 
— expoMue  of  our  wrongs — and  appeal  to  the  honour  and  justice 
of  Great  Britain,  written  by  a  high-spirited  and  noble-minded 
Englishman,  let  him  ponder  for  a  moment  on  the  conduct  of 
those  Americans  who  have  devoted  their  talents,  their  industry, 
and  their  influence, to  defend  the  outrageous  proceedings  of  (  Meat 
Britain,  and  to  place  their  own  country  vmiformly  in  the  wrong. 

Wliata  hiimiliating  contrast  ! — Mr.  Baring  pleading  the  cause 
of  the  injured  United  States  in  Londcm — and  Mr.  Pickering  ami 
hundreds  of  other  Americans  pleading  in  Boston,  New  York, 
Philadelphia,  and  elsewhere,  against  their  own  coimtry,  and  in 
defence  of  British  inroads  and  British  violence  ! 

The  contemplation  fills  the  mind  with  astonishment !  Notwith- 
atanding  the  evidence  is  si*  fully  before  us,  us  to  be  irresisliblp, 

»  Kn«jiiiry,  pngd  57. 


riup,  S'k] 


EMBARGO. 


i» 


it  is  not  easy  to  believe  that  such  an  awful  delusion  cotild  have 
ever  existed,  and  to  such  an  extravagant  extent. 

It  would  be  difficult,  perhaps  impossible,  to  find  in  history  any 
parallel  case.  Enlightened  Amei'ican  merchants,  alas !  so  tar 
blinded  by  party  and  faction,  as  to  use  their  utmost  endeavours 
to  prevent  the  government  of  their  country  from  procuring  re- 
dress of  intolerable  grievances  which  bore  so  heavily  on  them- 
selves ! 

CHAPTER  XXIV. 

Embargo.    Situation  of  American  Commerce.    Factious  clamour. 
Embargo  a  ivise^  prudent^  and  necessary  measure, 

I  NOW  proceed  to  consider  the  subject  of  the  embargo,  which 
was  one  of  the  most  potent  instruments  employed  to  exasperate 
and  inflame  the  passions  of  the  people  of  the  eastern  states,  and 
which  actually  prepared  a  portion  of  them  for  open  resistance  to 
the  government. 

The  justice  and  propriety  of  every  measure  depend  on  the 
circumstances  that  accompany  and  induce  it — the  motives  that 
lead  to  its  adoption — and  the  consequences  it  is  calculated  to 
produce.     Let  us  apply  these  tests  to  the  embargo. 

The  reader  has  had  the  decrees  and  orders  in  council  laid  be- 
fore him  in  extenso.  He  has  seen  the  exposition  of  the  injustice 
of  the  latter  by  Mr.  Baring.  And  he  has  had  an  opportunity 
himself  of  calculating  the  effects  of  both  decrees  and  orders. 

From  a  calm  consideration  of  these  documents,  and  of  their 
inevitable  operation  on  our  trade,  it  is  perfectly  obvious,  that  had 
our  vessels  sailed  in  December,  1807,  and  January,  February, 
March,  April,  and  May,  1808,  as  freely  as  they  had  formerly 
done,  they  would  have  universally  fallen  sacrifices ;  those  bound 
for  Franco  and  her  dependencies,  to  British — and  those  bound 
for  the  British  dominions,  to  French  cruisers. 

This  would  have  produced  an  almost  universal  bankruptcy 
among  our  insurance  offices  and  merchants.  The  plunder  of 
our  ships  and  cargoes,  and  the  captivity  of  our  seamen,  would 
have  augmented  the  resources  of  the  belligerents,  and  enfeebled 
ourselves.  The  only  real  question  was,  whether  our  vessels 
should  renuiin  at  our  wharves,  the  property  of  our  merchants,  or 
be  carried  to  France  and  England,  the  i)rey  of  privateers.  But 
for  the  embargo,  there  would  have  been  such  a  calamitous  scene 
produced  as  has  rarely  occurred  in  any  nation.  We  should  have 
suffered  all  the  worst  consequences  of  war,  without  any  of  its  com- 
pensatory advantages.  Our  mi-rchants  would  have  once  more 
made  the  "  welkin  ring"  with  their  complaints  of  injury — their 
eUKjuent  appeals  to  the  law  of  nations — iheir  clamours  for  redress 
—their  rei)roaclu"i  of  the  government  for  its  supinencss— antl 


139 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[cttAP.  24. 


■t  »( 


It; 


tfieir  solemn*  pledges  of  support.  We  should  have  again  had 
to  negociate  in  vain  for  reparation.  And  we  should  have  been 
ultimately  goaded  into  war,  after  having  been  defeated  in  our 
endeavours  to  escape  it,  and  deprived  of  the  most  efficient  means 
for  its  prosecution. 

It  has  been  said  that  the  Berlin  decree  not  having  been  car- 
ried into  operation  against  American  vessels  j  and  our  govern- 
ment not  having  received  an  authentic  copy  of  the  orders  in 
council ;  therefore  it  was  not  justified  in  the  recommendation  of 
the  embargo.  And  thus  that  degree  of  vigilance  and  care  of  the 
interests  of  his  country  and  of  the  property  of  the  merchants, 
which  entitled  Mr.  Jefferson  to  a  monument  from  the  mercan- 
tile interest,  has  been  made  the  ground-work  of  the  most  serious 
accusation  ! 

There  is  no  measure  of  the  general  government  from  its  first 
organization  to  the  present  hou'-,  more  strongly  marked  with 
wisdom,  with  foresight,  and  with  attention  to  duty,  than  this  re- 
commendation. There  is,  nevertheless,  no  measure  that  has  gen- 
crated  more  factious  or  senseless  clamour — more  envenomed 
prejudice — more  unblushing  misrepresentation. 

The  atrocious  case  of  the  Horizon,  which  was  the  first  in- 
stance wherein  the  Berlin  decree  was  carried  into  efTect  against 
American  vessels,  had  previously  occurted.  Of  this  case  Mr. 
Armstrong  had  transmitted  an  account  in  a  letter  dated  Nov. 
12,  1807,  of  which  I  have  submitted  a  copy  to  the  reader. j 
This  letter  and  the  documents  accompanying  it,  established,  be- 
yond a  possiliility  of  doubt,  the  extreme  danger  of  our  commerce 
from  French  depredation,  and  French  couits  of  admiralty. 

Of  the  determination  of  the  British  government  to  meet  the 
Berlin  decree  with  measures  of  equal  violence,  undoubted  inform- 
ation had  been  received  by  our  administration  in  private  Utters^ 
and  even  in  the  public  papers.  The  recommendation  of  the  em- 
bargo took  place  on  the  18th  of  December,  1807:  and  on  the 
inorninq- of  t/mt  daif^  previous  to  the  (/flivni/  of  the  /)rr.s'fcfi'nt\s 
mcssdj^e^  t/u'ie  had  brefi  ptihlishcd  in  t/ir  Notional  Intelliffcnccr 
the  following  paragraph  from  a  Lomlon  paper. 

fifiiiilnii,  A'nvrmfirr  10. 
"A  proclamation  U  now,  wo  ondMrHtnnfi.in  roiulincHHrorliis  niiijcsty'ss'H'"-'- 
tnre,  (locliirinp  Knnoc  undtlic  wliolnof  her  vtHftiil  kiiijfdonis  in  a  sliitc  ol'sicijc, 
J»iul  firntii/iitinir  iillintiTC'iiir.Hr  with  /uT  '  v  Ifirm — anil  till  mittiiirr  of  ir.t.vis  into  hf\ 
or  thrir harhmivH,  KXCKI'T  OK  SUCH  AM  IIAVK  CLKAHKD  LAST  KUOM  \ 
KKiriSH  I'OKT,  EITiinU  IIOMK  OU  l"<)ltKU;N." 

Various  private  letters  to  the  same  elfe(  t,  had  been  received 
by  difFerent  citizens.  Thus,  Intween  the  two  nations,  our  com- 
merce was  completely  cut  up  by  the  rnots.      The  only  part  of 

•  I  Imd  writtrn  "  hollow  ami  dcrrptions."  Tint  J  "itnirk  tlir  words  ont— liow 
pi-opirly  the  nadcr  will  decide.  I  wn  doubtful  myscU'  <ii  the  com-qlntw of 
the  altc  ,ttion 

f  iJec  page  117. 


CHAF.  24.] 


EMBARGO; 


m 


Europe,  except  her  own  dominions  and  dependencies,  with 
which  Great  Britain  allowed  us  to  trade,  was  Sweden.  And  the 
Milan  decree,  by  an  extravaj5ance  of  despotism,  folly,  and  wick, 
edness,  never  exceeded  in  the  annals  of  piracy  and  rapine,  re- 
garded every  neutral  vessel,  that  had  been  searched  by  a  British 
cruiser,  as  ipso  facto  denationalised^  and  liable  to  capture,  bound 
whence  or  where  she  might.  The  mind  is  lost  in  astonishment 
at  this  ne  plus  ultra  of  wickedness,  madness,  and  rapine.  It  was 
punishing  as  criminal,  an  act  perfectly  innocent— wholly  unavoid- 
able— and  in  which  the  party  punished  had  been  merely  passive ! 

Under  these  circumstances,  what  prudent  merchant  would 
send  a  vessel  to  sea — ^lialile  to  capture  whatever  might  be  her 
destination  ?  For  even  if  bound  to  Sweden,  or  any  other  comer 
of  Europe,  (if  any  such  there  were)  not  embraced  in  the  scope 
of  decrees  and  orders  in  council,  she  might  be  searched  by  an 
English  privateer,  and  thus  be  subject  to  capture  by  the  next 
French  one  that  should  overhaul  her. 

What  course  had  a  government  to  steer,  which,  bound  to 
watch  over  the  interests  of  its  constituents,  was  sincerely  dis- 
posed to  perform  that  duty  faithfully  ?  Let  any  man  not  tram- 
melled by  faction  or  inveterate  prejudice,  calmly  consider  this 
question,  and  I  feel  most  perfectly  satisfied,  he  will  reply— the 
alternative  was,  war  against  both  nations — or  a  general  embargo. 

Notwithstanding  this  plain  state  of  the  case — notwithstanding 
the  imperious  necessity  of  the  measure — there  was,  as  I  have 
stated,  no  act  of  the  federal  govirnment,  since  its  first  organiza- 
tion, that  excited  so  much  outcry  or  clamour.  It  was  the  sub- 
ject of  incessant  abuse  in  all  the  federal  papers  from  New-Hamp- 
shire to  Georgia,  and  from  the  Mississippi  to  the  Atlantic.  It 
has  been  ten  tnousand  times  reiterated,  that  it  was  unnecessarily 
oppressive — that  it  was  wicked  and  tyrannical— dictated  by  Na- 
poleon— a  sacrifice  of  the  dearest  interests  of  the  nation — and,  to 
cap  the  climax,  unconstitutional. 

In  times  of  faction,  the  public  possesses  a  wonderful  faculty 
of  swallowing  the  n  ,st  monstrous  and  improbable  falsehoods.  It 
was  almost  unlvtrsally  believed  to  the  eastward,  that  the  em- 
bargo was  the  result  oj  a  combination  between  the  Southern  and 
Western  States^  to  ruin  the  Eastern ! !  !  I  have  repeatedly  heard 
this  asserted  by  men  otherwise  of  sound  minds  and  cuhi^  atcd 
understandings,  and  whose  veracity  convinced  me  that  they  did 
not  attempt  deception,  but  were  themselves  deceived.  This  ex- 
travagant idea  proceeds  upon  the  miseralile  and  fatuitous  suppo- 
sition, that  the  merchant,  whose  vessels  remain  imemplojcd  at 
the  wharves,  will  in  consequence  be  ruined  ;  but  that  the  agri- 
rulturist,  whose  wherU,  flour,  rice,  cotton,  naval  stores,  &r.  stag- 
nate on  his  hands,  will  thereby  sulTir  no  injiuy,  or  rather  derive 
advantage,  although  th»  y  fallin  value  30,  40,  .50,  o**  6()pcr  celU. 
'  I'is  pasaini;  strange  ' 


I 


tii; 


133 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BBANCIT. 


(cuAP.  24. 


»'' 


Never  was  there  a  more  factious  or  'anfounded  clamour  excit- 
ed. Never,  I  repeat,  was  a  public  measure  more  loudly  called 
for  by  existing  circumstances,  never  one  better  timed,  and  never 
one  that  would  have  produced  more  salutary  consequences,  had 
not  faction  deprived  it  of  its  efficacy. 

With  the  knowledge  Mr.  Jefferson  possessed,  of  the  mighty 
dangers  impending  over  our  commerce, he  would  have  justly  me- 
rited impeachment  for  a  dereliction  of  his  duty,  had  he  not  re- 
commended an  embargo  for  its  protection, 

Mr.  Pickering  was  the  earliest,  most  ardent,  and  most  zeal- 
ous opponent  of  the  embargo.  After  having  in  vain  exerted 
himself  in  the  senate  to  prevent  its  passing,  he  laboured,  and  un- 
fortunately with  too  much  success,  to  excite  a  strenuous  and  se- 
ditious opposition  to  it  in  his  own  state,  and  in  the  other  Eastern 
States.  He  wrote  a  long,  elaborate,  and  impassioned  letter  against 
it  to  the  governor  of  Mjissachusetts,  in  which  he  endeavoured 
to  prove  the  measure  wholly  unnecessary — dictated  by  France — 
and  adopted  purely  through  hostility  to  England,  who,  he  un- 
qualifiedly asserted,  "  had  done  our  commerce  no  essential  in. 
jury.'' 

To  form  a  correct  idea  of  the  embargo,  it  must  be  considered 
in  two  points  of  view,  wholly  distinct — one,  its  original  enaction 
— the  other,  its  long  duration.  The  latter  may  have  been,  and 
I  believe  was,  an  error.  But  I  should  not  hesitate  at  this  mo. 
ment,  to  submit  the  decision  of  the  question  to  governor  Strong, 
Rufus  King,  George  Cabot,  or  James  Lloyd,  jun.  whether  an 
embargo  was  not  an  indispensible  measure,  at  u  period  when  all 
Europe,  except  Sweden,  was  declared  in  a  state  of  blockade? 

The  embargo  was  laid  on  the  23d  of  Deceml)er,  1807.  Mr. 
Pickering's  letter  was  dated  Feb.  16,  1808,  when  it  had  not  been 
two  months  in  operation;  of  course  its  denunciations  must  have 
been  levelled  against  the  enaction  of  the  law— and  had  no  r  i- 
ference  whatever  to  its  duration. 

To  enable  the  reader  to  form  a  correct  estimate  of  the  sound, 
ness  of  'Mr.  Pickering's  denuni  iution  of  this  measure,  let  it  be 
observed,  that  at  the  date  of  liis  letter,  full  and  authentic  infor- 
mat'ton  had  arrived  in  thi\'  countri/^of  the  enforcement  ofthcBer' 
tin  decree^  of  the  enaction  of  the  orders  in  council^  and  of  the 
j\Tilan  decree. 

1  deem  it  therefore  highly  proper  to  place  Mr.  Pickering's 
declarations  in  contrast  with  farh  oiljcr — and  likewise  with  tbe 
real  statr  of  affairs.  The  n  ader  will  then  be  enabled  to  decide 
the  question  conettly  himself. 

Let  me  explain  the  fotn*  succeeding  columns.  Tlir  first  con- 
tains a  sketch  ot  the  Hritisii  depri'diitions  on  Anieiican  com- 
merct,  as  slati'd  in  the  mercantile  nu-morials  of  lH()5-(i — thr  si-. 
cond  Mr.  lJ;trinj!;'H  view  of"  thi-  effi-cts  of  thi-  orders  in  council 
—the  third, the  rcHoly**      of  the  Senate, Feb.  10,  l8or»,  on  which 


voAP.  25.] 


BRITISH  DEPREDATIOlSrS. 


T33 


iC. 


Mr.  Pickering  voted  in   the  affirmative — and  the  fourth^  Mr, 
Pickering's  vindication  of  England^  Feb,  16,  1808. 

The  three  first  paragraphs  ol  the  first  column  are  from  the  Bos- 
ton Memorial,  signed  by  James  Lloyd,  George  Cabot,  &c.  These 
g(  ntlemen  are  responsible  for  the  truth  or  falsehood  of  the  alle- 
gations, in  which  the  British  government  is  almost  in  tcrmTi 
charged  with  absolute  piracy :  for,  according  to  these  gentlemen, 
it  was  "  preying  upon  the  unprotected  property  of  a  friendly 
power ^"^  which  is  but  a  mild  form  of  expression  for  piracy. 


1805—6. 
MEMOKIALS. 


1808. 
MR.  KAUiNG. 


Mr.  Picker- 
ing, Feb. 
10,  1806. 


Mr.  Picker* 
ing,  Feb. 
16,  1808. 

'•  These 


•*  WF.  confine  ourselves  "  All  trade  directly  from  ■ 
to  tlie  more  alarming,  be-  America  to  every  port  and  "  The  cap- 
cause  more  extensive  deten-  country  at  -wnr  -with  Great  ture  and  con-  fact.s  demnn- 
tiom  and  condemnations  of  Britain,  or  from  which  the  demnation  strate,thatal- 
American  vessels  by  Great  British  fag  is  excluded,  is  imdcr  orders  though  Eng- 
jUrituin."*  totally  pruhiuiied     In  this  of  the  British  land  with  her 

"  New  vessels,  on  their  general  prohiliition,  e^iery  government,  thousand 
first  passage  from  tlie  Uni-  part  of  Europe  inth  the  tx-  andadjudica-  ships  of  war, 
ted  Slates  to  F.urope,  are  ceptionof  S^vedev,  is  inchi-  tions  of  their  could  have 
arrested,  carried  out  of  dad .  and  no  distinction  courts  of  ad-  destroyed 
theircourse.andinjurious- w/ia/M'cr  is  made  betrn-en  m'lraiiy,  of  \- owr  com- 
lydetained  under  the  vex- <Ae  domestic  produce  o/'merlcan  vcs- merce,  SHE 
atlous  pictenct  of  a  con-  America,  and  that  of  the  sels  and  their  HAS  KEAL- 
tinuitj  uf  voyage  from  the  colonies,  re-exported  from  cargoes,  on  I-Y  DONE 
country  or  colony  of  a  bel- </i«ice."*  the    pretext  IT    NO   ES- 

ligereiit."*  *'  It  would  probably  be  oftheirheing  SENT!  \L 

"  It  cannot  become  the  no  exaggeration    to  say  employed  in  INJURY."* 

magnanimityofa  great  and  that    vpivards     of    three  a  trade  with — — — 

powerful   nation,  to  fnvy  fourths  of  all  the  meirhants,  the   enemies  •Letter 

upon  the  unprotected  pro.  seamen,    &c.   engaged  m  of  Great  Bri- from  the  hon. 
perty  of  a  friendly  powei'."*  commerce  or  navigation  im  tain,     prohi- Timothy 

"  Having  totally    siip-  America,  have,  at  sometime  bited  in  time  Pickering, 
pres-sed  the  external  com-  or  other,  svfi'vred  from  acts  nf  peace,    is  senator  from 
merce    of  lur   enemies,  of  our  cruisers,  whicli  to  an  unprormk'  the   slate   of 
Great  Hrituin  is  now  conn- them  ha\e  appeared  \\u- eil  aggression  idaaa.   to  his 

just,  and  which  frecpicntly  ?//;«« "<A<'/i»o.  excellency 
nuist  hiive  been  so.  Thry  perty  of  the  James  SuBi- 
"  'I'his  novel  principle  read,  it  is  true,  of  the  power  citizens  of  the  van,  govem- 
goes  to  nothing  short  oj  the  of  France.— Wl'V  'I'llKY  United  titates  or  of  themid 
destruction  of  netUral  com- VV.V.X.  V.\VM\  DAY  — a  t<iolaiiou  ntixte,  dated 
mercer\  THA  1"  OF  inHTAI\."t    :.f  their   wrK- February  16, 

"  F.very  sail  is  stretcheil      "  By  attempting  1o  con- /rn/    rights — 1808,      page 
to  collect  the  unwary  Ameri-  fine  the  FjUro|)ean  trade  of  and    an     en-  1 1 . 
canSfWhn  are  unsuspecting-  America  to  (ireat  Britain,  croachment 
ly  confiding  in  what  •»t'a«  by  (he  avowal  of  an  inteii- »//>o/i  </ic(V  ;ia- 
the  law  of  nations. "\  lion  to  tax  that  trade  on  its  tioual     inde- 

*•  Our   vessels    and  of-  passage   to    the  continent,  prudence."* 

fects,  to  a  large  anionut,  we   are   reluming  to  t/ioae 

have  lately  been  captured  principles,  to  w/iich,  nen  as         •  RchoIu- 
by  hrr  commissioned  crui-  a  colony,  she  would  uol  suh-  tion   agreed 
/ers,  upon  the  foundatiou  mit.  It  is  immaterial,  wheth-  to  by  tlie  se- 
———————————  ^— — — — — —  nate<)fthel^ 

•  Boston  memorial.  •  Baring's  Examination,    States— Feb 

I  New  York  memorial.  page  1L\  10, 180().  S«c  ' 

1  Philadelphia  memuriul.  ]  UU  m,  page  74.  page  106. 


selled  to  appropriate  to  her- 
self that  oj  herfrictuls.*''f 


Q.  B. 


19 


-# 


iS4 


FOUTICAL  OUVE  BRANCH. 


[chap.  24, 


'n 


of  new  principles,  sud- 
denly invented."! 

"Tlie  revival  of  herdis- 
carded  rule  was  charactev- 
ized  with  such  riraiimtan- 
cea  ofimqidty  and  violence 
asratlier  to  heighten  by  the 
contrast  the  veneration  of 
mankind  for  the  past  jus- 
tice of  jier  tribunals."* 

f  Baltimore  memorial. 


er  it  he  a  tax  on  stamps,  or 
on  cotton.  This  question ' 
has  been  already  the  sub- 
ject of  a  long"  and  bloody 
war ;  and  it  can  hardly  be 
supposed  that  America 
will  now  submit  to  a  di- 
rect attack  on  her  sover- 
eign  and  independent 
rights."* 

*  Baring's  Examination, 
page  76. 


It  is  not  for  me,  to  reconcile  Mr.  Pickering's  sentiments*  to 
each  other — nor  to  the  tenor  of  the  Memorials — nor  to  Mr.  Bar- 
ing's correct  view  of  the  orders  in  council.  Let  it  be  observed, 
let  it  never  be  forgotten,  that  the  "  unprovoked  ag'g'ressmi'^  of 

1806,  remained  unredressed  at  the  date  of  the  letter  to  governor 
Sullivan,  February  1 80S,  And,  further,  to  this  "  unprovoked 
aq-grcssion''^   of  1806,  the  orders  in  council  had  been  added  in 

1 807,  which  more  than  quintupled  the  original  outrage.  But 
even  independent  of  this  extravagant  addition,  it  is  out  of  my 
power,  by  all  the  rules  of  logic  at  my  command,  to  satisfy  my 
mind  how  '''•  the  capture  and  condemnation  of  our  vessels'*'' — under 
false  "  pretexts^''  and,  as  appears  bj'  the  memorials  of  the  mer- 
chants, to  a  most  enormous  amount — "  the  unprovoked  aggression, 
upon  the  property  of  our  citizens'''' — ^"  the  violation  of  our  neutral 
r;§'/tf*"— and  "  the  encroaclnnent  upon  our  national  independence'^ 
can  be  made  to  accord  with  the  broad,  the  sweeping,  the  un- 
qualified assertion  that  Great  Britain  has  "  real/y  done  our  com- 
merce no  essential  injury.^' 

To  be  serious.  The  subject  requires  seriousness  and  sobrie- 
ty. Is  not  this  a  most  astonishing  and  never-enough-to-be-la- 
mented  instance  of  the  horrible  delusion  in  which  strong  party 
passions  involve  those  who  submit  to  their  guidance  ?  Can  light 
and  darkness— vice  and  virtue — seraphs  and  demons — be  more 
opposite  to  each  other  than  these  assertions  ?  Would  it  not  have 
been  a  most  awfid  inconsistency  had  they  both  been  cotempora- 
neous — or  had  the  state  of  affairs,  at  the  period  of  making  the 
second,  been  exactly  what  it  was  at  the  period  of  making  the  first  ? 
But  what  an  immense  aggravation  does  this  inconsistency  re- 
ceive from  the  consideration,  that  in  Feb.  1808,  the  first  griev- 

•  Some  of  the  friends  of  Mr.  dickering,  in  order  to  jlestroy  the  effect  of  the 
inconsistency  of  these  sentiments,  have  asscrtetl,  that  he  did  not  make  tlie  de- 
claration that"  England  hud  «lonc  our  commerce  no  es.s<.'ntial  injury."  I  dare 
Mr.  Pickering  th'is  publicly  and  explicitly  in  the  face  of  this  nation  to  deny  it 
hiinself  I  pledge  myself  to  ni-ove  it  incontrovertibly.  Hut  he  never  will  dare  a 
denial.  Ills  letter,  from  whirli  the  extract  has  been  made,  eont!»iningthis  lii|rhly 
rrroncous  dcclnration,  is  in  the  Hoston  Centinel,  edited  bv  Benjamin  Kussel, 
for  March  12,  1808,  and  in  the  (iazcUc  of  the  United  States,  cdiitcd  by  Eno» 
Oruiiaun,  fur  tlic  14Ut  of  said  month  und  yeu*. 


t;ttAP.  24.] 


ORDER  IN  COUNCIL. 


ISS 


ances  had  been  unredressed,  and  others,  as  I  have  stated,  incom- 
parably more  intolerable,  been  added?  Ihe  orders  in  council 
were,  in  outrage,  injustice,  and  infraction  of  our  rights  of  sov* 
ereigaty,  as  far  beyond  the  enforcement  of  the  rule  of  1756, 
whicli  was  the  ground  of  complaint  in  1806,  as  wanton  murder 
is  beyond  mere  assault  and  battery. 

Never  was  I  more  deceived  in  my  life,  than  I  am  at  this  mo- 
ment, if  every  candid,  unbiassed  reader  do  not  agree  with  me, 
that  the  opposition  to  the  operation  of  the  embargo,  was  factious, 
disorganizing,  absurd.,  and  impolitic  in  the  extreme ;  and  that 
those  who  rendered  the  law  nugatory  and  unavailing  have  a  high 
crime  to  answer  for  to  their  injured  country. 

To  avoid  the  pressui'e  of  the  embargo,  and  to  hold  out  induce- 
ments to  our  citizens  to  violate  it,  and  to  despatch  their  vessels 
clandestinely,  the  following  most  extraordinary  order  in  council 
was  published  by  the  British  government. 

George  R. 
Instructions  to  the  commanders  of  our  ships  of  xvar  and  priva- 
teers.    Given  at  our  court  at  IVindsor^  the  11th  day  of  April, 
1808,  in  the  4i8th  year  of  our  reign. 

Our  will  and  pleasure  is,  that  you  do  not  interrupt  any  neutral  vessel  laden 
with  lumber  and  provisions,  and  poing  to  any  of  our  colonies,  islands,  or  settle- 
ments in  the  West  Inilies,  or  South  America,  tu  -whomsoever  the  property  maif 
tippew  to  belong,  and  nottuithslantUng  such  vesnel  may  not  have  regular  clearances 
awl  documents  on  hoard  !  !  !  And  in  case  any  vessel  shall  be  met  with,  and  being 
on  her  due  course  to  the  allege  \  port  of  destination,  an  endorsement  shall  be 
made  on  one  or  more  of  the  principal  papers  of  such  vessel,  specifying  the  des- 
tination alleged,  and  the  place  where  the  vessel  was  so  visited.  And  in  case  any 
vessel  so  laden  shall  arrive  and  deliver  her  cargo  at  any  of  our  colonies,  islands, 
cr  settlements  aforesaid,  such  vessel  shall  be  permitted  to  receive  her  freight, 
and  to  depart,  either  in  ballast,  or  with  any  goods  that  may  be  legally  exported 
in  such  vessel,  and  to  procee<l  to  any  unblockadcd  port ;  notwithstanding  the 
present  hostilities,  or  any  future  hostilities  which  may  take  place.  And  a  pass' 
port  for  siich  vessels  may  be  granted  bt/  the  governor,  or  otiier  person,  having  the 
chief  civil  cmnmand  of  such  colony,  island,  or  settlement  f 

G.  R. 

This  astonishing  document  demands  the  most  particular  and 
pointed  attention.^The  ministers  who  prostituted  the  name  of 
their  sovereign  by  subscribing  it  to  such  an  instrument,  merit, 
and  must  receive  the  reprobation  of  every  highminded  English- 
man, who  feels  for  the  honour  or  dignity  of  his  native  country. 
The  world  has  never  seen  such  another  instrument.  And  I  hope 
there  never  will  be  a  second  instance  of  the  kind.  This  order 
alone  was  adequate  cause  of  war.  This  at  least  is  certain,  that 
man^  wars  have  been  declared  upon  infinitely  less  provocation. 
What !  one  of  the  most  potent  monarchs  in  the  world,  rather  than 
do  justice  to  an  unoffending  nation,  on  which  for  fourteen  years, 
his  ministers  had  perpetrated  the  most  flagrant  outrages,  invites, 
and  tempts,  and  afl"ord8  facilities  to  its  citizens,  to  violate  the 
laws  of  their  country,  and  openly  pursue  the  infamous  trade  of 
smuggling ! 


I 


p  ■ 

Mi.; 

J 


13« 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BBANOI, 


(chap.  S5) 


The  subject  affords  an  ample  field  for,  and  invites  to,  copious 
comments.  But  I  forbear.  I  leave  it  to  the  calm  consideration 
of  the  candid  reader,  vrhether  Englishman  or  American. 

CHAPTER  XXV. 

Enquiry  into  the  ConstHutionality  of  the  Act  for  enforcing  the 
Embargo.  Compared  With  acts  passed  during  the  presidency 
of  gen,  Washington  and  John  Adams, 

The  original  embargo  act  had  been  openly  and  flagrantly  vio- 
lated. The  public  prints  in  Boston  had  audaciously  and  sedi- 
tiously invited  the  citizens  to  set  it  at  defiance.  1  he  British 
government  had  also,  as  we  have  seen,  added  the  allurement  of 
its  powerful  invitation.  Such  an  invitation  was  unnecessary. 
There  are  always  to  be  found  in  every  community,  men  who  will 
seek  the  shortest  road  to  fortune,  whether  through  the  dark  paths 
of  smuggling,  or  otherwise.  These  men  united  their  obstreper- 
ous brawlings,  with  the  clamour  raised  by  those  whose  grand  ob- 
ject was  to  harass  the  government,  for  the  chance  of  regaining 
the  power  they  had  lost.  Thus  the  odium  deserved  by  the 
crime  of  smuggling,  was  transferred  to  an  act  calculated  to  pre- 
serve the  property  of  the  merchants  from  belligerent  depreda- 
tion; an  act,  be  it  never  forgotten,  which  was  the  mildest  mode 
of  procuring  that  redress  for  which  the  mercantile  part  of  the 
community  had  so  loudly  clamoured — and  in  the  pursuit  of 
which,  they  had  so  solemnly  pledged  themselves  to  support  the 
government !  !  ! 

To  prevent  these  evasions,  an  act  was  passed  to  enforce  the 
embargo.  This  was  necessarily  more  strict  and  severe  in  its 
provisions  than  the  original  act.  Meetings  were  held  in  various 
parts  of  the  United  States,  denouncing  the  latter  as  oppressive 
and  unconstitutional.  A  very  numerous  and  respectable  one 
was  held  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  attended  by  a  large  propor- 
tion of  the  merchants,  and  a  great  number  of  other  citizens.  Of 
this  meeting  Commodore  Truxtou  was  chairman.  Sundry  re- 
solutions Were  passed,  which  embraced  the  essence  of  all  the  ob- 
jections raised  against  it  tKroughout  the  union.  I  shall  assume 
these  resolutions  as  a  text  to  reason  upon,  and  shall  endeavour 
to  refute  the  objections. 

During  the  administration  of  General  Washington,  an  embar- 
go act  had  been  passed  by  Congress.  And  during  his  admin- 
istration, and  that  of  Mr.  Adams,  various  other  acts  had  been 
passed,  embracing  prohibitory  and  penal  clauses,  of  a  tenor  simi- 
lar to  those  of  the  eml)argo  law.  No  federalist  will  pretend  that 
any  of  those  acts  were  unconstitutional.  Some  of  their  clauses 
were  far  more  exceptionuble  than  those  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  em- 
barpjoart.  If,  therefore,  the  latter  contain  no  provision  what- 
ever, which  is  not  substantially  to  be  found  in  those  passed  dur- 


0ur.  25.1 


EMBARGO. 


-   isr 


ing  the  administration  of  the  two  first  presidents,  I  presume 
that  there  is  not  a  candid  federalist  in  the  union  who  will  hesi- 
tate to  admit,  that  the  clamour  against  the  former,  as  unconsti- 
tutional, was  truly  '^  factious,  disorganizing,  seditious,  and  Jaco- 
binical." 

The  9th,  10th  and  11th  sections  were  the  most  rigorous,  the 
most  obnoxious ;  and,  of  course,  were  selected  by  the  Philadel- 
phia meeting,  as  proper  subjects  for  denunciation.  I  shall  there- 
fore fairly  collate  them  with  the  corresponding  sections  of  the 
former  embargo  and  other  acts,  passed  during  the  reign  of  fede- 
ralism, to  enable  the  reader  to  form  his  opinion : 

Proceedinga  of  a  meeting  of  the  Citizena  of  Philadelphia,  Commodore  Truxttm  in 

the  Chair. 

*'  Retolved,  That  we  consider  the  late  act  of  Congress,  commonly  called  "The 
enforcing  law,"  to  be  a  direct  invasion  of  tlie  established  principles  of  civil  li- 
berty, and  of  the  express  provisions  of  the  constitution  j  as  arbitrary  and  severe 
to  a  degree  unnecessary,  even  to  accomplish  the  objects  for  which  the  law  is 
professed  to  have  been  enacted ;  as  creating  an  enormous  and  dangerous  aug- 
mentation of  executive  influence  and  power ;  and  as  unnecessarily  exposing 
the  citizens  to  the  misf  nes  of  civil  discord  and  miUtary  execution. 

"  Retolved,  That  the  9th  section  of  this  act,  which  autliorises  a  ministerial 
officer,  without  *K-i^esi  of  lux,  to  seize  goods  at  liis  discretion,  under  a  pre- 
tence that  he  betievea  they  are  inttr.ded  for  exportation,  or  apparently  on  the 
way  for  the  territories  of  a  foreign  power,  is,  in  our  opinion,  a  breach  of  the 
fourth  article  of  the  amendments  to  tlie  constitution,  which  provides  "  that  the 
right  of  the  people  to  be  secure  in  their  persons,  houses,  papers,  and  effects, 
against (inreasouablc  searches  and  seizures, shall  not  be  violated:"  and  of  the 
fifth  ari.'.cle  of  the  amendments,  which  declares,  "  that  no  man  sliall  be  deprived 
of  life,  Uberty  or  property,  but  by  due  process  of  law." 

•E?.FOnCING  LAW.'  PRECEDENTS 

Si  gncA  by  Jeffersok. 

1.  That  the  collectors  of 
all  the  districts  of  the  United 
State  I,  shall  be,  and  they 
are  lereby  authorised,  to 
take  into  their  ctntody  specie, 
or  any  articles  of  domestic 
grow.h,  produce  or  manu- 
facture, found  on  board  of 
any  ship  or  veiael,  boat,  or 
other  water  crtft,  whenthere 
is  reason  to  belin<e  that  they 
arc  intmifc*/ for  exportation : 

2.  *  Or  when  in  vessels, 
carts,  wagons,  sleighs,  or 
any  other  carriage  ;  or  in 
any  maimer  aiiparently  on 
their  wau  towards  the  terri- 
tory of  a  foreign  nation,  or 
the  vicinity  thereof,  or  to- 
wards a  place  where  such 
articles  are  intended  to  be 
exported : 

3.  •  And  not  to  permit 
iiuch  articles  to  be  removed, 
until  bond  with  sufficient 
sureties  shall  have  been  gi- 
ven for  the  landing,  or  the 


Signed  by  WAHHinoTOir  and  Adams. 
1.  *  That  every  collector,  naval  officer,  and  sur- 
veyor, or  other  person  especially  appointed  by  either 
of  than  for  that  purpose,  shall  have  full  power  and 
authority  to  enter  aiiy  ship  or  vessel,  in  which  they 
shall  have  reason  to  suspect  any  goods,  wares  or 
merchandise  subject  to  duty,  shall  be  concealed, 
and  tlierein  to  search  for,  seize,  and  secure  any 
such  goods,  wares,  and  merchandise,*  &c' — See 
act  of  3l9t  July,  1789,  section  24.  Act  of  4th 
August,  1790,  srction48. 

•  That  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  several  offi- 
cers of  the  customs  to  make  seizure  of  and  secure 
any  ship  or  vessel,  goods,  wares  or  merchandise 
which  shall  be  liable  to  seizure  by  virtue  of  this 
act,  as  well  without,  as  wit/un  their  rcspeclive  dis- 
tricts^— See  section  26  and  50  of  the  same  act.— 
See  also,  act  of  the  2d  March,  1799,  sect.  68,  70. 

•  That  it  shall  be  lawful  for  any  officer  of  the 
revenue,  to  go  on  board  of  any  ship  or  vessel, 
wliether  she  shall  be  within  or  without  his  dis- 
trict i  and  the  same  to  inspect,  search,  and  exa- 
mine ;  and  if  it  shall  apjiear,  that  any  breach  of 
the  laws  of  tlie  United  States  lias  been  committed, 
8ic,  to  make  seizure  of  the  same.' — See  act  of 
latlt  February,  1793,  section  27. 

'  Tliat  any  of  the  aforesaid  articles  (arms  and 
ammunition)  excepting  such  of  them  us  may  ton- 


130 


fOUTICAL  OLIVE  BllANCH. 


[cBAp,  25- 


^eliveiy  of  the  same  in 
some  place  of  the  United 
States,  wliere,  in  the  opinion 
of  the  collector,  there  shall 
not  be  any  danger  of  such 
articles  beinij^  exported.' — 
Laws  United  States,  vol.  IX. 
pagfe  192,  section  9,  of  the 
act  to  enforce  the  embar^^.* 


stitute  a  part  of  tlie  eqtiipment  of  any  vessel^ 
which,  dunng  the  contimiance  of  tldn  pro/dbilum, 
shall  be  found  on  board  of  any  vessel  in  any  ri- 
ver, port,  bay,  or  harbour,  within  the  territories 
of  th6  United  States,  with  an  intaU  to  he  exported 
from  the  United  States  to  any  foreign  conntry, 
siiall  be  forfeited,'  8ic.— See  act  of  22d  May, 
1794,  section  2. 

♦  Tliat  all  goods,  wares,  and  mercliandise  brought 
into  the  United  States  6iy /a7i</,  contrary  to  this 
act,  sliall  be  forfeited,  together  with  t/w  carniiffei.; 
horses,  and  oxen,  that  shall  be  employed  in  cariy- 
ing  tile  same  ;  provided  that  nothing  herein  siiall 
be  construed  to  extend  to  household  furniture 
.     ,    ,  andclotlung,belongingtoany  person  or  peraons, 

'    •  *  ,  actually   coming  into   any   part  of  tlie   United 

States,  for  the  puqiose  of  becoming  an  inhabi- 

'  k-  tant,  or  inhabitants  thereof ' — See  act  of  4th  of ' 

''  Augtist,  1790,  section  70. 

'■     '  '■   a^-  'That  it  shall  be  lawful  fertile  President  of  the 

'     "  United  States,  to  give  instructions  to  the  com- 

manders of  the  public  armed  ships  of  the  United 

*"  '"  \,  States,  to  stop  and  examine  any  ship  or  vessel  of 

.     '  .  ,        the  United  States  on  the  high  seas,  which  theiv 

''"      '      '  ■  nuiy  be  reason  to  suspect  to  be  engaged  in  any 

'  ^        ^  traffic,  or  commerce  contrary  to  the  true  tenor 

hereof,'  &c.— Act  of  9th  February,  1799,  sec- 
tion 5. 

Commodore  Truxtun's  Third  Resolution, 

"  Resolvetl,  That  the  tenth  section  is  contrary  to  the  spirit  of  the  constitution, 
inasmuch  as  it  invests  in  the  president  a  legislative  authority  by  giving  to  his 
instructions,  in  certain  cases,  the  force  of  law  " 


*ENF0UC1NG  LAW.' 

'  The  povfei's  given  to  the 
collectors,  either  by  this  or 
any  other  act,  respecting 
tlie  embargo,  to  refuse  per- 
mission to  put  any  cargo  on 
board  any  vessel,  boat  or 
other  water  craft;  to  detain 
any  vessel,  or  to  take  into 
their  custody  any  articles 
for  the  purpose  of  prevent- 
ing violations  of  tlie  embar- 
go, shall  be  exercised  in  con- 
formity with  such  instruc- 
tions, at  tlw  president  mui/ 
give,  and  such  general  rules 
as  he  may  prescribe  for  that 

purpose,  MADK  IN  PCRSUiNCE 
OP  THK    FOWKRS    AFORGSAIU  ; 

which  instructions  and  ge- 
neral rules,  the  collectors 
•hall  be  hound  to  obey.' — 
Idem,  section  10. 


PliECEDENTS, 

Under  U'aslunyloii  anil  Aihitns.  ' 

'That  the  President  of  the  United  States  be, 
and  he  hereby  is  authorised  and  empowered, 
'  xuhenevcr  in  his  opinion  the  public  safety  shall  so  re- 
quire, TO  U\Y  AN  I':MUAU(;0  on  ail  ships  and 
vessels  in  the  poKs  of  the  United  States,  or  the 
sliipsand  vessels  of  any  foreign  nation.s,  wiiL-r  such 
regulations  as  the  circumstances  of  tlie  case  may 
require ;  and  to  continue  or  revoke  the  same« 
whenever  lie  shall  tliink  proper.     And  tiik  i-re- 

SIDKNT  IH  HK.RKHT  PULLT  AIITIIORISRI)  TU  OIVK  ALI4 
SUCH  OUIIKIIH  TU  THK  OFFIOKHH  Ur  THE  UNITED 
STATES   AS  MAV  HE  NECKHSAKV  TO  lARRV  THK  HAMR 

ijfTo  PULL  EFFKCT.' — Scc  act  of  4th  Juiic,  1794, 
section  1. 

•  That  an  embargo  be  laid  on  all  ships  and  ves- 
sels in  the  ports  of  the  United  States,  wlicllier 
already  cleared  out  or  not,  bound  to  any  foreign 
port  or  place,  except  ships  or  vessels  under  the 
immediate  direction  of  the  president  of  the  Uni- 
ted  States.     Ank  that   thb  phesiuknt  of  thb 

VNITEII  STATES  HE  AUTHOHISKU  TO  UIVE  SUCH  IX- 
STRUCTIOXS  TO  THE  HEVE.NUK  OFFICERS  UF  THE 
li:<iITEII  STATES,  AH  SHALL  APPEAR  HKST  ADAPTKB 
run  CARRTIMn  THK  SAID  RESOLiriON  INTO  FULL  EF- 
FKCT.' Uusolve  of  tUe  twenty -sixth  of  March,  1792. 


CBV.  25.] 


EMBARGO. 


13> 


*  That  the  president  of  the  United  States  be, 
and  he  is  hereby  authoriBcd,  to  direct  the  revenue 
officers,  aiul  t1\e  officers  commanding  forts  and  re- 
venue cutters,  to  aid  in  the  execution  of  the  health 
laws  of  the  states,  respectively,  iii  siich  manner  as 

^  may  appear  to  him  necessarv.'  '  Act  of  the  twenty- 

seventh  of  May,  1796. 

'That  it  shall  be  lawful  for  the  president  of  the 
United  States,  if  he  shall  deem  it  expedient  and 
I    .  consistent  with  the  interest  of  the  United  States, 

i      .  "•»         by  his  ordei;  to  remit  and  discontinue,   for  the 

time  being,  the  restraints  and  prohibitions  afore- 
said, either  with  respect  to  the  French  Republic, 
or  to  any  island,  &e.  with  which  a  commercial  in- 
lercotirse  may  be  safely  renewed  ;  and  also  <ore- 
voke  such  orders,  whenever,  in  Ids  ofnnion,  the  in- 
'  to  rest  of  the  United  States  shall  so  require.'  Act 
of  the  ninth  of  Febniary,  1799,  section  4. 

•  That  it  shall  be  lawful  for  the  president  of 
the  United  States  at  any  time  during  the  continu- 
ance of  this  act,   to  order  all   such  aliens,  as  he 

•  shall  judge  dangerous  to  the  peace  and  safety  of 

the  United  States,  or  shall  have  reasowafife^TOTmrf 

to  suspect,  as  concerned  in  any  treasonable  or  se- 

■    ^  •      -  cret  machinations  against  the  government  there- 

,      '  of,  to  depart  out  of  the  territories  of  the  United 

States,  within  such  times  as  shall  be  expressed  in 
such  order.'  Act  of  the  twenty-fifth  of  June, 
1798,  section  1. 

<  And  all  marshals  and  other  officers  of  the 
United  States,  are  required  to  execute  all  pre- 
cepts and  orders  of  the  president  of  the  United 
States,  issued  in  pursuance  or  by  virtue  of  this 
act. '    Idem,  section  4. 

Commodore  Truxtun*s  fourth  resolution. 
"  Resolved,  That  the  eleventh  section  of  the  act  violates  a  political  and  civil 
right,  more  sacred  than  any  constitution,  in  authorising  the  military  to  fire  upon 
the  people,  without  the  sanction  or  interposition  of  tlie  civil  authority.  The 
princi])le  contained  in  this  section,  ifmucii  further  extended,  might  with  com- 
petent force,  convert  our  government  into  an  absolute  despotism. ' 

'  ENFORCING  LAW.' 

•  It  shall  be  lawful  for  the 
president  of  the  United 
States,  or  such  other  person 
as  he  shall  have  empowered 
for  that  purpose,  to  employ 
such  part  of  the  land  or  na- 
val forces,  or  militia  of  the 
United  States,  or  of  the  ter- 
ritories  tliereof,  as  may  be 
judged  necessary,  in  confor- 
mity with  the  provisions  of 
this  and  other  acts  respect- 
ing the  embargo,  for  tlie 
purpose  of  pre^utiting  the  it- 
legal  (kparture  of  any  ship  or 
Vessel,  or  of  detaining,  ta- 
king possession  of,  and  keep- 
ing  ill  custody  and  guarding 
any  specie  or  article  of  do- 
mestic growth,  produce,  or 


I'UECKDENTS, 

Under  l^'ashington  and  Mams.  '" 

'  In  every  case  arising  under  this  act,  it  shall 
be  lawful  for  the  president  of  the  United  States, 
or  such  other  person  as  he  nhall  have  empowered  for 
that  pwposc,  to  employ  such  part  of  the  land  or 
naval  forces  of  the  United  States,  or  of  the  militia 
thereof,  as  shall  be  judged  iwcessary,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  taking  possession  of  and  detaining  any  such 
ship,  or  vessel,  with  her  prize,  or  prizes,  if  any» 
in  order  to  the  execution  of  the  penalties  of  this 
act  and  to  the  restoring  of  such  prize  or  prizes, 
in  the  cases  in  which  restoration  shall  have  been 
adjudgcil ;  and  also  for  the  purpose  oi preventing 
the  carrying  on  of  any  such  expedition  or  enterprise. 
from  tile  territories  of  tlie  United  States,  against 
the  territories,  or  dominions  of  a  foreign  prince, 
or  slate,  with  whom  the  United  States  are  at 
peace.'  Act  of  the  fitlh  of  June,  1794,  section  7. 
•  That  whenever  the  laws  of  the  United  States 
shall  be  opposed,  or  the  execution  thereof  ob« 


143 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


COAP.  25.] 


MA 


manufacture  ;  and  also,  for 
the  purpose  of  preventing- 
and  auppressing  any  aitnedor 
riotoua  assemblage  ofperaona 
resisting  the  custom  house  offir 
€ers  in  the  exercise  of  their 
duties,  or  in  any  manner  op- 

{rasing  the  executioti  of  the 
aws  laying  an  embargo,  or 
otherwise  violating,  or  as- 
aiiting  and  abetting  viola- 
tions of  the  same.'  Idem, 
■ection  11.* 


structed  in  any  state,  by  combinations  too  power* 
ful  to  be  suppressed  by  the  ordinary  course  of 
judicial  proceeding,  or  by  the  powers  vested  in 
the  marshal  by  this  act  [the  same  powers  in  exe- 
cuting the  laws  of  the  United  States  as  sheriffs 
{)ossess  for  executing  the  state  laws]  it  shall  be 
awful  for  the  president  of  the  United  States  to 
call  forth  the  militia  of  such  state,  or  of  any  other 
state,  or  states,  as  may  be  necessary,  to  suppress 
such  combinations,  and  to  cause  the  laws  to  be 
duly  executed,'  &c.  Act  of  the  twenty-fourth  of 
May,  1792. 

♦  Provided,  that  whenever  it  may  be  necessary 
in  the  judgment  of  the  president,  to  use  the  mili- 
tary force  hereby  directed  to  be  called  forth,  the 
president  shall,  forthwith,  by  proclamation,  com- 
,jr  mand  such   insurgents  to  disperse,  and  retire 

.i  '..     .      -    .  peaceably  to  their  respective  abodes,  within  a 

..  limited  time.'    Ibid,  section  3. 

To  the  candour  of  the  reader  I  freely  appeal.  Let  him  care- 
fully compare  these  various  sections  together.  Let  him  more 
particularly  observe,  that  by  the  act  of  June  4,  1794,  congress 
actually  vested  the  president  with  the  power  o/" LAYING  AN 
EMBARGO,  "w/ienever,  in  his  opinion^  the  public  safety 
should  require  it ;"  which  was,  so  far  as  respects  this  important 
branch  ot  legislation,  an  actual  surrender  of  the  legislative  power 
into  the  hands  of  the  executive  magistrate — and  that  they  likewise 
conferred  on  him  authority  "  to  give  such  orders  as  might  be 
necessary  to  carry  into  effect^^  the  law  which  he  had  of  his  own 
mere  motion^  the  "  legislative  power  to  enact  J*^  When  he  has  duly 
pondered  on  these  circumstances — when  he  has  fully  ascertain- 
ed that  Mr.  Jefferson's  embargo  act  in  no  instance  exceeded, 
and  in  many  fell  far  short  of,  die  rigour  of  former  laws — will 
he  not  be  lost  in  amazement,  how  it  was  possible  so  to  excite  the 
public  passions,  respecting  this  necessary  measure,  as  to  actually 
endanger  the  permanence  of  the  union  ?  for  it  is  an  indubitable 
fact  that  insurrection  and  rebellion  were  threatened,  and  very 
probably  intended — and  it  has  been  repeatedly  asserted,  and  is 
confidently  believed,  that  the  tenth  congress,  through  apprehen- 
sion of  that  issue  alone,  repealed  the  embargo  act. 

I  have  reason  to  believe,  that  tlie  legislature  of  Massachusetts 
actually  passed  an  act  making  the  enforcement  of  some  of  the 
provisions  of  the  embargo  law  criminal,  and  attaching  to  it  cer- 
tain penalties.  It  is  out  of  my  power  to  procure  the  act,  or  to 
state  its  details.  r 

•  The  whole  of  this  comparison  of  these  acts,  is  taken  from  a  pamphlet,  pub- 
lished in  Philadelphia,  in  1809,  and  entitled  "The  Constitutionality  of  the  Em- 
bargo Laws,  established  by  Precedent" — By  Alexander  James  Dallas,  Esq.  It 
ougfjt  to  be  stated  as  an  awful  fact,  to  shew'  the  violence  of  faction,  that  this 
cogent  pamphlet  produced  not  the  smallest  effect  on  the  feverish  state  of  tlie 
public  mind. 


CHAP.  26.] 


PATMOTIC  PROCEEDINGS, 


m 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

Patriotic  Proceedings.* 
I  ANNEX  a  few  specimens  of  the   style  and  substance  of  the 
resolutions  and  legislative  remarks  upon  the  embargo — in  order 
to  satisfy  the  reader  that  I  have  not  exaggerated  the  deplorable 
and  disgraceful  phrenzy  of  the  public  mind. 

Extract  from  the  resolutimia  of  the  tovm  of  Gloiicetter,  January  19.th,  1809. 

"  Beaolved,  That  we  will  mutually  watch  and  protect  what  little  property  we 
have  still  left ;  that  we  will  use  all  laroftil  means,  « to  arrest  the  disturbers  and 
breakers  of  the  peace,*  or  such  others  as  may,  (under  pretence  of  authority  from 
government)  '  go  armed  by  night,'  or  utter  any  menaces,  or  threatening  speeches, 
to  the  fear  and  terror  of  the  good  people  of  this  town  ;  and  that  we  will  ever 
hold  in  abhorrence  pimps,  and  spies,  and  night-walkers,  who  strive  to  fatten 
on  the  spoils  of  their  suffering  fellow  citizens. 

"  Resolved,  That  to  our  state  goverr^ent  we  look  for  cowisel,  protection,  and  re* 
lief,  at  this  awful  period  of  general  calamity," 

Extract  from  the  resolutions  of  the  town  of  Bath,  December^,  1808. 
•'  Resolved,  That  we  have  hitherto  borne  with  silence  the  severe  pressure 
ofthese  ruinous  laws  [embargo  laws ;]  and  although  we  now  deem  it  our  duty 
to  speak  with  firmness  and  decision  our  detestation  of  them,  and  the  policy  which 
gave  rise  to  them,  we  will  still  keep  down  tlie  spirit  of  indignation  which  swells 
within  us  at  the  endurance  of  them ;  and  will  conduct  toward  the  national  go- 
vernment and  its  several  ofRcers  with  suitable  deference  and  moderation ;  that 
we  do,  however,  despair  of  obtaining  any  redress  of  these  grievances,  from 
that  government,  while  its  "principal  offices  are  filled  as  at  present ;  and  that 
-  our  only  hope  is,  that  the  state  governments,  by  their  remonstrances  and  reso- 
lutions, may  have  more  influence  in  effecting  tms  object,  than  the  petitions  and 
memorials  of  individuals  and  towns. 

"  Resolved,  therefore.  That  a  respectful  address  be  forwarded  in  the  name  of 
the  people  of  this  town  to  the  legislature  of  this  commonwealth,  stating  to  them 
the  wrongs  and  ^ievances  we  already  suffer,  and  the  fearful  apprehensions 
we  experience,  of  speedily  having  our  calamity  increased  by  the  addition  of 
still  more  restrictive  and  arbitrary  laws ;  expressing  to  them  our  approbation 
of  the  measures  they  have  already  adopted  upon  this  important  subject,  and 
requesting  them  to  take  such  other  immediate  steps  for  relieving  the  people, 
either  by  themselves  alone,  or  in  concert  with  other  commercial  states,  at  the  ex- 
traordiiMry  circumstances  of  our  situation  may  require." 

Extract  from  the  memorial  of  the  town  of  Boston  to  the  legislature  of  MaaaackU" 

setts,  Jamtary  25,  1809. 
"  The  inhabitants  of  the  town  of  Boston,  in  town  meeting  assembled,  respect> 
fully  represent — That  they  are  constrained  to  apply  to  your  honourable  body, 
as  tlie  immediate  guardians  of  their  rights  and  liberties,  for  your  interposition  to 
procure  for  them  relief  from  the  grievances  which  they  now  suffer,  under  the 
operation  of  the  laws  of  the  general  government,  abolishing  foreign  commerce, 
and  subjecting  the  coasting  trade  to  embarrassments  which  threaten  its  anni- 
hilation. Our  hope  and  consolation  rest  with  the  legislature  of  our  state,  la 
whom  it  is  competettt  to  devise  Tneans  of  relief  against  the  unconstitutio7ial  measures 
of  the  general  gweimment ;  that  your  power  is  adequate  to  this  object  is  evident 
from  the  organization  of  the  confederacy." 

*  The  factious,  and  seditious,  and  Jacobinical  proceedings  in  the  eastern 
states  in  the  year  1809,  that  shook  the  government  to  its  centre,  were  pai-aded 
in  many  of  the  federal  papers  tliroughout  the  union  witli  great  solemnity, 
headed  with  the  words  "  PATfflOTIC  PROCEEDINGS,"  in  staring  capitals. 
It  is  truly  lamentable  to  reflect  on  the  extravagant  lengths  to  which  the  spirit 
of  party  leads  its  followers.  Never  was  the  word  "patriotic"  more  grossly 
misapplied. 

O.  B.  20 


142 


^OLITtCAL  OLIVE  BRANCTT. 


[CHAP.  2$. 


m 


Extract  from  tfie  proceedings  of  the  tnon  of  Topsfield,  January  15, 1809. 

"  Kesolved,  That  such  has  been  our  suffering,  and  so  ^eat  is  our  alarm,  occa- 
sioned by  the  extraordinary  measures  lately  adopted,  that  we  shall  never  be  con- 
tented until  we  are  secured  from  a  repetition  of  the  same  evils.  That  a  bare 
repeal  of  the  obnoxious  acts  ought  not,  therefore,  to  satisfy  a  free  and  prudent 
people,  any  more  than  the  repeal  of  the  British  stamp  act  silenced  the  patriots 
of  that  day;  that  there  ought  to  be  a  solemn  renunciation  of  the  right  thus  as- 
sumed ;  and  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  assembly,  that  legal  and  constitutional  mea- 
sures should  be  adopted  for  that  purpose. 

"This  assembly  declare  it  as  their  deliberate  opinion,  that  there  exists  NO 
CAUSR  OK  AVAR  WITH  CHEAT  BRITAIN  ;  that  such  a  war  would  be  un- 
just,  unnecessary,  and  extremely  to  be  deplored  ;  that  the  removal  of  the  em- 
bargo will  not  necessarily  involve  us  in  war ;  but  should  this  be  the  alternative, 
it  ought  to  be  a  war  with  France,  and  not  with  Great  Britain. 

"Inhabiting  apart  of  the  union  the  most  engaged  in  foreign  commerce,  tlicy 
think  themseTves  qualiKed  to  aecide  upon  its'risks,  and  the  nature  and  extent 
of  the  injuries  to  which  it  is  exposed ;  and  it  is  their  firm  belief,  that  our  com- 
merce, unrestrained  by  self-destroying  measures,  mi^ht  find  many  sources  of 
profitable  employment,  without  interfering  in  any  degree  with  those  principles  of 
maritime  taxi),  which  GUKAT  BRITAIN  dee7ns  essential  to  hei-  existence,  atid 
tuliich  in  an  eventfvl  moment  tike  the  present  she  will  NEVER  YIELD. 

"  And  this  assembly  cannot  refrain  from  expressing  their  i')nviction,  that 
neither  the  honour  nor  the  ])ermanent  interests  of  the  United  States  require 
that  we  shoukl  drive  Great  Britain,  if  it  were  in  our  power,  to  the  surrender  of 
those  claims  so  essential  to  her  in  the  mighty  conflict  in  which  she  is  at  present  en- 
gaged;  a  conflict  interesting  to  humanity,  t  morals,  to  religion,  and  the  last  strug- 
gle of  liberty}' 

Extract  from  a  circular  hatulhill,  published  at  JS/ewburyporf. 

"You  have  reposed  confidence  in  a  COWARD  [.leffcrson]  and  loaned  on  a 
broken  staft'too  long.  The  day  of  political  probation  is  fast  verging  to  a  close; 
when  the  fate  of  America  will  be  decided;  and  laurels,  bought  with  the  price  of 
freemen's  blood,  will  gmce  the  brows  of  the  Gallic  tyrant.  Let  every  man  who 
holds  the  name  of  America  dear  to  him,  stretch  out  his  hand,  and  put  this  ac- 
cursed thing,  the  EMBARGO,  from  him.  Be  resolute  :  act  like  the  sons  of 
bberty,  of  GOD,  and  of  your  country  ;  nerve  your  arms  with  VENGF'ANCE 
against  the  DESPOT  who  would  wrest  the  inestimable  gem  of  your  indepen- 
dence from  you ;  and  you  shall  be  conquerors.' 

"Qive  ear  no  longer  to  the  syren  voice  of  democracy  and  Jeffersonian  liberty 
It  is  a  cursed  delusion,  adopted  by  traitors,  and  rccominendc(l  by  sycophants. 

"  .leflbrson  ;  a  man,  who  witli  the  DA(iGER  of  popular  cotifdence  first  gave 
the  stab  to  your  libcilies." 

Extract  from  the  proceedings  rf  thr  town  of  Jit  i gust  a  in  Miinr,  January  16,  1809 
"  Tiie  awful  crisis  lias  arrived,  when  it  becomes  neccsHnry  for  the  friends  of 
our  iiulcpcndoncc,  to  make  a  firm  and  decided  stand  ;  when  it  becomes  all-im- 
portant to  throw  aside  nnnor  considerations,  and  unite  for  the  common  good  ; 
and  when  a  sense  of  common  danger  draws  us  tof^etlu'r  to  meet  the  approach- 
ing stonn. 

"  With  submission  almost  ammuiting  to  criminal  apathy,  we  have  suflercj 

Erivations  and  reslrictions  Mncr  lufure  exjierlvd  uf  or  niilmrd  by,  a  free proplr. 
ow,  that  even  tlu-  means  of  subsistence  is  at  ha/.ard,  and  the  sacred  asylum  iA' 
our  (iwcllings  is  no  longer  held  inviolable  ;  Mili-nco  would  beniHif,  and  re.M*- 
taurr  would  brcnmr  a  virtue  of  thr  first  viagiiiliiilr  /  .'  .' 

"  Resolved,  that  the  restrictions  and  inipositions  on  our  trade  and  commrrco, 
arc  too  great  and  ruinouH  any  longer  to  be  borne  ;  and  that  the  general  dis- 
tnss  of  onr  co\mtiy  clcmands  imnudiate  relief." 

"  We  know  if  the  emt)argo  be  not  removed,  our  citizens  will  ere  long  sot  it« 
penalties  and  restrictions  at  defiance.  It  behoves  us  to  speak  ;  fiu'  strikr  we 
tniisl,  if  speaking  does  not  answer."  Iloslon  Nv/jeitnri/ 

"It  is  bolter  to  suffer  the  AMPUTATION  of  a  Limb,  than  to  lose  tii.- 
WIIOLC  UUUV.     IFemutt prepare  for  the  nprrativn.    Wlitjrdwc  thwnwJVfw 


CHAP.  27.] 


HENRY'S  MISSION. 


9$ 


England  asleep  ?  wherefore  does  she  SUBMIT  to  the  oppression  of  enemies  in 
the  South  f  Have  we  no  Moses,  who  is  inspired  by  the  God  of  our  fathera,  and 
"will  lead  us  put  of  Egypt  ?"  Boston  Gazette. 

"  This  perpetual  embargo  being  unconstitutional,  every  man  will  perceive 
that  he  is  not  bound  to  regai-d  it,  but  may  send  his  produce  or  merchandise  to  $L 
foreign  market  in  the  same  manner  as  if  the  government  had  never  undertaken 
to  prohibit  it !  If  the  petitions  do  not  produce  a  relaxation  or  removal  of  the 
embargo,  the  people  ought  to  immediately  assume  a  higher  tone. 

"  The  goveimment  of  Massachusetts  has  also  a  dutyXio  perform.  The  state  is 
still  sovereign  and  independent."  Boston  Centincl,  September  10,  1808. 

Bxtractfrom  the  speech  of  Mi:  I/illhouse,  in  the  senate  of  the  United  States,  on  tlie 

bill  for  enforcing  the  embargo. 
"  In  my  mind  the  present  crisis  excites  the  most  serious  apprehensions.  A 
storm  seems  to  be  gathering  \\\\'\c\\  poitendsnot  ti  tempest  on  the  oft'a«,  but  domes- 
tic convulsions  !  However  painful  the  task,  a  sense  of  duty  calls  upon  me  to 
raise  my  voice,  and  use  my  utnwst  exertions  to  prevent  the  passing  of  this  bill. 
I  feel  myself  bound  in  cv\nscicnce  to  declare,  lest  the  liLod  of  tliosn  who  should 
fall  in  the  execution  of  this  measure  may  lie  on  my  iiaad,  that  I  consider  this  to  be  an 
met  which  directs  a  mortal  blow  at  the  liberties  of  my  country  ;  an  act  contmning  nn- 
constitutional  provisions,  to  which  TlIK  FKOPLE  AI?E  NOT  BOUND  TO  SUB- 
3M1T,  and  to  wlUch,  in  my  opinion,  they  will  not  submit,''"*  Boston  Centinel, 

Jan.  12, 1809. 

This  speech  requires  the  most  serious  reflection.  A  senator 
•f  the  United  States — whose  age  ought  to  have  secured  him  from 
the  heyday  of  passion  and  violence,  and  taught  him  sobriety  and 
gravity,  in  his  place  invites  and  encourages  his  fellow  citizens 
to  insurrection  and  rebellion  !  And  the  law  to  which  he  excites 
resistance  is  not  so  rigorous,  as  laws  which,  I  believe,  he  had 
concurred  to  frame :  for  I  am  persuaded  he  was  in  congress  when 
those  laws  to  which  I  have  referred,  were  passed. 

A  large  volume  might  be  filled  with  similar  "  patriotic  pro- 
ceedings," as  they  were  then  styled,  which  threatened  the  peace 
of  the  nation  with  destruction.  No  pains  had  been  spared  to 
fan  the  Hamc.  The  public  mind,  by  incessant  appeals  to  the 
passions,  had  been  excited  to  a  species  of  delirium  and  madness. 
And  such  was  the  awful  and  disgraceful  delusion,  that  the  suf- 
ferings of  the  country  by  the  lawless  proceedings  of  the  bellige- 
rents, were  unjustly  ascribed  to  the  very  measures  of  the  govern- 
ment, calculated  to  enforce  redress  !  Clreater  insanity  can  hardly 
be  conceived. 

CHAPTER  XXVII. 

jfohn  Ilvnri/s  Mission  to  tlw  Eastern  States.    Instructions  from 
the  Governor  Gcieral  of  British  America, 

CoNTF.MPOR.vNEousi.Y  with  the  ^'•patriotic  hroceedings^^  of 
which  I  have  presented  the  reader  with  a  sliglit  sketch  in  the 
preceding  chiipter,  a  most  extraordinary  circumstance  occurred 
in  Canada.  Sir  James  H.  Craig,  governor  general  of  the  British 
provinces  in  North  America,  employed  a  certain  John  Henry 

•  For  the  preceding  extracts  I  am  inJ^btcd  to  a  pamphlet,  Rtyled  "  Tliingi 
»ii  tiicy  arc,"  by  II,  Nile? 


i 


144 


POUTICAL  OUVE  BRANCH. 


[chap.  27. 


on  a  mission  to  the  Eastern  States,  to  ascertain  the  views  of  the 
malcontents,  and  how  far,  if  they  obtained  "  a  decided  influence^'' 
they  would  *'  exert  that  influence  to  bring  about  a  separation 
from  the  general  unionJ*^  Also  "  how  far  y  in  such  an  events  they 
zvould  looit  to  England  for  assistance^  or  be  disposed  to  enter  into 
a  coiin''clton  with  z«"  [the  people  of  Canada.] 

This  is  a  most  important  feature  in  the  history  of  our  era.  I 
annex  the  correspondence  between  Sir  James  and  Mr.  Henry, 

without  comment. 

No.  I. 

JUr,  Bylatid,  secretary  to  Sir  James  Craig,  late  governor  general  of  tlie  British 
provinces  in  JVorlh  »4menca,  to  Mr.  Henry, 

[Most  secret  and  confidential.] 

(Jwtf^'.r,  2&th  January,  1809.  ' 
My  dear  sir— TAe  extraordinary  situation  of  things  at  this  time  in  the  neigh' 
bouring  states  has  sugffcsted  to  the  governor  in  chief,  the  idea  of  employing  you 
on  a  secret  and  conndential  mission  to  Boston,  provided  an  arrangement  can  be 
made  to  meet  tlie  important  end  in  view,  without  throwing  an  absolute  obstacle 
in  tlie  way  of  your  professional  pursuits.  The  information  and  political  observa- 
tions heretofore  received  from  yon  were  transmitted  f>y  his  excellency  to  the  secretary 
ttf  state,  w/»o  has  expressed  his  particular  approbation  of  them  ,•  and  there  is  no 
doubt  that  your  able  exccutio7i  of  such  a  mission  as  I  have  suggented,  iBOtdd  give 
you  a  claim  not  only  oji  the  governor  general,  but  on  his  majesiifs  ministers,  which 
might  eventually  contribute  to  your  advantage.  You  will  have  the  goodness, 
therefore,  to  acquunt  me,  for  his  excellency's  information,  whether  you  could 
make  it  convenient  to  engage  in  a  mission  of  this  nature,  and  what  pecuniary 
assistance  would  be  requisite  to  enable  you  to  undertake  it  without  injury  to 
yourself. 

At  present  it  is  necessary  for  me  to  aild,  tliat  the  governor  would  furnish  yon 
with  a  cypher  f  Dr  carrying  on  your  correspoii^lencc  ;  and  that  in  case  the  lead- 
ing party  in  any  of  the  states  wished  to  open  a  communication  witii  this  go- 
vernment, their  views  might  be  communicated  through  you. 

I  am,  with  great  tnith  and  regard,  my  dear  sir,  your  most  faithful,  humble 
icrvant, 

(Signed)  HERMAN  W.  RYLAND. 

John  Henry,  Esq, 

No.  II. 

Montreal,  January  31,1 809. 

I  have  to  acknowledge  the  favour  of  your  letter  of  tlie  26th  insl.  written  by 
the  desire  of  his  excellency  the  governor  in  chief;  and  hasten  to  express, 
through  you,  to  liis  exccllL-ncv,  my  readiness  to  comply  with  his  wishes. 

I  need  not  aild  how  very  flattering  it  is  to  receive  from  his  excellency  the 
Hsurance  of  the  approbation  of  his  majesty's  secretary  of  state  for  the  very 
humble  service  that  I  may  liavc  rendered. 

If  tlie  nature  of  the  Bcrvices  in  which  I  am  to  be  engaged  require  no  other 
disbursements  than  for  my  individual  expenses,  I  do  not  apprehend  that  these 
ekn  exceed  my  private  resources. 

I  thall  be  ready  to  take  my  departure  before  my  instructions  can  be  made 
out 

I  have  tlic  honour  to  be,  &c.  J.  Il'r. 

H.  tr  Hyland,  Esq.  Sec.  Uc. 

No.  ni. 

General  instructions  from  »r  J.  It.  Cmit(,  to  Mr,  llcurxi. 

tfurtier,  6r/.  rebmnry,  1809. 
Sir— As  you  have  so  readily  undertaken  the  service  which  I  have  suggested 
to  you  a*  being  likely  to  be  attended  with  much  benefit  to  the  pulilic  interests, 
I ND  to  re4ucit  Uiai  with  your  earliest  convenicncy  you  will  proceed  to  lloitun, 


/■ 


CBip.  27.] 


HENRY'S  mSSION. 


145 


The  principal  object  that  I  recommend  to  your  attention,  is  the  endeavour 
to  obtain  the  most  accurate  itiformation  of  the  true  state  of  affairs  in  that  part 
of  the  union,  which,  from  its  wealth,  the  number  of  its  inhabitants,  and  the 
known  intelligence  and  ability  of  several  of  its  leading  men,  must  naturally 
possess  a  very  considerable  influence  over,  and  will  indeed  probably  lead,  the 
other  eastern  states  of  America  in  the  part  they  may  take  at  tliis  important 
crisis. 

I  shall  not  pretend  to  point  out  to  you  the  mode  by  which  you  will  l)e  the 
most  likely  to  obtunthis  important  information.  Your  own  judement,  and  the 
connections  which  you  may  have  in  the  town,  must  be  your  guide. 

I  think  it  however  necessary  to  put  you  on  your  guard  against  the  sanguine- 
ness  of  an  aspiring  party.  The  federalists,  as  I  understand,  have  at  all  times 
discovered  a  leaning  to  this  disposition ;  and  their  being  under  its  particular  in- 
fluence at  this  moment,  is  the  more  to  be  expected,  trom  their  having  no  ill- 
founded  ground  for  their  hopes  of  being  nearer  the  attai7iment  of  their  object  than 
they  have  been  for  some  years  past. 

In  the  general  terms  which  I  have  made  use  of  in  describing  the  object 
which  I  recommend  to  your  attention,  it  is  scarcely  necessary,  that  I  should  ob- 
serve, I  include  the  state  of  the  public  opinion,  botli  with  regard  ';o  their  inter- 
nal politics,  and  to  the  probability  of  a  war  with  England ;  the  comparative 
strength  of  the  two  great  parties  into  which  the  country  is  divided  ;  and  the 
views  and  designs  ot  that  which  may  ultimately  prevail. 

It  has  been  supposed  that  if  the  federalists  of  the  eastern  states  should  be 
successful  in  obtaining  that  decided  influence,  which  may  enable  them  to  di- 
rect the  public  opinion,  it  is  not  improbable,  that  rather  than  submit  to  a  con- 
tinuance of  the  diflficulties  and  distress  to  which  they  are  now  subject,  they  will 
exert  that  influence  to  bring  about  a  separation  from  the  general  union.  The 
earliest  information  on  this  subject  may  be  of  great  consequence  to  our  gov- 
ernment ;  as  it  may  also  be,  that  it  should  be  informed  huwfav,  in  such  an  evmt, 
thcif  luotild  look  to  England  for  aamtance,  or  be  disposed  to  enter  into  a  connection 
roith  us. 

Although  it  would  be  highly  inexpedient  that  you  should  in  any  manner  ap- 
pear as  an  avowed  agent ;  yet  if  you  could  contrive  to  obtain  an  intimacy  with 
any  of  the  leading  party,  it  may  not  be  improper  that  you  should  insinuate, 
though  with  great  caution,  that  if  they  should  wish  to  enter  into  any  communication 
tvith  our  government  through  me,  you  are  authorized  to  receive  any  mich,  and  -tvill 
tafrly  transmit  it  to  me.-  and  as  it  may  not  be  impossible  that  they  should  require 
some  document  by  which  they  may  be  assured,  that  you  are  really  in  the  situ- 
ation in  which  you  represent  yourself,  /  enclose  a  credential  to  be  produced  in 
that  vin>/.  But  I  most  particularly  enjoin  and  tlirect,  that  you  do  not  make  use 
of  this  paper,  uiiIcns  a  desire  to  that  purpose  should  be  expressed ;  mv\  unless 
you  see  good  ground  for  exftecting  th;U  the  doing  so  may  lead  to  a  more  confidential 
communication,  than  you  can  otherwise  looker. 

1  request  tu  hear  from  you  as  frequently  as  possible :  anil  as  letters  addressed 
to  me  might  excite  suspicion,  it  may  be  as  well  that  you  put  tiiem  under  rover 

to  Mr. .  And  as  even  the  addressing  letters  always  to  the  Siune  person 

might  atti-ftct  notice,  I  recommend  your  sometimes  addressing  vour  packets  to 
the  chief  justice  here,  or  occasionally,  though  seldom,  to  Mr.  Uyland }  but  never 
with  the  addition  of  his  oflicial  dcMc'riptiun. 

I  am,  sir,  yuu  most  obedient,  humble  servant, 

(Signed)  J.  II.  CR  VIO. 

•ftihn  Henry,  Esq. 

No.  IV. 

Credential  from  sir  Jamen  Craig  to  J\lr.  Henry. 
(Copy.)  [hkai..] 

The  bonrrr,  Mr.  John  Henry,  is  rmplovcd  by  me  :  and  full  ronfidonre  may  be 
placed  in  him  for  any  cominunicatioii  wliich  any  person  may  wiwh  to  make  to 
roe  nntlie  business  commilled  to  him.  \n  faith  of  which  I  have  given  him  this,  un- 
der my  hand  and  seal  at  Quebec,  the  6th  day  of  Fcbruai-)',  1^"^- 

(Signed)  .1.  11.  CR\IG. 


146 


POUtlCAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[ciiAF.  3r. 


0 


No.V. 
To  his  excelkncy  the  Governor  General,  &c.  in  answer  to  his  letter  of  instructions, 

Montreal,  February  10,  1809. 
Sir — I  have  the  honour  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  excellency's  let- 
ter of  instructions,  the  letter  of  credence,  and  the  cypher  for  carrying  on  my 
correspondence.  I  have  bestowed  much  psuns  upon  the  cypher ;  and  am,  not- 
withstanding this,  deficient  in  some  points  which  might  enable  me  to  undei-^ 
stand  it  clearly.  I  have  compared  the  example  with  my  own  exemplification 
of  the  cypher,  and  find  a  difference  in  the  results ;  and  as  the  present  moment 
seems  favourable  to  the  interference  of  his  majesty's  government  in  the  mea- 
sures pursued  by  the  federal  party  in  the  northern  states,  and  more  especially 
M  the  assembly  of  Massachusetts  is  now  in  session,  I  think  it  better  to  set  for- 
ward immediately,  than  wait  for  any  further  explanation  of  the  means  of  car- 
rying on  u  secret  correspondence  ;  which  the  frequency  of  safe  jjrivate  convey- 
ances to  Canada  will  render  almost  wholly  unnecessary.  Should  it,  however,  be 
necessary  at  any  time,  I  take  leave  to  suggest  that  the  index  alone  furnishes  a 
very  i*afe  and  simple  mode.  In  it  there  is  a  number  for  every  letter  in  the  al- 

iihabct,  and  particular  numbers  for  particular  phrases;  so  that  when  1  do  not 
ind  in  the  index  the  particular  word  I  want,  I  can  spell  it  with  tlie  figures 
"which  stand  ryyposite  to  the  lettcra.  For  example,  if  I  want  to  say  that  "troops 
are  at  All^any,"  I  find  under  the  letter  "  t"  that  number  ffieen  stands  for 
"  troops.*'  and  number  one  hundred  and  twenty-five  for  "  Albany."  Tlie  inter- 
vening worus  "  are  at"  I  supply  by  figiires  corresponding  with  the  letters  in, 
these  words. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c.  J.  U't. 

No.  VI. 

Burlington,  Vermont,  Feb.  14,  1809, 
Sir— I  haveremainel  here  two  days,  in  order  fully  to  ascertain  the  progress 
«{' the  arrangements  heretofore  made  for  the  organization  of  an  rodent  oMionilion  to 
the  general  govemmerJ,  as  well  as  to  become  acquainted  with  the  opinions  of  the 
leading  people,  relative  to  tlie  measures  of  that  party  which  has  the  ascenden- 
cy in  tlie  national  councils. 

On  the  subject  of  the  embargo  laws  there  seems  but  one  opinion  ;  namely, 
that  they  are  unnecessary,  oppressive,  and  uncomtitutionnl.  It  must  also  be  oh- 
sened,  that  the  execution  of  them  is  so  invidious  as  to  attract  towards  the  ofti- 
cers  of  government  the  enmity  of  the  people,  which  is  of  coiirse  transferable  to 
the  government  itself;  so  that  in  case  tlie  state  of  Massachusetts  shouhl  tako 
any  bold  step  towards  resisting  tlie  execution  of  tliesc  laws,  it  is  highly  proba- 
ble that  it  may  calculate  upon  tlie  hearty  ro-operation  of  the  people  of  Vermont. 
I  Irani  that  tlie  governor  of  this  state  is  now  visiting  the  towns  in  the  north- 
ern [.ection  of  it ;  and  mahes  no  secret  of  his  detcrminati'in,  as  commander  in  chief 
(fthe  militia,  to  refuse  obedience  to  any  commundfrom  t/ie  general  goveiviment  which 
ran  tend  to  interrupt  the  good  understanding  that  pievailn  between  the  citizens  of 
Vernwnt  and  /us  m([iesty'n  subjects  in  Canada.  It  is  further  intimated,  that  in 
ease  of  a  war,  he  tvill  use  his  in.fluence  to  preserve  the  state  neutral  ,■  and  resist, 
with  all  the  force  he  can  command,  any  attempt  to  make  it  a  party.  I  need 
not  add,  that  if  these  resolutions  are  carried  into  effect,  the  state  of  Vermont  may 
be  coiuiilered  an  an  ally  of  Great  Uritain. 

To  what  extent  tJie  sentiments  which  prevail  in  this  quarter  exist  in  the 
Rrighbnunng  states,  or  even  in  the  eastcrn'section  of  this  state,  I  am  notable 
to  conjectuH'.  I  can  only  say,  with  certainty,  that  the  leading  men  of  the  federal 
party  act  in  concert ;  and,  therefore,  infer  tltat  a  common  sentiment  pervades 
Uic  whole  body  throughout  New  F.ngland. 

I  have  seen  a  h-lter  from  a  gentleman  now  at  Washington,  to  his  friend  in  tl' . 
place  :  and  us  its  contents  may  .serve  to  throw  some  hght  on  passing  events 
there,  I  shall  send  either  the  original  or  a  copy  wttli  this  (lespntch.  The  writer 
of  the  letter  is  a  muii  of  character  and  veracity  ;  and  whcllier  competent  or  not 
to  form  correct  opinions  himself,  is  probaldy  within  the  reach  of  all  the  know- 
ledge that  can  be  obtaihfd  by  the  party  to  which  he  hclongH,  It  appear*  by  i.!^ 
statement,  that  there  in  a  very  formulable  majority  in  congress  on  tlie  side  of  the 
.idnunistnaiun  ;  notwiUtsUuicliiig  wliich,  there  is  every  rguson  to  l^opc,  tluit  t/to 


cBAF.  2r< 


HENRY'S  WtiaSION. 


147 


northern  states  in  their  distinct  capacity  loiUumte  ami  resist  by  force  a  var  -mth 
Great  Bntain.  In  what  mode  this  resistance  will  first  show  itself,  is  probably 
not  yet  determined  upon ;  and  may  in  some  measure  depeno  upon  the  reliance 
that  the  leading  men  may  place  upon  assurances  of  support  from  his  majesty's 
representatives  in  Canada;  and  as  I  shall  be  m  tlie  simt  to  tender  tids, -whenever 
the  moment  arnves  tltat  it  can  be  done  -with  effect^  there  is  no  doubt  that  all  their 
measures  may  be  made  subordinate  to  tlie  ivtentiu.  j>  of  his  majesty's  govemtnent. 
Great  pains  are  taken  by  the  men  of  talents  and  intelligence,  to  confirm  the  fears 
of  the  common  people,  as  to  the  concurrence  of  the  southern  democrats  in  the  projects 
of  France  ,•  and  every  thing  tends  to  encourage  the  belief,  that  the  dissolution  of  tlie 
confederacy  will  be  accelerated  by  that  spirit  which  now  actuates  both  political 
parties.  -        ,        , 

I  am,  &c.  A.  B. 

„.  No. -MI. 

'^  fFindsor,  Vermont,  February  19,  IS09. 

Sir — My  last  was  written  at  Burlington,  the  principal  town  in  the  northern 
part  of  tlie  state  of  Vermont.  1  am  now  at  the  principal  town  in  the  eastern 
section. 

The  fallacy  of  men's  opinions,  when  they  act  under  the  influence  of  sensibi- 
lity, and  are  strongly  excited  by  those  hopes  which  always  animate  a  rising  par- 
ty, leads  me  to  doubt  the  correctness  of  the  opinion  which  I  received  in  the 
northern  section  of  this  state  j  whicli,  from  its  contiguity  to  Canada,  and  neces- 
sary intercourse  with  Montreal,  has  a  strong  interest  in  promoting  a  good  u;i- 
derstanding  witli  his  majesty's  government.  Therefore,  since  my  departure  from 
Burlington,  1  have  sought  every  favourable  occasion  of  conversing  with  the  de- 
mocrats on  the  probable  result  of  the  policy  adopted  by  the  general  govern- 
ment   The  difference  of  opinion  iathus  expressed. 

The  federal  party  declare,  that  in  the  event  of  a  war,  tlte  state  of  Vermont  will 
treat  separately  for  itself  with  Great  Britain,-  and  support,  to  the  utmost,  the 
stipulitions  into  whicli  it  may  enter,  witiiout  any  regard  to  the  policy  of  the 
general  government.    The  democrats  on  the  other  hand  assert,  that,  in  such  a 
case  as  that  contemplated,  the  people  would  nearly  be  divided  into  equal  num- 
bers ;  one  of  which  would  support  the  government,  if  it  could  be  done  without 
involving  the  people  in  a  civil  war :  but  at  all  events  would  risk  every  thing 
in  preference  to  a  coalition  with  Great  Britain.  This  difierencs  of  opinion  is  not 
to  be  wholly  ascribed  to  the  prejudices  of  party.    The  people  in  the  eastern 
section  of  Vermont  are  not  operated  upon  by  the  same  hopes  and  fears  as  those 
ou  the  borders  of  the  British  colony.  They  are  not  dependent  upon  Montreal  for 
tlic  sale  of  their  produce,  nor  the  supply  of  foreign  commodities.  They  are  not 
apprehensive  of  any  serious  dangers  or  inconvenience  from  a  state  of  war :  and 
although  they  admit  that  the  governor,  council,  and  three-fourths  of  the  repre- 
sentation in  congress  are  of  tiie  fcdt^ral  party,  yet  they  do  not  believe  that  the 
state  would  stand  alone  and  resist  tlie  national  government.  They  do  not,  how- 
ever, deny,  that  should  the  state  of  Vermont  continue  to  be  represented  as  it  is 
at  present,  it  would  in  all  probability  unite  widi  the  neighbouring  states  in  any 
serious  plan  of  resistance  to  a  war,  which  it  might  seem  expedient  to  adopK 
Tltisl  thinkistlic  safer  opinion  for  you  to  rely  on;  if,  indeed,  reliance  ought  to 
be  placed  on  any  measure  depending  upon  the  will  of  the  rabble,  which  is  ever 
changing,  and  must  ever  be  marked  with  ignorance,  caprice,  and  inconstancy. 
As  the  crisis  approaches,  the  difficulty  of  deciding  upon  an  hazardous  alterna- 
tive will  increase.     And  unfortunately  there  is  not  in  Vermont  any  man  of  com- 
manding talents,  capable  of  attracting  general  cmifldence  ,■  of  infusing  into  tlje 
people  ni-  "wn  spirit ;  and,  amidst  the  confusion  of  conflicting  opinions,  dan- 
gers and  commotion,  competent  to  lead  in  the  path  of  duty  or  Hnfcty.  The  go- 
vernor is  an  industrious,  prudent  man,  and  has  more  personal  influence  than 
■ny  other.     Hut  his  abilities  are  not  suited  to  the  situation  in  which  a  civil  Wju: 
would  place  him. 

I  nm,  &c.  A.  B. 

No.Vni. 
.^mlmrst,  J\'nv  Ifarnfishire,  February  2,%  1809, 
Sir—A  gentleman  going  direct  to  Cnnuda,  aft'ords  a  safe  and  favourable  op. 
portviniiy  of  givint;  you  gomo  further  account  of  my  progress.    I  will  not  make 


ff 


l!    i 


148 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[CBAP.  27. 


use  of  the  post-offices,  when  I  can  avoid  it;  because  private  occasions  super- 
cede the  necessity  of  writing  in  cypher  And  the  contempt  of  decency  and 
principle,  which  forms  part  of  the  morals  of  the  subaltern  officers  of  a  demo- 
cracy, would  incline  them  to  break  a  seal  with  tlie  same  indifl'erence  tliat  they 
break  their  words,  when  eitlier  curiosity  or  interest  is  to  be  indulged. 

I  have  not  had  sufficient  time  nor  evidence,  to  enable  me  to  form  any  opinion 
for  myself,  of  the  lengths  to  which  the  federal  party  will  carry  opposition  to  the 
national  government  in  the  event  of  a  war.  Much  may  be  inferred  from  the 
result  of  the  elections  of  governors,  which  within  two  months  will  be  made  in 
the  states  of  Massachusetts,  New  Hampshire  and  Nhode  Island.  From  all  I 
know,  and  all  I  can  learn  of  the  general  government,  I  am  not  apprehensive  of 
an  immediate  war.  The  embargo  is  the  favourite  measure  And  it  is  probable 
that  other  means  will  be  employed  to  excite  England  to  commit  some  act  of 
hostility,  for  the  sole  purpose  of  placing  the  responsibility  of  war  on  that  coun- 
try. This  I  most  particularly  recommend  to  tlie  consideration  of  ministers.  The 
dread  of  opposition,  and  the  loss  of  popularity,  will  certainly  keep  the  ruling 
party  at  Washington  inactive.  They  will  risk  any  thing  but  the  loss  of  power ; 
and  they  are  well  aware  tliat  their  power  would  pass  away  with  the  first  cala- 
mity which  their  measures  might  bniig  upon  the  common  people  (from  whom 
that  power  emanates)  unless  indeed  they  could  find  a  sufficient  excuse  in  the 
conduct  of  Great  Britain.  This  impi'esaion  cannot  be  too  deeply  felt  by  his 
majesty's  ministers ;  nor  too  widely  spread  throughout  the  British  nation.  It 
will  furnish  a  sure  guide  in  every  policy  that  may  be  adopted  towards  the  Uni- 
ted States. 

I  have  tlie  honour  to  be,  &c.  A.  B. 

Mo.  IX. 

Boston,March  5, 1809. 

Sii< — It  does  not  yet  appear  necessary  that  I  should  discover  to  any  person 
the  purpose  of  my  visit  to  Boston ;  nor  is  it  probable  that  I  shall  be  compelled, 
for  the  sake  of  gaining  more  knowledge  of  the  arrangements  of  the  federal 
party  in  these  states,  to  avow  myself  as  a  regular  authorised  agent  of  the  Bri- 
tish government,  even  with  those  individuals  who  would  f jei  equally  bound 
with  myself  to  preserve,  with  the  utmost  inscrutability,  so  importaiit  a  secret 
from  the  public  eye. 

/  have  nifficient  means  of  information  to  enable  me  to  judge  of  the  proper  period 
for  offering  tite  co-operation  of  Great  Britain,  and  opening  a  correspondence  be- 
tweai  the  governor  general  of  British  America  and  .hose  ..uUviduiUs,  -who,  from 
the  part  they  take  in  the  opposition  to  the  national  government,  or  tlie  ii\fluence  tfiey 
may  possess  in  any  tiew  order  of  tilings,  that  may  grow  out  of  the  present  differences, 
should  be  qualiiied  to  act  in  behalf  of  the  northern  states.  An  apprehension  of 
any  such  state  of  tilings,  as  is  presupposed  by  these  remarks,  begins  to  sul)8ide ; 
since  it  has  appeared,  by  the  conduct  of  tlic  g^cneral  government,  that  it  is  se- 
rioiislv  alarmed  at  the  menacing  attitude  of  the  northern  states.  But  although 
it  is  believed  that  tliere  is  no  probabilitv  of  an  immediate  war,  yet  no  doubts 
are  entertained  that  Mr.  Madison  will  fall  on  some  new  expedients  to  bring 
aiiout  hostilities.  What  these  may  be,  can  only  be  deduced  from  what  appears 
to  be  practicable.  A  non-inlercsurse  with  England  and  France  will  probably  su- 
percede the  embargo  ;  which,  by  c, — lug  with  the  rest  of  Europe  a  partial  le- 
gitimate commerce,  and  aflbrding  strong  temptations  to  that  which  is  illeg^al, 
will  expose  the  vessels  to  capture,  detention,  and  cmbbrrassment ;  will  justify 
the  present  policy  ;  and  produce  such  a  degree  of  irritation  and  resentment,  as 
will  enable  the  government  of  this  countrj'  to  throw  the  whole  blame  and  rc- 
■ponsibility  of  war  from  its  shoulders  upon  tli  ise  of  the  British  ministry. 
if  in  tliis,  Uic  party  attached  to  France  should  calculate  with  correctness,  and 
the  conmienx  of  New  England  should  greatly  sufler  j  the  merchants  being  in- 
jured and  discouraged,  would  not  only  acquiesce  in  tiie  restrictive  system,  but 
even  submit  to  war.  On  (he  other  hand,  should  the  small  traffic  permitted  by  a 
non-intercourse  law  be  lucrative  and  uninterrupted,  the  people  would  hi-  clamo- 
rmin  for  more,  and  soon  compel  tlie  government  to  rcHfore  the  friendly  relations  he- 
hveni  th>!  tvo  cotmtrifs.  While  1  offer  my  opinion  on  this  subject,  I  cannot  but 
«^pr€8s  a  strong  hope,  that,  if  any  terms  should  be  proposed  by  cither  govern* 


CHAP.  27.] 


HENRY'S  MISSION. 


149 


ment,  to  which  the  other  might  think  proper  to  accede,  that  A  PRINCIPAL 
MOTIVE  TO  THE  ADJUSTMENT  OF  DIFFERENCES  SHOULD  BE  UN- 
DERSTOOD TO  ARISE  FROM  THE  AMICABLE  DISPOSITION  OF  THE 
EASTERN  STATES,  PARTICULARLY  OF  THE  STATE  OF  MASSACHU- 
SETTS. THIS,  AS  IT  WOULD  INCREASE  THE  POPULARITY  OF  THE 
FRIENDS  OF  GREAT  BRITAIN,  COULD  NOT  FAIL  TO  PROMOTE  HER 
INTERESTS.  If  it  could  not  be  done  formally  and  officially,  nor  in  a  correspon- 
dence between  ministers,  still  perhaps  the  administration  in  the  parliament  of 
Great  Britiun  might  take  that  ground  :  and  the  suggestion  would  find  its  way 
into  the  papers  both  in  England  and.  America. 

It  cannot  be  too  frequently  repeated,  that  this  country  can  only  be  governed 
and  directed  by  the  influence  of  opinion  :  as  there  is  nothing  permanent  in  its 

f)olitical  institutions ;  nor  are  the  populace,  under  any  circumstances,  to  be  re- 
ied  on,  when  measures  become  inconvenient  and  burdensome.  I  wiU  soon 
write  again,  and  am,  8(C.  A.  B. 

No.X. 

Boston,  March  7, 1809. 
Sir — I  have  aln  idy  given  a  decided  opinion  that  a  declaration  of  war  is  not  to 
be  expected ;  but,  contrary  to  all  reasonable  calculation,  should  the  congress 
possess  spirit  and  independence  enough  to  place  their  popularity  in  jeopardy 
by  so  strong  a  measure,  THE  LEGISLATURE  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  WILL 
GIVE  THE  TONE  TO  THE  NEIGHBOURING  STATES;  WILL  DECLARE 
ITSELF  PERMANENT  UNTIL  A  NEW  ELECTION  OF  MEMBERS  ;  IN- 
VITE  A  CONGRESS,  TO  BE  COMPOSED  OF  DELEGATES  FROM  THE 
FEDERAL  STATES.  AND  ERECT  A  SEPARATE  GOVERNMENT  FOR 
THEIR  COMMON  DEFENCE  AND  COMMON  INTEREST. 

This  congress  would  probably  begin  by  abrogating  the  offensive  laws,  and 
adopting  a  plan  for  the  maintenance  of  the  power  and  authority  thus  assumed. 
T/u-t/  -would  by  such  an  act  be  tit  a  conditioii  to  make  or  i-eceive  proposals  from  Great 
Britain ;  and  I  should  seize  the  first  moment  to  open  a  correspondence  with 
your  excellency.  Scarce  any  other  aid  would  be  necessary,  and  perhaps  none 
required,  than  a  few  vessels  of  war  from  the  Halifax  station,  to  protect  the  ma- 
ritime towns  from  the  little  navy  which  is  at  the  disposal  of  the  national  gov- 
ernment. What  permanent  connection  between  Great  Britain  and  this  section 
of  the  republic  would  grow  out  of  a  civil  commotion,  such  as  might  be  ex. 
pccted,  no  person  is  prepared  to  decide.  But  it  seems  that  a  strict  alliance 
must  result  of  necessity.  At  present  the  opposition  party  confine  their  calcu. 
lations  merely  to  resistance  ;  and  1  can  assure  you  that  at  this  moment  they  do 
not  freely  entertain  the  project  of  withdrawing  the  eastern  states  from  the 
union,  finding  it  a  very  unpopular  topic ;  although  a  course  of  events,  such  as  I 
have  already  mentioned,  would  inevitably  produce  an  incurable  alienation  of 
the  New  England  from  the  southern  states.  The  truth  is,  the  common  people 
have  so  long  regarded  the  constitution  of  the  United  States  with  complacency, 
that  tliey  are  now  only  disposed  in  this  quarter  to  treat  it  like -v  truant  mistress, 
whom  they  would  for  a  time  put  avvay  on  a  separate  maintenance,  but,  without 
farther  atul  greater  provocation,  would  not  absolutely  repudiate. 

In  all  1  have  written,  I  have  been  careful  not  to  make  any  impression  anala- 
gnus  to  the  enthusiastic  confid«yice  entertained  by  the  opposition,  nor  to  the 
hopes  and  expectations  that  animate  the  friends  of  an  alliance  between  the 
northern  states  and  Great  Britain.  I  have  abstracted  myself  from  all  the  sym- 
pathies these  are  calculated  to  inspire  ;  because,  notwithstanding  ♦hat  I  feel 
the  utmost  confidence  in  the  integrity  of  intention  of  the  leading  characters  in 
this  political  drama,  1  cannot  forget  that  they  derive  their  poweV  from  a  giddy, 
inconstant  multitude ;  who,  tmless,  in  the  mstance  under  consideration,  they 
form  an  exception  to  all  gcucirJ  rules  and  experience,  will  act  inconsistently 
•nd  absurdly. 

lam,  Sec.  A.  B, 

No  XI.  » 

Boston,  March  10, 1809. 
Sir — In  mv  letter    No.  9,  I  took  the  liberty  to  express  jmy  opinion  of  tho 
probable  <'i.octof  the  non-intercourse  luw  intended  to  be  enactcu  j  and  of  the 
O.  D.         31 


'» 


yOUTICAL  OUVE  BRANCH. 


[chap.  2/. 


mode  by  which  Great  Britain  may  defeat  the  real  intention  of  the  American 
government  in  passing  it.  But  as  the  sort  of  impunity  recommended  might,  in 
its  application  to  every  species  of  commerce  that  would  be  carrie  I  on,  be 
deemed  by  Great  Britain  a  greater  evil  than  war  itself,  a  middle  course  might 
easily  be  adopted,  which  would  deprive  France  of  the  benefit  resulting  from 
an  intercourse  with  America,  without,  in  any  great  degi-ee,  irritating  the  mari- 
time states. 

The  high  price  of  all  American  produce  in  France  furnishes  a  temptatiort 
which  mercantile  avarice  will  be  unable  to  resist.  Tlie  consequence  is  obvious. 
But  if  instead  of  condemning  the  vessels  and  cargoes  which  may  be  arrested  in 
pursuing  this  prohibited  commerce,  they  should  be  compelled  to  go  into  a 
British  port,  and  there  permitted  to  sell  them,  I  think  the  friends  of  England  in 
these  states  would  not  utter  a  complaint.  Indeed,  I  have  no  doubt,  that  if,  in 
the  prosecution  of  a  la\yful  voyage,  tlie  British  cruizers  should  treat  American 
ships  in  tliis  manner,  their  owners  would,  in  the  present  state  of  the  European 
markets,  think  themselves  very  fortunate  ;  as  it  Would  save  them  the  trouble 
and  expense  of  landing  them  in  a  neutral  port,  and  from  thence  re-shipping 
them  to  England,  now  the  best  market  in  Europe  for  the  produce  of  this  coun- 
try. The  government  of  the  United  States  would  probably  complain,  and  Bona^ 
parte  become  peremptory ;  but  even  tliut  would  only  tend  to  render  the  op- 
position in  tlie  northern  states  more  resolute,  and  accelerate  the  dissolution  of 
the  confederacy.  The  generosity  and  justice  of  Great  Britain  would  be  extoll- 
ed, and  the  commercial  states  exult  in  the  success  of  individuals  over  a  govern- 
ment inimical  to  commerce,  and  to  whose  measures  tliey  can  no  longer  submit 
with  patient  acquiescence.  A.  B. 

No.  XII. 

Bosto7i,  March  13, 1809. 

Sir — You  will  perceive,  from  tlie  accounts  that  will  reach  you  in  the  public 
papers  both  from  Wasltington  ami  Massarhusetts,  that  the  federalists  of  the 
northern  states  luive  succeeded  in  making  the  congress  believe,  that  with  such 
an  opposition  as  they  would  make  to  the  general  government,  a  war  must  be 
confined  to  their  own  territory,  and  miglit  be  even  too  much  for  that  govern- 
ment to  sustain.  T!ie  consequence  is,  that  after  all  the  parade  and  menaces 
with  which  the  session  commenced,  it  has  been  sufTcred  to  end  without  carry- 
ing into  effect  liny  of  the  plans  of  the  administration,  except  the  interdiction  of 
commercial  intercourse  with .  England  and  France — an  event  that  was  anticipa- 
ted in  my  former  letters. 

Under  what  new  circumstances  the  congress  will  meet  in  May,  will  depend 
on  tlie  state  elections,  and  tin-  chan|?cs  that  may  in  the  mean  time  take  place  in 
Europe.  With  regunl  to  Great  Britain,  she  can  scarce  mistake  her  true  policy 
in  relation  to  America.  If  peace  be  the  object,  every  act  which  can  irritate 
the  maritime  states  ought  to  he  avoided  ;  because  the  prevailing  disposition  of 
the.se  will  generally  be  siithcient  to  keep  the  government  from  h.azarding  any 
hostile  measures.  If  a  ivnr  between  ,1im'rica  and  France  be  a  grand  desideratum, 
Bonv't/iinir  more  must  be  done  ,■  an  indulffenl  cnnciliatory  p'tUcji  must  he  adopted, 
which  will  leave  the  democrats  without  a  pretext  for  hostilities  ;  and  Boiuparte, 
whose  passions  arc  too  hot  for  deliiy,  will,  probably,  compel  this  government 
to  decide  which  of  the  two  great  belligerents  is  to  be  its  enemy.  To  bring 
about  a  separation  of  the  states,  under  ilintinet  and  independent  government  a,  is  an 
affair  f'f  viare  uncertaiutij  ,■  and,  hnwrver  desirable,  cannot  be  effected  biU  bif  a  se- 
ries of  acts  andlnnff  cnntinned Iwlic;!,  tending  to  irritate  the  sovt/iern,  and  cunciHate. 
the  nortliern  penph:  The  i'wnner  are  an  agricultural,  the  latter  a  commercial 
people.  The  mode  ot'cheiring  and  dei)rossing  eillier,  is  too  obvious  to  require 
illustration.  This,  I  um  aware,  is  an  object  of  much  interest  in  Great  Britain  ; 
USiV  -ivoxi'd  forever  •sieiire  the  intes^riti/  of  hi:i  m(//''.v///'.v  pnnsessiom  on  the  rontinevf, 
and  MAKK  TilK  r\\  O  (;()VKl{NNiF,NI  S,  ()»  WFIATF.YKR  M  MUrU  THE 
PRE.SEM' CONrr.DKUAC'Y   MKillT  I'OUM  INTO,  AS  USF.Fl'L  AND  AS 

iviucii  sni.ir.cT  ro  TfiK  init,i'KN(;i',  ofgiieat  bihtain,  as  her 

COLONIES  CAN  BE  UENDEUEI)  *     But  it  is  an  object  only  to  be  attxincd  by 

•  This  sentence  s]K'uks  volumes  against  the  policy  of  those  misguided  and 
tlaiigti'oiis  citi/Ans,  who  have  been  .so  zealous:,  for  the  doslniction  of  the  union. 


CHAP,  27.] 


HENRY'S  MISSION. 


151 


slow  and  circumspect  progression ;  and  requires  for  its  consummation  more  at- 
tention to  the  artairs  which  agitate  and  excite  parties  in  this  country,  than  Great 
Britain  lias  yet  bestowed  upon  it.  An  unpopular  war;  that  is,  a  war  produced 
by  the  hatred  and  prejudices  of  one  party,  but  against  the  consent  of  the  other 
party,  can  alone  produce  a  sudden  separation  of  any  section  of  this  countryfrom 
the  common  head. 

At  all  events,  it  cannot  be  necessary  to  the  preservation  of  peace,  that  Great 
Britain  should  make  any  great  concessions  at  the  present  moment ;  more  espe- 
vially  as  the  more  important  changes  that  occur  in  Europe,  might  render  it  inconvC' 
vieiUfor  her  to  adhere  to  any  stipulations  in  favour  of  neutral  maritime  nations. 

Althougli  the  non-intercourse  law  aflbrds  but  a  partial  relief  to  the  people 
of  this  country  from  the  evils  of  that  entire  suspension  of  commerce  to  which 
they  have  reluctantly  submitted  for  some  time  past,  1  lament  the  repeal  of  the 
embargo  ;  because  it  was  calculated  to  accelerate  the  progress  if  these  states  towards 
a  revolution  that  ivovld  have  put  an  end  to  the  only  republic  tuU  remains,  to  prove 
that  a  goveiiiment  founded  on  political  equality  can  exist  in  a  season  uf  trial  and 
difficulty,  or  is  calculated  to  insure  either  secudty  or  happiness  io  a  people. 

.  I  am,  &c.  ..  A.  B. 

No.  XIU. 

Boston,  March  20,  1809. 

Sir — The  last  week  of  this  month  and  the  first  of  April  will  be  occupied  in  the 
election  ofgovernoi-s  and  other  executive  officers  in  the  New  England  states. 

The  federal  candidate  in  New  Hampshire  is  already  elected  by  a  majority  of 
about  a  thousand  votes,  tiis  competitor  was  a  man  of  large  fortune,  extensive 
connections,  and  inoffensive  manners.  These  account  for  the  smallncss  of  the 
niiijority. 

in  Connecticut,  no  change  is  necessary :  and  none  is  to  be  apprehended. 

In  Khode  Island,  it  is  of  no  consequence  o*"  what  party  the  governor  is  a 
member  :  as  he  has  neither  civil  nor  military  power,  being  merely  president  of 
the  council. 

In  Massachusetts,  it  is  certain  ti»a^  the  federal  candidate  will  succeed. 

A  few  weeks  will  be  sufficient  in  oixler  to  determine  the  reJative  strength  of 
parties,  and  convince  Mr.  Madison  that  a  war  with  Great  Britain  is  not  a  mea- 
sure upon  which  he  dare  venture.  Since  tl  e  plan  of  an  organised  opposition 
to  the  projects  of  Mr.  Jefferson  was  put  into  operation,  the  whole  of  the  New 
England  states  have  transferred  their  pc.litii  al  power  to  his  pohtical  enemies : 
and  the  reason  that  he  iias  still  so  many  adherents  is,  that  those  who  consider 
tlie  only  true  policy  of  America  to  consist  in  the  cultivation  of  peace,  have  still 
great  confitlence,  that  nothing  can  force  him  (or  his  successor  who  acts  up  to 
liis  system,  or  rather  is  governed  by  it)  to  consent  to  war.  They  consider  all 
the  mcniices  and  "dreadHil  note  of  preparation"  to  be  a  mere  finesse,  intended 
only  to  obtain  concessions  from. England  on  cheap  terms.  From  every  sort  of 
evidence,  1  confess  I  am  myself  of  the  same  opinion  ;  and  am  fully  persuaded 
that  the  farce  tuhich  has  been  acting  at  iVnshington  wilt  terminate  in  full  proof  of 
the  imbecility  and  spiritless  tem/nr  of  the  uclors.  A  war  attempted  without  the  con- 
currence of  both  parties,  and  the  general  consent  of  the  northern  states,  which 
constitute  the  bone  and  nnisclo  of  the  country,  must  commence  without  hope, 
and  end  in  disgrace.  11'  HllOUl.D,  rilEUEPORE,  BE  THE  PECULIAR 
CARE  OFGUEA'r  lUUIAlN  TO  FOSTER  DIVISIONS  BETWEEN  THE 
NOU'I'H  AND  SOUTH :  ami  by  succeeding  in  this,  she  may  caiTi/  into  effect 
her  oum  projects  in  Europe,  icith  a  total  disregard  of  the  resentment  of  the  demo- 
crats of  this  country. 

I  am,  &c.  A.  B. 

No.  XIV. 

J}osfon,Jpril  13,  1809. 
Sm — I  send  to  Mr.  R.  a  pam])hlet  entitled  "Suppressed  Documents."  Tha 
not"s  and  comments  were  written  by  the  gentleman  who  has  written  the  "  ana- 
lysis," which  I  sent  bv  a  former  conveyance.  'I'hese  works  have  greatly  con. 
tributed  to  excite  the  fears  of  tlic  men  of  talents  and  pro))erty  ;  who  now  prefer 
the  choire  uf  maintaining  their  party  by  open  resistance  and  fnal  separation,  to  an 
Alliance  with  I'rancc,  and  a  war  with  England.    So  that  alioiild  the  govcrnnjcnti 


h 


M 


^3|l. 


l^OLITrCAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[CHAF.  27 


unexpectedly,  and  contrary  to  all  reasonable  calculation,  attempt  to  involve  the 
countiy  in  a  measure  of  that  nature,  1  am  convinced  (now  that  the  elections 
have  sJl  teiininated  favourably)  that  none  of  the  JVew  England  states  -would  be  a 
party  in  it.  But,  as  I  have  repeatedly  written,  the  general  government  does  not 
seriously  entertain  any  such  desire  or  intention.  Had  the  majority  in  the  New 
England  states  continued  to  approve  of  the  public  measures,  it  is  extremely 
probable  that  Great  Britmn  would  now  have  to  choose  between  war  and  con- 
cession. But  the  aspect  of  things  in  this  respect  is  changed ;  and  a  war  would 
produce  an  incurable  aJienatiun  of  the  eastern  states,  and  bring  the  whole  coun- 
try  in  subordination  to  the  interest  of  England,  -whose  navy  would  prescribe  and 
enforce  the  terms  upon  -which  tfie  commercial  states  should  carry,  and  the  agricultu- 
ral states  export,  t/ieir  surplus  produce.  All  this  is  as  well  known  to  the  demo- 
crats as  to  the  other  party.  Therefore  they  will  avoid  a  war,  at  least  until  the 
whole  nation  is  imanimous  for  it.  Still,  when  we  consider  of  what  materials  the 
government  is  formed,  it  is  impiossible  to  speak  with  any  certainty  of  their  mea- 
sures. The  past  administration  in  every  transaction  presents  to  the  mind  only 
a  muddy  commixture  of  folly,  weakness,  and  duplicity.  The  spell,  by  which 
the  nations  of  Eun)pe  have  been  rendered  inert  and  mefficient  when  they  at- 
tempted to  shake  it  off,  has  stretched  its  shadow  across  the  Atlantic,  and  made  a 
majority  of  t/ie  people  of  these  states  alike  blind  to  duty  and  to  their  interests. 

I  am,  &c.  A.  B. 

No,  XV. 

Boston,  Jpril  26, 1809. 

8iH— Since  my  letter  No.  14, 1  have  had  but  little  to  communicate. 

I  have  not  yet  been  able  to  ascertain  with  sufficient  accuracy  the  relative 
Strength  of  the  two  parties  in  the  legislative  bodies  in  New  England. 

In  all  the  states,  however,  governors  have  been  elected  out  of  the  federal 
party ;  and  even  the  southern  papers  indicate  an  unexpected  augmentation  of 
federal  members  in  the  next  congfress. 

The  con-espondence  between  Erskine  and  tlie  secretary  of  state  at  Wash- 
ington, you  will  have  seen  before  this  can  reach  you.  It  has  given  much  satis- 
faction to  the  federal  party  here  ;  because  it  promises  an  exemption  from  the 
evil  they  most  feared  (a  war  with  England)  and  justifies  their  partiality  towards 
Great  Britain,  which,  they  maintain,  was  founded  upon  a  full  conviction  of  lier 
justice  and  sincere  disposition  to  preserve  peace.  Even  the  democrats  affect 
to  be  satisfied  with  it ;  because,  as  they  insist,  it  proves  tlie  efficacy  of  tl\e  rc- 
strictire  system  of  Mr.  Jefferson. 

But  Uic  great  benefit  that  will  probably  result  from  it,  will  be,  tiiat  Bonaparte 
may  be  induced  to  force  tiiis  country  from  her  neutind  position.  Baffled  in  his 
attempt  to  exclvide  from  this  continent  the  manufactures  of  Great  Britain,  ho 
will  most  likely  confiscate  all  American  property  in  his  dominions  and  depen- 
dencies, and  declare  war.  Nothing  could  more  than  this  contribute  to  give  in- 
fluence and  stability  to  the  British  party.  The  invidious  ocairrences  of  the  re- 
beliion  uonld  be  forgotten  in  the  resentment  of  the  people  ngainst  France  i  and  tliey 
would  be  soon  weaned  from  that  attachment  to  ner  which  is  founded  on  the  aid 
tliat  was  rendered  to  separate  from  the  mother  coimtry. 

While  Great  Britain  waits  for  this  natural,  I  might  say  necessary  result  of 
<he  negociation,  would  it  not  be  extremely  inexpedient  to  conclude  a  treaty  with 
the  American  government  i"  Every  sort  of  evidence  and  experience  prove,  tiiat 
the  democrats  consider  their  political  ascendency  in  a  great  measiire  dependent 
upon  the  hostile  spirit  that  they  can  keep  alive  towanls  Great  Uritain  ;  and  re- 
cent events  demonstrate  that  their  conduct  will  be  predicated  upon  that  convic- 
tion. It  is  therefore  not  to  be  »;xpected  tiiut  they  will  nuet  with  correspoi\ding 
feolings  a  sincere  disposition  on  Uiepart  of  Englanil  to  adjust  all  matters  in  'lis- 
pute.  Tliey  are  at  heart  niottified  and  disappointed  to  Jiiid,  that  Great  Hriluiu 
has  been  in  advance  of  the  French  government,  in  taking  advantage  of  the  pro- 
visional clauses  of  the  non-intercourse  law.  And  if  tlu y  siiow  any  spirit  at  tiu^ 
next  session  of  congress  towards  Fr.uice,  it  will  be  only  becaiisc  they  will  find 
Bonaparte  deaf  to  intreaty,  and  insensible  of  past  favours:  or  that  they  may 
think  it  safer  to  float  with  the  tide  of  |)ul)lir  ffilings  which  will  set  .strongly 
gguinsthtm,  unletwiie  ]/i.c^:\) pari  pami  with  Engiaudin  a  cuitcUiatory  policy. 


CBAt.  27.] 


HENRY'S  MISSIOlf, 


153 


When  I  began  my  letter,  I  intended  to  make  some  observations  in  relation 
to  the  boundary  line— [Here  ten  or  twelve  lines  of  the  manuscript  are  erased.] 

I  am,  &c.  A.  B. 

No.  XVI. 

Boston,  May  6, 1809. 

SiH — Although  the  recenlt  changes  tliat  have  occurred,  quiet  all  apprehen- 
sions of  war,  and  cohsequently  lessen  all  hope  of  a  separation  of  the  states,  I 
think  it  necessary  to  transmit  by  the  mail  of  each  week  a  sketch  of  passing 
events. 

On  local  politics  I  have  nothing  to  add ;  and  as  the  parade  that  is  made  in  the 
National  Intelligencer,  of  the  sincere  disposition  of  Mr.  Madison  to  preserve 
amicable  relations  with  Great  Britain,  is  in  my  opinion  calculated  to  awaken 
vigilance  and  distrust  rather  than  inspire  confidence,  I  shall  (having  nothing 
more  important  to  write  about)  take  leave  to  examine  his  motives.  I  am  not 
surprised  at  his  conditional  removal  of  the  non-intercourse  law  with  respect  to 
Great  Britain^  because  it  was  made  incumbent  on  him  by  tlie  act  of  congress ; 
but  the  observations  made  on  his  friendly  dispositions  towards  Great  Briton 
are  a  matter  of  no  little  astonishment.  The  whole  tenor  of  his  political  life 
directly  and  unequivocally  contradicts  them.  His  speech  on  the  British  treaty 
in  *95 — his  attempt  to  pass  a  law  for  the  confiscation  of  "  British  debts"  ana 
British  property — his  commercial  resolutions,  grounded  apparently  on  an  idea 
of  making  America  useful  as  a  colony  to  France — his  conduct  while  secretary 
of  state — all  form  an  assembLige  of  probabilities  tending  to  convince  me  at 
least  that  he  does  not  seriously  desire  a  treaty  in  which  the  rights  and  preten- 
.slons  of  Great  Britain  would  be  fairly  recognized.  It  seems  impossible  that 
he  should  at  once  divest  himself  of  his  habitual  animosity  and  that  pride  of 
opinion,  wliich  his  present  situation  enables  him  to  indulge  ;  but  above  all,  that 
he  should  deprive  his  friends  and  supporters  of  the  benefit  of  those  prejudices 
•which  have  been  carefully  fostered  in  the  minds  of  the  common  people  towai-ds 
England,  and  which  have  so  materially  contributed  to  invigorate  and  augment 
the  democratic  party.  Whatever  his  real  motives  may  be,  it  is  in  this  stage  of 
the  afiair  harmless  enough  to  inquire  into  the  cause  of  the  apparent  change. 
He  probably  acts  under  a  conviction,  that  in  the  present  temper  of  the  eastern 
states,  a  war  could  not  fail  to  product"  a  dissolution  of  the  imion ;  or  he  may 
have  profited  by  the  mistake  of  his  predecessor ;  and  is  inclined  to  seize  the 
present  opportimily  to  prove  to  the  world  that  he  is  determined  t»  be  the 
president  of  a  nation  rather  than  the  head  of  a  faction  ;  or  he  has  prabably 
gone  tliiis  far  to  remove  the  "mpression  on  the  mind  of  many,  that  he  was  un- 
der tiie  influence  of  France,  in  order  tliat  he  may  with  a  better  grace  and  on 
more  tenable  grounds  quarrel  with  Great  Britain  in  the  progress  of  negociating* 
a  treaty.  Whute\er  his  motives  may  be,  Tam  veiy  certain  his  party  will  not 
support  him  in  any  iMiiily  and  generous  policy.  Weak  men  are  sure  to  tem- 
porizt:  wlien  great  events  call  upon  them  for  decision  ;  and  are  sluggish  and 
inn  t  at  the  moment  when  the  worst  of  evils  is  inactivity.  This  is  the  charac- 
ter of  the  democrats  in  the  northern  states.  Of  those  of  the  south  I  know  but 
fittlc. 

A.B. 

No.  xvn. 

Boston,  May  25,  1809- 

Sir,  My  last  was  under  date  of  the  6th  instant. 

The  unexpected  change  which  has  taken  place  in  the  feelings  of  political 
men  in  this  country,  in  consequence  of  Mr.  Miwlison's  prompt  acceptance  of  the 
friendly  projiotils  of  Great  Britain,  has  caused  a  temporary  suspension  of  the 
ronfiict  of  parties ;  and  they  both  regard  him  with  equal  wonder  and  distnast. 
They  all  ascribe  his  conduct  to  various  motives ;  but  none  believe  him  to  be  in 
earnest. 

Tlic  state  of  New  York  has  returned  to  the  assembly  a  majority  of  federal 
mcnibtTH.  All  this  proves  that  an  anti-commercial  faction  cannot  nile  thecom- 
men.iul  stales.  Two  ntonths  aiyo  the  state  of  New  York  was  not  ranked  amonpf 
the  slates 'hat  would  iiv)|)t  the  policy  of  tliat  of  Massachusetts* ;  and  any-favour- 
able change  wa»  exceedingly  problematical. 


5^ 


154 


POUTICAL  OUVE  BRANCH. 


[CHAK  27. 


I 


!r1 


I  beg  leave  to  suggest  that  in  the  present  state  of  things  in  this  country,  my 
pvesence  can  contnbute  very  little  to  the  interest  of  Great  Britain.  If  Mr. 
Krskine  be  sanctioned  in  all  he  has  conceded,  by  his  majesty's  ministers,  it  is 
unneccssaiy  for  me,  as  indeed  it  would  be  unavaiUng,  to  make  any  attempt  to 
caiTy  into  eflfect  the  original  purposes  of  my  mission.  While  1  think  it  to  be  my 
duty  to  give  this  intimation  to  you,  I  beg  it  may  be  understood  that  I  consider 
myself  entirely  at  tlie  disposal  of  his  majesty's  government. 

I  am,  &c.  A.  B. 

No.  XVIII. 

Mr.  Ryland  to  Mr.  J.  Henry,  May  1,  1809. 

My  dear  sir — The  news  we  have  received  this  day  from  the  United  States 
«rill,'l  imagine,  soon  bring  you  back  to  us:  and  if  you  arrive  at  Montreal  by  the 
middle  of  June,  I  shall  probably  have  the  pleasure  of  meeting  you  there,  as  1 
am  goingup  with  sir  James  and  a  large  suite.  The  last  letters  received  from  you 
are  to  the  thirteenth  of  April ;  and  the  whole  are  now  transcribing  for  the  pur- 
pose of  being  sent  home,  where  they  cannot  fail  of  doing  you  great  credit;  and 
I  moit  sincerely  hope  that  they  may  eventually  contribute  to  your  pei'manent  advatf 
iage.  It  is  not  necessaiy  to  repeat  the  assurances  tliat  no  efl'ort  within  the  com- 
pass of  my  power  shall  be  wanting  to  this  end. 

lam  cruelly  out  of  spirits  at  the  idea  of  old  England  truckling  to  such  a  debased 
and  accursed  government  as  that  of  the  United  States. 

(Signed)  H.  W.  R, 

J.  Henry,  Esq.  Boston. 

No.  XIX. 

Mr.  Ryland  to  Mr.  Henry,  datedMay  4,  1809. 
My  dear  sir — You  must  consider  the  short  letter  I  wrote  you  by  the  last  post 
as  altogether  unofficial :  but  1  am  now  to  intimate  to  you,  in  a  more  formal  man- 
ner, our  hope  of  your  speedy  return  ;  as  the  object  of  yotir  journey  seems,  for 
the  present  at  least,  to  Be  at  an  end.  We  have  London  nt' ws  by  way  of  the  river 
up  to  the  sixth  of  March»  which  tallies  to  a  day  with  what  we  have  received  by 
the  way  of  the  states. 

(Signed)  II.  W.  R. 

No.  XX. 

Montreal,  June  12,  1809. 

Sir — I  have  the  honour  to  inform  your  excellency,  tl>  t  I  received,  through. 
Mr.  Secretary  Uyland,  your  excellency's  commands  to  return  to  Canada ;  and 
after  the  delays  incident  to  this  sea.son  of  the  yeai- in  a  journey  from  Boston, 
arrived  here  yestcrdav. 

Your  excellency  will  have  seen  by  the  papers  of  the  latest  dates  from  tlie 
United  States,  that  a  fonnidable  opposition  is  already  organized  in  congress  to 
tlie  late  measures  of  Mr.  Madison  ;  and  it  is  very  evident  that  if  he  be  sincere 
in  his  professions  of  attachment  to  Great  Britain,  his  party  will  abandon  him. 
Sixty  one  meiubei-s  have  already  voted  against  a  resolution  to  approve  of  what 
he  has  done  ;  and  I  have  no  doubt  the  rest  of  the  democratic  party  will  follow 
the  example,  as  soon  as  they  recover  from  the  astonishment  into  whicli  his  ap- 
parent defection  has  thrown  them. 

I'lie  present  hopes  of  the  federalists  are  founded  on  the  pi-obability  of  a  war 
with  France  ;  but,  at  all  events,  this  party  is  strong  and  well  organized  enough 
to  prevent  a  war  with  England.  It  would  now  be  superfluous  to  trouble  your 
excellency  with  an  account  of  the  nature  and  extent  of  the  arrangemmts  made 
by  the  federal  party  to  resist  any  attempts  of  the  government  unfavourable  to  Great 
Britain.  They  were  such  as  do  great  credit  to  their  ability  and  principles  ;  and, 
while  a  judicious  policy  is  obser\ed  by  Great  Britain,  secure  her  interests  in 
America  from  decay.  My  fear  of  inducing  a  false  security  on  the  part  of  his 
majesty's  government,  in  their  efficiency  and  eventual  success,  may  have  inclin- 
ed ine  to  refrain  from  doing  thein  tliat  justice  in  my  former  lettei-s,  whicli  J 
wiUingly  express, 

(Signed)  JOHN  IIENRY. 


CBAT.  27.] 


HENHY'S  HUSSION. 


155 


R. 


of  his 


No.  XXI. 

Mr.  Henry's  memorial  to  lord  Liverpool,  enclosed  in  a  letter  to  Mr.  Peel,  of  the  13<A 

ijfJune,  1811,  w»7/j  a  copy  of  that  letter. 
The  undersigned  most  respectfully  submits  the  following  statement  and  me- 
morial to  the  earl  of  Liverpool. 

Long  before  and  during  the  administration  of  j  our  lordship's  predecessor, 
the  undersigned  beslowedmuch  personal  attention  to  the  state  of  parties,  and 
to  the  political  measures  in  the  United  States  of  America.  ^ 

[Here  is  an  erasure  of  about  four  lines.] 

Soon  aften  the  aflair  of  the  Chesapeake  fiigate,  when  his  majesty's  governor 
general  of  British  America  had  reason  to  believe  that  thp  two  countries  would 
be  involved  in  a  war,  and  had  submitted  to  his  majesty's  ministers  the  ai-rangC' 
ments  of  the  English  party  in  the  United  States  for  ati  evident  resistance  to  the 
general  government,  -wMch  would  probably  terminate  in  a  separation  of  the  north- 
ei'u  states  from  the  general  confederacy,  he  applied  to  the  undersigned,  to  un- 
dertake a  mission  to  Boston,  where  the  tvhole  concerns  of  the  oppositioii  were 
managed.  The  object  of  the  mission  was  to  promote  and  encourage  the  federal 
party  to  resist  the  measures  of  the  genernl  government ;  to  ojjer  assurances  of  aid 
andsHpport  from  Ids  majesty's  government  of  Canada;  and  to  open  a  communi- 
cation between  tlve  leading  men  engai^id  in  that  opposition  and  the  governor 
general,  upon  such  a  footing  as  circumstances  might  suggest ;  and  finally  to 
render  the  plans  then  in  contemplation  subservient  to  the  views  of  his  majes- 
ty's government.* 

The  undersigned  undertook  the  misi  nn  whicl.  lasted  froi^  the  »ionth  of 
January  to  the  month  of  June  inclusive,  during  which  period 

those  public  acts  and  legislative  resoluf -.  s  of  the  assem- 
blies of  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut  were  psssed,  whii  !i  Vept  the  general 
government  of  the  United  States  in  check,  and  deterred  ii  from  carry'ng  into 
execution  the  measures  of  hostility  with  which  G'-;.t  Tlritain  was  menu-  .1. 

For  his  service  on  the  occasion  herein  recited,  and  the  loss  of  time  and  ex- 
penses incurred,  the  undersigned  neither  sough .  nor  received  any  compensa- 
tion ;  but  trusted  to  the  known  justice  and  liberality  of  his  majesty's  govern- 
ment for  the  reward  of  services  which  could  not,  he  humbly  conceives,  be  esti- 
mated in  pounds,  shillings  and  pence.  On  tlie  patronage  and  support  which 
was  promised  in  the  letter  of  sir  J  Craig  under  date  of  the  twenty -third  of 
J'anuary,  1809,  (wherein  he  gives  an  assurance  "  that  the  former  correspon- 
dence and  political  information  transmitted  by  ^he  undersigned  had  met  with 
the  particular  approbation  of  his  majesty's  secretary  of  state,  and  that  his  exe- 
cution  of  the  mission,  proposed  to  be  undertaken  in  that  letter,  would  give  him 
a  claim  not  only  on  the  governor  general  but  on  his  majesty's  ministers")  tiie 
undersigned  has  relied,  and  now  most  respectfully  claims,  in  whatever  mode 
the  earl  of  Liverpool  may  be  pleased  to  adopt. 

The  undersigned  most  respectfully  takes  this  occasion  to  state,  that  sir  J. 
Craig  promised  him  an  employment  in  Canada,  worth  upwards  of  one  thousand 
pounds  a  year,  by  his  letter  (here  i^h  transmitted)  under  date  of  the  thirteentli 
of  September,  1809,  which,  he  Yy  y:<  learned,  has,  in  consequence  of  his  ab- 
sence, been  given  to  another  peraoi.  Die  undersigned  abstains  from  comment- 
ing on  this  transaction ;  and  respectfully  suggests  that  the  appointment  of  judge 
advocate  general  of  the  province  of  Lower  Canada,  with  a  .lalarj'  of  five  liun- 
dred  potmds  a  year,  or  a  cor  -ulate  in  the  United  States,  sine  cura,  would  be 
considered  by  him  a  liberal  discharge  of  any  obligation  that  his  majesty's  gov- 
itrnment  may  entertaia  i  i  relation  to  his  service. 

Copy  of  a  letter  to  Mr.  Peel,  enclosing  the  foregoing. 

Sir — I  take  the  liberty  of  enclosing  to  you  a  memorial  adch'cssed  to  the  earl 
of  l..ivorpooi  i  and  beg  you  will  have  the  goodness  either  to  examine  the  docu- 
ments in  your  office,  or  those  in  my  own  possession,  touching  the  extent  and 
legitimacy  of  my  claims. 

Mr.  Hyland,  the  secretary  of  sir  J.  Craig,  is  now  in  London  ;  and,  from  his 
official  knowledge  of  the  transactions  and  facts  alluded  to  in  the  memorial,  can 
give  any  information  required  on  the  subject.  J.  H. 

June  13, 1811. 

*  Vide  the  despatches  of  sir  James  Craig  in  June,  1808. 


i 


i 

m 

m 


Miiii 


11) 


U'M 


156 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


IciiAP.  27. 


No.  XXII. 

Letter  of  tJie  Rt.  hon.  the  cnrl  of  Liverpocil,  by  liis  secretary  H.  Peel,  esq.  re 

cognising  Mr.  Henry's  services,  &c. 

Dovmitiff  Street,  Jmw  28,  1811. 

Sir — I  have  not fiuled  to  lay  before  the  carl  of  Liverpool,  the  miinorial,  to- 
gether witli  its  several  enclosures,  which  was  delivered  to  me  a  few  days  since, 
by  general  Loft,  at  your  tlesire. 

His  loiilship  ha.s  directed  mc  to  acquaint  you,  that  he  has  referred  to  the 
Correspondence  in  tins  office,  of  the  year  1808,  und  finds  two  letters  from  sir 
James  tiraig,  dated  the  tenth  of  April,  and  the  fiftli  of  May,  transmitting  tlic 
correspondence  that  has  passed  during  your  residence  in  the  northern  states 
of  America,  and  expressing  his  confiaence  in  your  ability  .ind  judgnicnt ;  but 
lord  Liverpool  lias  not  discovered  any  wish  on  the  part  of  .sir  .lames  Craig,  that 
your  claims  for  compensation  should  be  referred  to  this  country  ;  nor,  indeed, 
IS  allusion  made  to  any  kind  of  arrangement  or  agreement  that  had  been  made 
by  tiiat  otiicer  with  you, 

Lhulcr  these  circunistances,  and  had  not  sir  James  Craig  determined  on  his 
immediate  returi\  to  England,  it  would  have  been  lord  Liverpool's  wish  to 
have  referred  your  memorial  to  him,  as  being  better  able  to  appreciate  (he 
ability  und  success  with  which  you  executed  a  niission,  undertaken  at  his  de- 
sire. Lonl  Liverpool  will,  however,  transmit  it  to  sir  James  Craig's  successor 
in  the  government,  and  an  a.ssurance,  tliat,  fmm  liie  recommendations  he  has 
received  in  your  favour,  and  the  opinion  he  has  formed  on  your  correspondence^ 
he  is  convinced  that  the  public  service  will  be  benefited  by  your  active  em* 
ployment  in  a  public  situation. 

Loixl  Liverpool  will  also  feel  himself  bound  to  give  the  same  assurance  to 
the  Manpiis  Wellesley,  if  there  is  any  prol)abili(y  that  it  will  advance  tlie  suc- 
cess of  the  application  which  vou  have  made  to  his  lordship. 
I  am,  sir,  your  most  (>l)edient,  humble  servant, 

(Signed)  ROBERT  PEEL. 

John  /Titirif,  e»q.  27,  Iificmter-tquarr. 

No.  XXTII 

JUr,  Ntttry  toM:  J'cel,  Srfttcmher  'J4,  1811.     .Vo   other  anmuer  than  a  ihnpatch 
to  sir  iieorgv  J'rn'ont,  tmdthr  httrr  inarhttd  XX 11'. 

tinniUt)i,Mi  Si'filrmher,  1811. 
Sir — I  have  just  now  Ieanie«l  the  ultimate  derision  of  my  lord  Wellesley  re. 
lativc  to  the  appointment  which  I  was  (h-sirous  to  obtain;  und  find  that  the 
subsisting  relations  between  the  two  countries,  forbid  the  creating  a  new  oflicc 
in  the  United  Slates,  such  as  1  was  solicitous  to  obtain.  In  this  state  of  things 
I  have  not  a  moment  to  lose  in  returning  to  Canada,  and  have  taken  my  ))ussHgc 
in  the  lust  and  otdy  ship  that  sails  for  (luel)ec  this  season.  As  I  have  no  time  to 
enter  df  novo  into  explanations  with  the  gentleman  who  is  in  your  office,  and 
as  I  have  received  ahsurances  from  you,  in  addition  to  the  letter  of  my  lord 
Liverpool,  of  the  27th  of  .lune,  that  "his  lordship  would  recommend  me  to  liio 

Sovernor  of  Canad'i,  for  the  first  vacant  situation  that  I   would  accept,"   I  beg 
>e  favour  of  you  to  advise  me  how  I  am  to  get  tliat  rcconunendation,  without 
loss  of  time. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  Sie.  J.  II. 

Sobert  Pcvl,  e»g.  iJc.  iJc,  Uc 

No.  XXIV. 

Cofttf  nf  a  Mtrr  lerittrn  fiif  hnnl  Uvevpuol,   tn  nir  f!rnrirr   Prn'tnf,   fiirmnhrd  fii/ 
the  under  mriflari/  of  utatr.     (hiifimil  in  Ihr  drsfmtrh  to  Ihr  ifurrriinr  ^(I'lu-ritl . 

Jhwtiinif  Htrm-i,  Huh  Srfit.  1811. 
Sii^— Mr.  Henry,  who  will  have  the  honour  of  delivering  this  letter,  is  the 
gentleman  who  addressed  to   nie  the  memorial,  a  copy  of  which   I  herewith 
transmit,  and  to  whom  the  accompanying  letter  froni  Mr.  Peel  was  written  by 
inv  directiim. 

In  compliance  with  his  request,  I  now  f\dftl  tin*  assurance  which  I  have  given, 
of  stating  to  you  my  opinion  of  the  ability  and  j\idgmnit  which  Mr.  Henry  has 
manifuittcd  on  the  uccanivn  niuntiuacd  in  his  mcnioriiU ;  and  of  the  bcneht  Uic 


4;ilAP.  37.1 


HENRY'S  MISSION. 


157 


■ublic  service  miffht  derive  from  his  active  employment  in  any  public  sitimtion 
m  whicli  you  siiouldtliiiik  proper  to  piiice  him. 

UVEUi'OOL. 

To  Sir  George  Prevott,  Hurt.  Uc.  &c. 

No.  XXV. 

Mr.  Jtyland  to  Air,  Henry. 

TiwHday  evenintf,  July  2(/,  1811. 

Dear  llcnry — It  gives  me  real  pleasure  to  find  that  th<'  apprchenHioiiH  1  had 
formcil  with  re8|)cclto  the  fuifilinent  of  your  cxptxlatioim,  are  likely  to  prove 
erroneous.  As  every  tliin|f  whicli  passed  relative  to  your  misuion  was  in  writ- 
\i\\^,  \  think  you  will  do  well  in  suhmittin)^  to  Mr.  I'cel  all  the  original  papers. 
I,  inysclf,  couhl  give  no  other  information  relative  to  the  subject  than  what  they 
contain ;  as  you  and  i  had  no  oppcn-tunity  of  any  verbal  conimimicatiou  con- 
cerning it,  till  after  your  mission  tenninated.  I  never  wrote  you  a  letter  in 
the  governor's  name,  which  liad  not  previously  been  submitted  to  his  corre«- 
tion. 

The  impression  I  had  rcceive«l  of  your  character  and  abilities  made  me  anxi- 
ous to  serve  you,  even  l)efore  I  had  the  nicasiire  of  a  nei-sonal  aequaintanca 
with  you  ;  and  the  same  desire  has  operated  on  me  ever  suice.  I  am,  therefore, 
entitled  to  hope,  that  any  opinion  which  I  may  have  given,  as  to  your  best 
Tfvn\v  of  obtaining  employment  \in<Ur  goverrunent,  will  Ije  received  with  tho 
wame  candour  that  gave  rise  to  it.  I  tiiink  you  will  <lo  well  to  pei-severc  as  you 
pn)pose.  1  have  no  doul»t  that  every  h-tter  from  you  whicli  sir  James  sent  home, 
will  be  found  in  Mr.  I'eel's  ofKce  ;  as  the  estabiisiied  practice  there,  is,  to  bind 
the  despatches  and  enclosures  yearly  up  together. 

U.  \V.  UYLAND. 
Jvlm  ftcnry,  esq. 

No.  XXVI. 

Afr.  Iftmry^*  memorial  to  Itord  Jdvcr/mut,  vaduHcd  in  Lord  I/iver/iool*n  desjiatch. 

To  the  riff/tt  huHnurn/ile  the  llarl  nf  l^ivn-fmnl,  the  vndcvHiifned  tnonl  resjiect/idly 
HuhmitH  till-  fiilliiiuiiiif  mrmiinnl. 

Long  before  and  during  the  administration  t)fyour  lordship's  prcrdreessor,  tho 
imdersigned  bestowed  much  personal  attention  to  the  state  of  parti(;s  anil  po- 
litical measures  in  the  United  Htates  of  America,  and  had  an  opportunity* 
[//fjir  an  evumire  of  ten  or  twelve  Unen]  and  to  unite  [Jin  erasure  here  of  tvio 
vr  three  tinet]  the  information  transmitted  by  the  undersigne<l  to  Sir  .lamc.i 
Craig,  and  by  him  to  lord  (Jastlereagh,  met  with  /««  lurdiiltifr*  afihrfibution,^  and 
when  the  hostile  preparations  in  the  United  Miates  siiggestecl  to  Sir  .lamen 
Craig  the  nccissity  of  making  corresponding  arrangements  of  precaution  and 
defence,  for  the  security  of  his  majesty's  colonies,  he  applied  to  the  under- 
signed, to  take  11  secret  and  confidential  mission  to  the  northern  states  to 

the  party  already  mentioned ;  to  direct  thiir  operation*, 
and  transmit  regular  information  of  the  same,  and  ««  emlriivour  to  render  tlunv 
plam  Huhavr\<icnt  to  the  interest  of  (ireat  Hrit<Uii.[  The  undersigned  reatUly  un- 
dertook the  mission,  and  spent  live  months  in  the  active  and  zealous  discharge 
of  the  duties  connected  with  it.  [.In  rraiiure  here  of  twenty  or  twenty-five 
lineup  which  (hterredthe  general  government  irom  tlu;  purpose  already  nuiu 
tione(  ,  and  from  a  coalition  with  I'litncc,^  while  tiie  iiiformalion  whicli  he  tranfi' 
mitted  to  sir  James  Craig,  proliably  saved  the  Iroulile  and  expense  of  armin|f 
the  Cana(haii  militia.  All  this,  the  undersigned  peri'ortned  without  ever  showing 
liis  commiiuion  or  appearing  ivs  an  authorised  agent — t'rom  a  thoroiigli  cuiivic- 


L«lit  Uio 


•  See  the  letter  of  Mr.  Henry  addressed  lotlie  serreiarv  of  sir  Jiimcs  Craig, 
und  by  him  traiiNmitted  to  Lord  in  the  month  of  April,  lUOU. 

f  See  document  No, '2'J,  herewith  snitmided, 

4  See  doenmcnt  No.  '22  and  J.l,  herevvith  submitted. 

^  See  litter  No.  l.ol"  the  series  transmitted  by  sir  J.  Craig,  to  Ijic  colonial 
depiirlment,  undtrdate  February  14,  IH(M). 

i  See  ihi-  reiimin<h'r  of  the  afyivsaid  letter. 


■Hi 


I5t 


POLinCAL  OLIVE  BKANCM. 


[cRAr.  28- 


I 


ll 


tion  that  a  discovery  of  his  mission  would  furnish  the  French  party  with  the 
means  of  destroying  the  iiifluence  of  the  party  adhering  to  Great  Britiun  in 
every  quarter  of  America,  and  enable  the  general  government  to  go  to  war  up- 
on popular  and  tenable  ground. 

In  the  application  of  sir  James  Craig  to  the  undersigned  to  undertake  the 
mission  aforesaid,  he  says  "  the  information  and  political  observations  received 
from  you  heretofore  ivrrj  all  transmitted  to  the  secretary  of  state, -who  has  expressed 
his  particular  approbntion  if  them  ;  and  there  is  no  doubt  that  your  able  execution  of 
such  a  mission  as  I  have  above  suggested,  ruotdd  give  you  a  claim  not  only  on  the  go- 
vernor  general  (of  British  America),  but  on  his  majesty* s  ministers  "  ^c. 

The  undcreigned  being  now  in  England  on  his  private  affairs,  and  on  the  eve 
of  departure  for  A 'nerica,  most  humbly  and  respectfully  submits  his  claims, 
under  the  stipulations  aforesaid,  to  the  earl  of  Liverpool,  in  tlie  confident  ex- 
pectation  tliat  liis  lordship  will  treat  them  with  that  justice,  and  liberality,  which, 
upon  investigation,  they  may  be  found  to  merit. 

It  may  not  be  superfluous  to  add,  that  the  undersigned  has  never  received  in 
any  shape  whatever  any  compensation  or  patronage  for  the  services  he  has  ren- 
dered. This  fact,  Mr.  Ryland^the  secretary  of  sir  James  Craig,  now  in  London, 
can  vouch  ;  as  well  as  for  the  truth  of  all  the  matters  set  forth  in  this  memorial. 
I  have  the  honour,  &c. 

(Signed)  J.  HENRY. 

27,  Leicester 'Square,  June  23,  1811. 

CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

Embargo  repealed.  British  and  French  vessels  interdicted  from 
entering"  our  harbours.  Importations  from  both  countries  pro- 
hibited.  Invitation  held  out  to  both  to  cease  their  outrages  on 
our  commerce, 

Tii  F,  clamour  excited  against  the  embargo — the  tumultuous 
proceedings  in  the  eastern  states — its  incfficaty  to  answer  the 
purpose  intended,  arising  partly  from  the  factious  and  disorga- 
nizing, and  Jacobinical  opposition  it  met  with,  and  partly  from 
the  imbecility  of  Mr.  Jefl'erson's  administration,  in  not  duly  en- 
forcing it,  as  already  stated [ — all  combined  to  produce  its  re- 
peal, which  took  place  on  the  first  of  March,  1809. 

As  a  paciT"  measure,  in  lieu  of  the  embargo,  to  induce  the 
belligerents  U.-  respect  our  rights,  and  to  cease  their  depreda- 
tions, under  pretence  of  retaliation  uj)on  each  other,  the  act 
commonl)  styled  the  non-intercourse  act,  was  passed,  of  which 
I  annex  those  sections  containing  its  leading  features. 

An  act  to  interdict  the  Commrrc>(d  Intercourse  hetv)een  the  Uni' 
ted  States  and  (fveat  liritain  and  France.^  and  their  dependen- 
cies ;  and  for  other  purposes. 

'  Ml'  it  macti'ifby  the  senate  and  hoitie  of  representatives  of  the  United  Stairs  of 
.^mrricii  in  cunicrcHS  th^nevihlvd,  Thill  IVoiu  untl  lifter  the  passui^e  of  Uiis  act,  the 
••ntpiiiHi-  oftlic  lii»rl)ourHHnil  wuW  rsdl'ihc  L'nilod  Stutcs,  nnil  of  the  Icnitorit* 
•  hereof,  bi',  mill  tl»c  Manic /a /i»'r('/>// /;i/civ//(7c(/  lu  all  fudilic  shifi.t  imit  vi:':!>rlii  he- 
I'jitgiii:;' I't  fireiit  tiiiliiin  nr  i''iiiii(r,  v\fi.\i\]u\i;  \i><Xi\H  oi\h  which  niMy  be  fniviil 
In  l)_\  ili-tin-i'*,  or  vvliicb  arc  cliarf^ed  with  dcspntilK-s  or  l)UHin(  ss  from  tlic  go- 
VcninHiil  to  which  tlicv  hel<>n)t',  luiil  ulito  pucki  Is  having  no  cttrgo  or  nKiTJiiin 
(li'ie  on  h  '.■<1.  Ami  it'iniy  |iuiilii'  shin  or  \i  ssij  as  iifon  siiiii,  not  iiriiig  incluih  d 
ill  tlic  i'X<A  |)ti()n  itbovt'  mcntiiinid,  sliull  enter  any  harbour  or  waters  within  the 
jiii'isihclion  of  the  I  iiitcd  Mutes,  or  the  terrilutu'^  ihercuf,  it  Nhall  be  luwfr.l 

•  Sec  document  No.  1,  herewith  sulnnittcd.  t  See  page  5(>. 


«KAr.  38.] 


NON-INTERCOURSE. 


159 


for  the  president  of  the  United  States,  or  such  other  person  as  he  shall  have 
empowered  for  that  purpose,  to  employ  such  part  of  tlie  land  and  naval  forces, 
or  of  the  militia  of  the  United  States,  or  the  territories  thereof,  ail  he  shall 
deeri  necessary,  to  compel  such  ship  or  vessel  to  depart. 

Sec.  3.  And  be  it  further  enacted.  That  from  and  after  the  twentieth  day  of 
May  next,  tlie  entrance  of  the  harboure  and  waters  of  tlic  United  States,  and 
the  teiTitories  thereof  be,  and  the  same  is  lieveby  interdicted  to  all  ships  or  vtssela 
sailing  under  the  Jlag  of  Great  Britain  or  France,  or  owned  in  whole  or  in  part  by 
any  citizens  or  subjects  of  eit/wr  ,•  vessels  hired,  chartered  or  employed  by  the 
government  of  eitlier  country,  for  the  sole  purpose  of  carrying  letters  or  des- 
patches, and  also  vessels  forced  in  by  stress  or  by  the  dani^ei-s  of  the  sea,  only 
excepted.  And  if  any  ship  or  vessel  sailing  under  the  flag  of  Great  Britain,  yr 
France,  or  owned  in  whole  or  in  part  by  any  citizen  or  sul>ject  of  either,  and  not 
excepted  as  aforesaid,  shall,  after  the  twentieth  day  of  May  next,  arrive  either 
with  or, without  a  cargfo,  within  the  limits  of  the  United  States,  or  of  the  territo- 
ries thereof,  such  shin  or  vessel,  together  with  the  cargo,  if  any,  which  may  be 
found  on  board,  shall  1  ■»  foifeited ;  and  may  be  seized  and  condemned  in  any 
court  of  the  United  Stau-  or  the  territories  thereof,  having- competent  juris- 
diction :  and  all  and  every  ict  and  ji'its  heretofore  passed,  which  shall  be  with- 
in  the  purview  of  this  act,  shall  be,  and  the  same  are  hereby  repealed. 

Sec.  4.  .ind  he  it  f wither  mncted,  Tli.it  from  and  after  the  twentieth  day  of 
May  next,  it  shall  not  be  lawful  to  import  into  the  United  States  or  the  terri- 
tories thereof,  any  ffoou's,  wares,  or  merchandise  whatever,  from  any  port  or  place 
situated  in  Great  Jtrituin  or  Irelund,  or  from  any  of  the  colonics  oraei)cndencivs 
of  (ireat  Britain ;  nor  from  any  port  or  place  situated  in  France,  or  in  any  of 
her  colonies  or  dependencies,  nor  from  any  poll  or  place  in  the  actiiaJ  posses- 
•ion  of  either  CJreitt  Britain  or  France.  Nor  shall  it  he  lawful  to  import  into  ihe 
United  States,  or  the  territories  tliercof,  from  any  foreign  port  or  place  what- 
ever, any  g^ods,  wares,  or  mej-chandise  whatever,  being  of  the  grow  tl-  -ixj- 
chice,  or  manufacture  of  France,  or  of  any  of  her  colonics  or  depeinlciu  i  i ,  or 
being  of  the  growth,  produce,  or  mauiifacture  of  (ireat  Britain,  or  IiiLikI  or  of 
any  of  the  colonies  or  dependencies  of  Great  Uiituin  ;  or  being  oi  tl.c  (.row  tli, 
r)roduce,or  manufacture  of  any  place  or  country  in  tlie  actual  ijosscssion  <>(  ( itlier 
France  or  Great  Britain  :  /nvvided,  tli.at  nothing  herein  coi.tiiiiu.d  shall  he  con- 
strued to  aH'ect  the  cargoes  «)f  ships  wholly  owned  by  a  citizen  or  citizens  of 
the  United  Stat"B,  which  had  cleared  from  any  port  bevond  the  Cape  of  Good 
Hope,  prior  to  the  twenty-second  day  of  December,  one  thousand  eight  liiin. 
dred  and  seven,  or  wlii('h  had  depaitgd  for  such  port  by  permission  of  the  pre. 
sideiit,  under  the  acts  »upi)lemeiituiy  to  the  act  lin  ing  an  ciiibaigo  on  all  ships 
and  vessels  in  the  ])orts  and  harbours  of  the  United  States. 

See.  11.  ,/fndbe  it  ftirther  enacted,  'I'hal  the  pnsident  of  the  United  Stiitcs  be, 
and  he  hereby  is  authorised,  in  case  either  France  or  tireat  livituin  nhul!  so 
rcT'oA'c  or  modify  her  edicts,  as  that  they  shall  cense  In  violate  the  iirutrat  cnnoiiricH 
of  the  United  Stalen,  to  declare  the  same  by  prnvlumation  ,•  apev  which  the  t)iii/i'  of 
the  United  States,  suspended  hy  thin  act,  and  tiy  the  act  layinff  an  embarifn  m\  all 
shi /in  and  vessels  in  the  ports  and  harhours  of  the  United  Slates,  and  the  Kf\ii'!il 
acts  siipplemenlnry  thereto,  may  be  rniewcd  with  Ihe  nation  so  doing:  pruvi- 
f/c(/,  that  all  penalties  and  foifcitiireH  which  shall  lia\c  been  previously  incurr- 
ed, bv  virtue  of  this  or  of  any  other  act,  the  operation  of  whieli  shall  so  ceasn 
and  (Icterniine,  shall  be  recovered  and  distributed,  in  like  niaiiner  asif  tin-  smiiio 
had  continued  in  full  force  and  virtue  :  and  vessels  hound  llKiraflcr  to  any  tli- 
reign  p(n"t  or  place,  with  which  commerclul  inteiroin-se  s"  11  i)y  virtue  of  tliia 
section  be  again  iiermitted,  shall  give  bond  to  the  United  States  with  appnuetl 
fiecurity,  in  iloubie  the  value  of  the  vessel  and  cargo,  I  hut  they  shall  not  poreed 
to  any  foreign  port,  nor  trade  with  an\' country  other  than  those  with  wiiieli 
•'oinnurciul  intercourse  sliall  have  been  or  may  be  permitted  by  this  act. 
f.nacted  March  \,  1809. 

I  have  already  stated,  that  this  law  was  preposterously  and 
uhsurdly  denounced,  as  fei;l)lc  and  iml)eiile,hy  ninety-nine  out 
of  every  hundred  Ucmoci  ats,  in  the  United  States.    An  impar. 


160 


POLITICAL  OUVE  BRANCH. 


[chap.  29- 


tial  view  of  it  will  prove  the  folly  of  this  denunciation.  It 
evinces  a  deep  sense  of  the  grievous  injuries  the  nation  had  sus- 
tained from  the  belligerents — a  sincere  wish  to  return  to  the  re- 
lations of  peace  and  friendship  with  either  or  both — and  an  ar- 
dent desire  to  try  every  rational  mode  of  procuring  redress  pre- 
vious to  a  recourse  to  the  horrors  of  war. 

It  held  out  in  one  hand  prohibition  and  penalty  for  wrongs  in- 
flicte'  -in  the  other  "the  Olive  Branch" — an  invitation  to,  and 
premium  for,  a  mere  return  to  justice — a  mere  cessation  of  un- 
prov<k<  ?  hostility.  The  statute  books  of  all  the  nations  of 
Chi  tieudom  may  be  searched  in  vain,  for  a  law  entitled  to  more 
unequivocal  applause — and  rarely  has  a  law  been  more  generally 
censured. 

The  federalists  reprobated  this  act  as  well  as  the  democrats— 
and  with  equal  folly  and  madness — but  on  totally  different 
grounds.  They  regarded  it,  forsooth,  as  too  violent  a  measure 
— as  calculated  to  produce  war — or,  in  fact,  absurdly  enough,  as 
a  species  of  warfare  ! 

"  Sir,  the  bill  before,  you  is  wav.  It  is  to  suspend  all  intercourse,  to  put  ai> 
endto  all  the  rf/a^io;is  o/flm«>i/.  What  is  that  6tt<  war?  Wirir  of  the  worst: 
kind;  w«i' under  the  <Zis^w'se  of  woN-iNXEniorRSE;  no  power,  having  national 
feelings,  or  rejyard  to  national  ehai-acter,  will  SUBMIT  to  such  COERWON."* 

"Jt  [non-inttrconrse]  is  cowartUy  ;  far  it  is  a  base  attempt  to  bnng  on  a  viar 
ti'ith  Great  ttvitain.  ItisFRENCIf  I'u  evirt-^  feature.  Jt  is  itUetided  as  a  «ic«- 
ture  of  kostilitti  (igainst  Great  Bvituin"\ 

CHAPTER  XXIX.t 

Embar^'O  once  more.     Recommended  to  Congress  bij  a  respectable 
body  of  merchants  in  New-Tor k. 

This  shall  be  a  short  chapter.  Three  minutes  will  be  suffi- 
cient to  glance  it  over.  I  hope,  however,  it  will  not  be  the  least 
interesting  in  the  book. 

The  embargo,  we  have  seen,  was  enacted  in  December,  1807, 
to  preserve  the  property  of  the  American  merchants  from  depre. 
dation  under  French  decrees  and  British  orders  in  council — and 
likewise  to  coerce  the  belligerents,  through  regard  to  their  own 
interests,  to  cease  violating  our  rights. 

The  merchants,  and  their  friends  universally,  throughout  the 
nation,  reprobatetl  this  measure.  Independent  of  its  pretended 
unconstitutionality,  it  was  denounced  as  tyrannical,  and  oppres- 
sive, and  unjust  towards  our  fellow  citizens — as  feeble,  and  im- 
becile, and  mefficient  towards  those  nations  whose  insults  and 
outrages  it  was  intended  to  prevent. 


•  Mr.  Hillhousc'sspccchon  theuon-intcrcourscbill  before  the  senate,  Fcb- 
rwaiy  22, 1809. 

f  lloston  Repertoiy. 

1  Tliis  rimptn- is  out  of  ils  rhronolopfical  order  ;  hut  its  immediate  ronnec. 
tion  with  tLg  subject  of  tlic  preceding  one,  Uitii  induced  inc  to  pluco  it  here. 


«Hip.  29.] 


NEW  YORK  MEMORIAL. 


161 


That  these  sentiments  pervaded  the  mercantile  part  of  the 
community  in  1807-8,  1  presume  no  man  of  character  will  dare 
deny. 

Consistency  is  commendable.  Let  us  enquire  how  far  the 
merchants  practised  it.  On  the  15th  ot  June,  1812,  a  memorial 
was  presented  to  Congress,  from  certain  merchants  in  New- 
York,  praying  for  a  continuance  of  the  embargo,  and  the  re- 
strictive system  generally ! 

You  are  amazed,  reader.  You  can  hardly  believe  me.  You 
are  persuaded  that  I  am  not  serious — that  I  am  putting  your 
credulity  to  a  severe  trial. 

Ydu  are  "  all  in  the  wrong."  I  am  as  perfectly  serious  as  I 
have  ever  been.  And  to  remove  all  doubt  on  the  subject,  be- 
hold the  menrorial— and  behold  also  the  names  of  the  signers — 
forty-two  federalists  and  sixteen  democrats.  Yes — deny  it,  who 
can.  Here  are  forty-two  federal  merchants,  invoking  congress 
to  continue  the  much-abused  "  restrictive  system^''  a?  likely  to 
extort  justice  from  Great  Britain, 


•MEMOIIIAL. 

Tv  the  honourable  the  senate  and  home  ofre/iveiientatives  of  the  United  States  of 
Jimerica  in  congress  amiemMed,  the  memorial  of  the  mihscnhers,  merchants  and 
ot/uTs,  inluMtanta  of  the  city  ofJVew-Yorh,  respectfully  nhexveth: 

That  your  memorialists  feel,  in  common  with  the  rest  of  their  fellow  citizens, 
an  anxioua  solicitude  for  the  honour  and  interests  of  their  countiy,  and  an  equal 
detenuination  to  assert  and  maintain  them. 

That  your  mcmonalists  believe  that  A  CONTINUATION  OF  THE  RE- 
STHICTIVE  MEASURES  NOW  IN  OPERATION,  WILL  PRODUCE  ALL 
THE  MENEFirs,  WHILE  IT  I'REVENTH  THE  CALAMITIES  OF  WAR; 
that  when  the  British  ministry  become  convinced  that  a  trade  with  the  United 
States  nani;otbe  renewed,  but  by  the  repeal  of  the  orders  in  council,  </if  dinlrrss 
of  their  merchants  and  niamifncttirers,  and  their  i,uihiht;i  to  support  their  armies  m 
Spain  and  Portugal,  ivill  prulmbly  compel  (hem  to  that  ?nea/inre .' 

Your  memorialists  be^^  leave  to  remark,  that  nuch  ejficts are  ej^ey\ now  visible ,■ 
and  it  may  be  reasonably  hoped,  tliat  a  continuance  of  the  cmbarf^o  and  non- 
importation laws  a  few  mouths  beyomlthe  fourth  day  of  July  next,  WILL  EF- 
FEUT  A  COMl'LETE  AND  ULOODLESS  TRIUMPH  OF  0«  R  RKiHTS. 

YoiU'  momtirialists  therefore  resfiectfidly  solicit  of  your  honnwnble  body,  the 
paxnaffe  of  a  law  continuing-  the  embargo,  and  giving  to  the  president  of  the  Uni- 
ted States  power  to  discontiini"  the  whole  of  the  restrictive  system  on  the  re- 
.'tcindiuK^  of  the  Hritiali  order^  in  council. 

The  conduct  of  France  in  burning  our  ships,  in  sequestrating  our  property 
entering  her  ports,  expecting  protection  in  conse<|uence  of  the  promised  re- 
peal of  the  Berlin  and  Milan  decrees,  and  the  delay  in  completing;-  a  treaty 
with  the  \mcrican  minister,  has  excited  great  sensation :  and  we  hope  and 
trust  will  call  forth  from  your  honourable  body  such  retaliatory-  measures  us 
may  lie  best  calculated  to  procure  justice. 
John  Jacob  Astor,  John  T.  Lawrenrc,  Amasa  Jackson, 

Samuel  Adams,  loscph  W.  Totteii,  William  J.  Robinson, 

llowland  and  Cirinnel,      Isaac  Schermerhorn,         Joseph  Strong, 
E.  Slosson,  Alexauilor  Itudcn,  A')raham  s.  Hallol, 

Israel  Gibbs,  Joseph  Otis,  ,  Joshua  Jones, 

Isaac  Clason,  I  ewisllariman,  Frederic  (;iraud,  jiin. 

Julm  SlidcU,  CtWT«tl  Storm,  Robert  Roberts, 


"188 


POUTICAL  OLIVB  BRANCH. 


[chap.  30. 


■ill! 


K!  ' 


John  I\  Townsend, 
Andrei  Ogden,  &  Co. 
Thoiiuvs  Storm, 
Amos  Butler, 
Ebenczer  Hurrill, 
Isaac  Heyer, 
Kalph  D'llkley, 
Samuo.  Dell, 
John  F.  Delaplaine, 
Peter  iAMgg, 
David  faj'lor, 
Williaii)  Adee, 


George  Bement, 
S.  A.  Rich, 
Abraham  Smith, 
Thomas  H.  Smith,  jr. 
Andrew  Foster, 
Jacob  Barker, 
William  Lovett, 
William  Edg^r,  >r. 
Samuel  Stillwti!,' 
Jacob  P.  Giraud, 
John  Hone, 
John  K.iae, 


John  Crookes, 
Hugh  M'Cormick, 
John  Depeyster, 
Crilbert  Haight, 
James  Lovett, 
I.eflPert  LeH'erts, 
Augustus  Wynkoop, 
Joh'»  W.  G-iIe, 
Tlimiias  Rich, 
Samuol  Mi)rsliJi!l, 
Elbert  Hex  kill. ;. 


ft 


JVew  Yorh,  Jwie  1,  1 312. 

A  member  of  congress,  Mr.  Taylor,  stated  that  lie  was  in- 
formed there  were  en  that  list  the  names  of  two  presidents  of 
banks,  three  jnesidents  of  insurance  companies,  thirteen  directors 
of  banks,  besides  other  names  of  '•^  prc-tminent  ift.indh^.j  in  the 
commercial  wo ^  IdJ'^  Ponder,  I  beseech  you,  reader,  on  these 
things.  They  demand  the  xiiost  sober  and  serious  considera- 
tion. The  embargo,  and  thi  niurictiv  :•.  sysuiii  generally,  after 
having  been  defeated  und  rendered  nugatory  by  mercantile  op- 
y»:»3itiun,  are  uow,  by  the  meichants  themselves,  proclaimed  to 
ihc  world  as  likely  to  effect"  a  bloodless  triumph  of  our  rights  .'" 
Wliat  a  severe  satire  on  themtvlves  ;  what  a  strong  panegyric 
on  their  opponents— this  short  sentence  contains  ! 

CHAPTl  R  XXX. 

The  Ersiine  arrangement,  A  most  liberal  and  magnanimous 
procedure^  probably  never  exceeded.  Loudly  applauded  by  all 
parties.    Rejected  by  England, 

Never  was  there  a  measure  of  more  fairness  and  candour, 
than  the  arrangement  made  by  our  government  with  Mr.  Er- 
skine.  The  annals  of  diplomacy  may  be  ransacked  in  vain  to 
produce  a  negociation  more  deserving  of  encomium,  or  more 
houDurable  to  both  parties.  In  forty-four  days  after  Mr.  Ma- 
dison's inauguration,  Mr.  Erskine  made  candid  overtures  to  our 
government  for  an  accommodation  of  the  existing  difTtrences 
between  the  two  nations.  They  were  received  with  a  proper 
sjjiritof  frankness,  and  with  a  promptitude  never  exceeded.  The 
overtures  were  dated  on  the  17th  of  April — the  reply  the  same 
day — Mr.  Erskine's  second  letter,  and  the  reply  of  the  secretary 
of  state  on  the  18th.  And,  both  parties  being  sincerely  desirous 
of  a  reconciliation,  an  equitable  arrangement  was  adjusted  in 
two  days,  that  is  to  say,  on  the  19th,  whereby  neither  the  honour 
nor  the  interest  of  either  nation  was  compromitted.  Friendly 
intercourse  between  them  was  once  more  restored.  Never  was 
a  negociation  conducted  on  more  liberal  or  candid  principles. 
It  was  manly  and  magnanimous — and  affords  one  ol  the  very 
few  instances  in  which  diplomacy  was  divested  of  her  usual  at- 
tendants, chicane  and  fraud. 


•BAP.  30.] 


ERSKINE'S  ARBANGEMENT. 


163 


To  enable  the  reader  to  forma  correct  opinion  on  this  subject, 
I  annex  the  whole  of  the  correspondence  between  our  govern- 
ment and  the  British  minister.  It  will  then  appear  that  the  trans- 
action can  hardly  be  too  highly  eulogised. 

(No.  I.) 

MB.  XBSKIME  TO  MB.  8MTTH. 

Washington,  17th  Jfnil,  lWi9. 

««  Sir— I  have  the  honour  to  inform  you,  that  I  have  received  his  majesty's 
commands  to  represent  to  the  government  of  tlie  United  States,  that  his  ma- 
jesty is  animated  by  the  most  sincere  desire  for  an  adjustment  of  tlic  differ- 
ences, which  have  unhappily  so  long  prevailed  between  the  twg  countries,  the 
recapitulation  of  which  might  have  a  tendency  to  impede,  if  not  prevent  an 
amicable  understanding- 

"  It  having  been  represented  to  liis  majesty's  government,  that  the  congress 
of  the  United  States,  in  their  proceedings  at  the  opening  of  the  last  session, 
had  evinced  an  intention  of  passing  certain  laws,  which  would  place  the  rela- 
tions of  Great  Britain  with  the  United  States  upon  an  equal  footing,  in  all  res- 
pects, with  other  belligerent  powei-s,  I  have  accordingly  received  his  majesty's 
commands,  in  the  event  of  such  laws  taking  place,  to  otter,  on  tlie  part  of  his 
majesty,  an  honourable  reparation  for  the  aggression,  committed  by  a  Britisli 
naval  officer,  in  the  attack  on  the  United  States'  frigate  Chesapeake. 

"  Considering  the  act,  passed  by  the  congress  of  the  United  States  on  the 
first  of  March,  (usually  tei-mcd  the  non-intercourse  act)  as  having  produced 
a  state  of  etjuality,  in  the  relations  of  the  two  belligerent  powere,  with  respect 
to  the  United  States,  I  have  to  submit,  conformably  to  instructions,  for  the  con- 
sideration of  the  American  government,  such  terms  of  satisfaction  and  reparation, 
as,  his  majesty  is  induced  to  believe,  will  be  accepted,  in  the  same  spirit  of  con- 
•iliation,  with  which  they  are  proposetl. 

"  In  addition  to  tlie  prompt  disavowal  made  by  his  majesty,  on  being  appri7- 
cd  of  the  unauthorised  act  committed  by  his  naval  officer,  whose  recal,  as  a  mark 
of  the  king^s  displeasure,  from  an  highlv  important  and  honourable  commiind,  im- 
mediately ensued,  hia  majesty  is  willing  to  restore  the  men  forcibly  taken  out 
of  the  Chesapeake,  and,  if  acceptal  ■  to  the  American  government,  to  make  a 
■uitable  provision  for  the  unfortunate       lorers  on  tliat occasion. 

"  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  sentiments  of  the  highest  respect  and  consl* 
deration,  sir,  your  most  obedient,  humble  servant, 

"  D.  M.  ERSKINR, 
The  hon.  Robert  Smith,  etg.  tecretary  of  State,  &c. 

(No.  II.) 

MK.  SMITH  TO  MR.  F.nSKIVS. 

Department  of  State,  Jlfnil  17,  1809. 

"  Sir — I  have  laid  before  the  president  your  note  In  whicli  you  Itave,  in  the 
name  and  by  the  order  of  his  Britannic  majesty,  declared  that  his  Dritunnic 
mitjesty  is  desirous  of  making  an  honoitrable  reparation  for  the-  aggrcusion  com- 
mitted by  a  Britisit  naval  officer  in  the  attack  on  the  United  Stules'  frigate  the 
Chesapeake  ;  that,  in  addition  to  his  prompt  disavowal  of  the  act,  his  ntujes- 
ty,  as  a  mark  of  his  displeasure,  did  immeaiatcly  recall  the  offcntling  nffii-cr 
from  a  highly  important  and  honourable  commtnul ;  and  tliat  ho  is  willing  tu 
restore  the  men  forcibly  taken  out  of  the  CUesupcalve  ;  and,  if  acceptable  to 
the  Aiiierican  government,  to  make  a  suitable  provision  for  the  unfuitunate  suf- 
ferers on  tliat  occasion. 

"The  government  of  the  United  States  having,  al  .all  times,  entertained 
a  sincere  desire  for  an  atljustment  of  the  diffV-veiict  s,  which  Iihm-  bo  long  and 
■o  unhappily  s\il)sistcd  between  the  tworonntrirs,  the  president  cannoi  out  i-c- 
ceive  with  nleasure,  assui-ances,  that  his  Britannic  niaiesty  is  unimut«(l  by  the 
tame  disposition ;  and  that  lie  is  ready,  in  cohlormlty  to  this  di^iiositic  ii,  to  r.iuko 
•toiiemcntforthe  insult  and  uggreHtion,  cimmiitlrd  by  oiu;  itf  his  nuval  officci'S 
in  bile  attack  uu  tUu  United  Stuten*  tVigulc,  the  t'hcsipcukc.j 


164 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[CBAV.  30. 


I 


"  As  it  appears,  at  the  same  time,  that,  in  making  this  offer,  his  Britannic 
majesty  derives  a  motive  from  the  equality,  now  eusting  in  tlie  relations  of  the 
United  States,  with  the  two  belligerent  powers,  the  president  owes  it  to  the 
occasion,  and  to  himself,  to  let  it  be  understood,  that  this  ec|uality  is  a  result 
incident  to  u  state  of  things,  growing  out  of  distinct  considerations. 

"  With  this  explanation,  as  requisite  as  it  is  frank,  I  am  authorised  to  inform 
ou,  that  the  president  accepts  of  the  note  delivered  by  you,  in  the  name  and 
y  the.  order  of  his  Britannic  majesty ;  and  will  consider  the  same,  with  the 
engagement  contained  therein,  when  fulfilled,  as  a  satisfaction  for  the  insult 
and  mjiuy  of  which  he  has  complained.  But  I  have  it  in  express  charge  from 
the  president,  to  state,  that  while  he  forbears  to  insist  on  a  further  pimishment 
of  the  offending  officer,  he  is  not  the  less  sensible  of  the  justice  and  utility  of 
such  an  example,  nor  the  less  persuaded  that  it  would  best  comport  with  what 
is  due  from  his  Stannic  majesty  to  his  own  honour. 

"  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  the  highest  respect  and  consideration,  su*, 
your  most  obedient  servant, 

«  R.  SMITH." 
The  honourable  David  M.  Erskine,  esq.  envoy  extraordinary  and  minister  plenipo- 
tetitiary  of  his  Britannic  majesty. 


KB, 


(No.  m.) 

EBSKISE  TO  MR. 


SHITn. 

Washington,  ^pril,  18, 1809. 

**  Sir — ^I  have  the  honour  of  informing  you,  that  his  majesty,  having  been 
persuaded  that  the  honourable  reparation  which  he  has  caused  to  be  tendered 
ibr  the  unautliorised  attack  upon  the  American  frigate  Chesapeake,  would  be 
accepted  by  the  government  of  the  United  States  in  the  same  spirit  of  conci- 
liation, with  which  it  was  proposed,  has  instructed  me  to  exp;%ss  his  satisfac- 
tion, should  such  a  happy  termination  of  that  affair  take  place ;  not  only  as  hav- 
ing removed  a  painful  cause  of  difference,  but  as  affording  a  fair  prospect  of  a 
complete  and  cordial  understanding  being  re-established  between  the  two 
countries. 

"  The  favourable  change  in  the  relations  of  his  majesty  with  the  United 
States,  which  has  been  produced  by  the  act  (usually  termed  the  non-intercourse 
act)  passed  in  the  last  session  of  congress,  was  also  anticipated  by  his  majesty ; 
and  has  encouraged  a  further  hope,  that  the  rc-consideration  of  the  existing 
diflferences  might  lead  to  their  satisfactory  adjustment. 

"  On  these  grounds  and  expectations,  I  am  mstructed  to  communicate  to  the 
American  government,  his  majesty's  determination  of  sending  to  the  United 
States  an  envoy  extraordinary,  invested  with  full  powers  to  conclude  a  treaty 
on  all  the  points  of  the  relations  between  tlic  two  countries. 

"  In  the  mean  time,  with  a  view  to  contribulo  to  the  attainment  of  so  desira- 
ble an  object;  his  majesty  would  be  willing  \.ij  withdraw  !>is  orders  in  council 
of  January  and  November,  1807,  so  far  as  respects  tlie  United  States,  in  the 

{>ersua8ion  that  the  president  of  the  United  States  would  issue  a  proclamation 
or  the  renewal  of  tlie  intercourse  with  Great  Britain  ;  and  that  whatever  tUf- 
fcrcnce  of  opinion  should  arise  in  the  interpretation  of  tlie  terms  of  such  an 
agreement  will  be  removed  in  the  proposed  ncgociation. 

"  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  sentiments  of  the  highest  consideration  and 
esteem,  sir,  your  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

"  D.  M.  ERSKINE. 
"  Honourable  Robert  Smith,  &c.  ifc.  &e** 

(No.  IV.)   .  •• 

MR.  SMITH  TO  MR.  KRSKIlfE. 

Depurtment  of  State,  Jipril  18,  1809. 
"  Sir — ^The  note  which  I  had  the  honour  of  receiving  from  you  this  day,  I  lost 
no  time  in  laying  before  the  president,  wlio  being  sincerely  desirous  of  «  satis, 
factory  adjustment  of  the  lUflorenccs  luihappily  existing  between  (ircut  Uritaiii 
and  tile  United  States,  has  authorised  me  to  assure  yuu,  that  he  will  meet,  with 
a  disposition  correspondent  with  that  of  his  liritannic  majesty,  tlic  detei-miiia- 
Uon  of  Uia  majesty  to  s«nd  toUie  United  States  a  special  envoy,  inveslcd  \\'iS.\\ 


CHAF.  SO.] 


£RSK1NB*S  ARRANGEMENT. 


Xil:- 


full  powers  to  conclude  a  treaty  on  all  the  points  of  tlie  relations  between  the 
two  countries. 

"  I  am  further  authorised  to  assure  you,  that  in  case  his  Britannic  majesty 
should,  in  the  mean  time,  withdraw  his  orders  in  council  of  January  and  No- 
vember, 1807,  so  far  as  respects  the  United  States,  the  president  will  not  fail  to 
issue  a  proclamation  by  virtue  of  the  authority,  and  for  the  purposes  specified 
in  the  eleventh  section  of  the  statute,  commonly  called  the  non-mtercourscact. 
)  have  tlie  honour,  &c.  &c. 

-,  K.SMITH." 


(No.  V.) 


MR, 


.  ERSKTNE  TO  MR,  SMITH. 

WuaMngton,  April  19,  1809. 
"  Sir — ^In  consequence  of  the  acceptance,  by  the  president,  as  stated  in  your 
letter  dated  the  eighteenth  instant,  of  the  proposals  made  by  me  on  the  part 
of  his  majesty,  in  my  letter  of  the  same  day,  for  the  renewal  of  the  intercourse 
between  the  respective  countries,  I  am  authorised  to  declare,  that  his  majesty's 
orders  in  council  of  January  and  November,  1807,  will  have  been  withdrawn  as 
respects  tiie  United  States,  on  tlie  tenth  day  of  June  next.  I  have  the  honour 
to  be,  &c.  &c. 

D.  M.  ERRKINE." 

Honourable  Bobart  Smith,  &c.  &c- 

(No.  VI.) 

MR.  SMITH  TU  MH.  ERSKINK. 

Department  of  State,  April  19, 1809, 
"  Sir — Having  laid  before  the  president  your  note  of  this  day,  containing  an 
assurance,  that  his  Britannic  majesty  will,  on  the  tenth  day  of  June  next,  have 
Avithdrawn  his  orders  in  council  of  January  and  November,  1807,  as  far  as  re- 
spects tlie  United  States,  lliavc  the  honour  of  informing  you,  that  the  president 
will  accordingly,  and  in  pursuance  of  the  eleventh  section  of  the  statute,  com- 
monly called  the  non-intercourse  act,  issue  a  proclamation,  so  that  the  trade  of 
the  United  States  with  Great  Britain  may  on  tiie  same  day  be  renewed,  in  the 
manner  provided  in  the  s^d  section.    I  have  the  honour,  &c.  &c. 

H.  SMITH.'* 


BT  TH£  PRXSIDKNT  OF  THE  VMTlin  KTATK8  OF  AMERICA, 

A  PROCLAMATION. 

"Whereas  it  is  provided  by  the  eleventh  section  of  the  act  of  congress,  en- 
titled "  An  act  to  nUcrtlict  the  commercial  intercourse  between  the  United 
States  and  Great  Britain  and  France,  and  their  dependencies  ;  and  for  other 
purposes  i"  that  "  in  case  either  France  or  Great  Britain  shall  so  revoke  or 
modify  her  edicts  as  that  they  shall  cease  to  violate  the  neutral  commerce  of 
the  United  States,"  the  president  is  authorised  to  declare  the  same  by  pro- 
clamation ;  after  wliich  the  tr.ade  suspended  by  the  said  act,  and  by  an  act 
laying  an  embargo  on  all  ships  and  vessels  in  the  ports  and  harlioura  of  the 
United  States,  and  the  several  acts  supplementary  thereto,  may  be  renewed 
with  the  naticm  so  doing.  And  whereas  the  honourable  David  Montague 
Frskine,  his  Britannic  majesty's  envoy  extraordinary,  and  minister  plenipolen* 
tiary,  has,  by  the  oi-der  and  in  the  name  of  his  sovereign,  declared  to  tliis  go- 
vcriimeut,  tliat  tiie  Britisli  orders  in  council  of  January  and  November,  1807, 
will  have  been  withdrawn  as  respects  tiie  Uuitcd  States,  on  tlie  tenth  day  of 
June  next  :  Now,  therefore,  1  Jamks  Madiboiv,  President  of  tlie  United  States, 
do  hereby  proclaim,  that  the  orders  in  council  aforesaid  will  have  been  with- 
drawn on  the  suiil  tcntli  day  of  June  next  :  after  which  day  the  trade  of  the 
United  States  with  Great  Britain,  as  suspended  by  the  act  of  con^'ess  above 
mentioned,  and  an  act  laying  an  emliargo  on  all  ships  and  vessels  in  the  porta 
and  iiarbours  of  the  United  States,  and  the  several  acta  supplementary  there* 
tt),  may  be  renew  cd. 


O.  B. 


23 


'ri 


16^ 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


{cHAr.  30. 


ii!! 


"  Given  under  my  hand  and  the  seal  of  tlie  United  States,  at  Wash- 
ington, the  nineteenth  day  of  April,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one 

1.  s        thousand  eight  hundred  and  nine,  and  of  tlie  Independence  of  tlic 
United  States,  the  thirty,  tliird." 
By  tfie  President,  JAMES  MADISON. 

R.  SiUTH,  Secretary  of  State. 

Never  was  a  measure  more  loudly  or  unanimously  applaud- 
ed. Parties  agreed  in  their  encomiums  on  the  act  and  the  ac- 
tors, who  hardly  ever  before  or  since,  accorded  on  any  subject. 
The  federalists  cannot  have  forgotten — if  they  have,  history  will 
not  forget — that  they  repeatedly  asserted,  in  the  most  confident 
terms,  that  England  had  been  at  all  times  ready  to  do  us  justice  ; 
—that  it  had  been  in  the  power  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  at  any  period 
of  his  administration,  to  have  procured  equally  fair  and  honour- 
able terms  ;  and  that  nothing  but  his  profligate  devotion  to 
France,  and  deadly  hostility  to  England,  had  prevented  an 
equitable  adjustment  of  all  our  differences.  Mr.  Madison  was 
hailed  as  a  truly  American  president.  He  was  invited  to  federal 
entertainments — claimed  as  a  federalist  and  a  Washingtonian— 
and  halcyon  days  of  peace  and  plenty  were  augured  under  his 
administration,  which  was  indubitably  to  usher  in  a  political 
millennium.  The  farce  was  carried  on  to  such  an  extent  by  the 
federalists,  that  the  democrats  grew  jealous.  They  were  fearful 
of  losing  the  attachment  of  the  president,  whose  election  they 
had  made  such  exertions  to  secure. 

In  an  evil  hour  for  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain,  this 
honourable  arrangement  was  fatuitously  and  dishonourably  re- 
jected by  the  British  ministry ;  and  thus  the  two  countries  were 
once  more  involved  in  the  most  vexatious  discussions. 

So  far  as  respects  the  administration  of  Mr.  Madison,  this 
affair  affords  the  most  indubitable  evidence  of  the  utter  falsehood 
of  the  charge  of  French  Influence,*  with  which  the  wide  welkin 
has  rung,  and  which  has  been,  and  is,  as  firmly  believed  by  hun- 

•  In  cveiy  age,  and  every  nation,  there  has  been,  and  is  some  slang  preva- 
lent, by  which  the  people  afe  besotted,  bereft  of  their  reason,  and  led  "  to 
play  such  pranks befmc  high  heavep,  as  make  e'en  angels  weep."  Who  is  ig- 
norant of  the  magical  effects  in  Great  Britain  of  the  cry,  "  the  church  is  in  dan- 
ger,"  whereby  the  severities  and  restrictions  under  which  the  protestant  dis- 
senters groaned  for  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  }  ears,  v  ere  firmly  riveted  on 
them.  The  charge  of  "French  iiifuencn"  in  the  United  States  has  been  so  often 
reiterated,  and  so  generally  believed,  tliat  it  appears  to  thousands  of  our  citi- 
zens both  iinpcrtiuent  and  absurd  to  doubt  its  existence.  Hut  there  never  has 
been  the  shadow  of  jiroof  of  its  existence  alleged.  And  I  feel  perfectly  confi- 
dent, tliat  llure  are  thousands  of  Kiiglishmen  in  vanous parts  of  tiie  United 
States,  particularly  in  out*  sea-ports,  any  one  of  whom  takes  a  more  active  part 
in  our  poliiics,  and  has  more  influence  on  our  affairs,  tlian  any  twenty  Fi'cnch- 
men.  Talleyrand's  observation  on  this  subject  is  i)ei'fectly  just.  "In  every 
part  of  America  timnigh  wiilch  I  have  travelled,  I  have  not  foinul  a  single  En- 
glishman, wlio  did  not  feel  himself  to  be  an  American  ;  nor  a  single  French- 
man who  did  not  fuul  himself  a  stranger."* 

There  are  Frcncl>mei\  in  New  York,  I'hiladelphia,  and  Raltimoro,  who  have 
been  natiiralisecl  ten,   twenty,   and  even  thirty  ycare,  who  do  notintei-fere  so 

•  Memoir  on  the  Commercial  Uclations  of  the  United  States  with  England* 
page  lij. 


CHAP.  30.] 


ERStONG'S  ARRANGEMENT. 


16> 


dreds  of  thoubandsofour  citizens,  as  any  portion  of  "  holy  writ." 
Had  there  been  the  slightest  particle  of  that  noxious  influence  in 
our  cabinet,  it  could  not  have  failed  to  prevent  such  a  rapid 
movement  as  healing  the  long-enduring  and  cankered  breaches 
between  the  two  countries  in  two  days. 

Never  in  the  annals  of  mankind,  did  a  rooted,  inveterate,  and 
contemptible  prejudice  exist,  so  completely,  so  unanswerably 
borne  down  by  a  strong  and  irrefutable  fact,  as  in  this  case  is 
the  accusation  of  French  influence  :  and  yet  no  more  attention 
has  been  paid  to  the  strong  and  irresistible  fact,  than  if  it  had 
not  the  slightest  bearing  whatever  on  the  subject.  Throughout 
the  whole  of  Mr.  Madison's  administration,  this  senseless,  ab- 
surd, and  Jacobinical  cry  of"  French  influence"  has  disturbed  the 
harmony  of  the  country— endangered  its  peace — and  produced 
the  most  magical  effects,  on  "  the  most  enlightened  nation  in  the 
world." 

The  conduct  of  the  federalists  respecting  this  celebrated 
instrument,  was  to  the  last  degree  inconsistent  and  indefensi- 
ble— 

They  were,  after  it  was  agreed  upon,  as  i  have  stated,  unani- 
mous and  loud  in  their  applause  of  England,  for  her  magnani- 
mity in  offering,  and  of  Mr.  Madison,  for  his  patriotism  and 
public  spirit  in  accepting,  the  terms  proposed  by  Mr.  Erskine. 
The  force  of  the  language  was  exhausted,  in  panegyrical  strains. 
All  the  praises  of  Mr.  Madison  were  accompanied  by  direct  or 
insinuated  abuse  of  his  predecessor.  The  two  presidents  appear- 
ed like  the  two  ends  of  a  scale-beam.  In  proportion  as  one  rose, 
*the  other  sunk,  Mr.  Madison  was  elevated  among  the  celes- 
tials—Mr. Jefferson  precipitated  among  the  infemals.  There 
was  hardly  one  of  the  party  from  New  Hampshire  to  Georgia, 
who  did  not  assert,  that  had  Mr.  Jefferson  been  disposed,  he 
might  have  made  an  arrangement  on  as  favourable  terms  at  any 
time  during  his  administration — 1i6r  England  had  been  at  all 
times  equally  inclined  to  do  us  justice. 

But  when  England  rejected  this  arrangement — when  she  gave 
the  lie  direct  to  all  their  asseverations  of  her  willingness  to  ad- 
just the  differences  between  the  two  countries,  on  fair  and  hon- 
ourable principles— -they  still  defended  her.  They  assailed,  and 
abused,  and  vilified,  and  degraded  their  own  government.  And 
Mr.  Madison,  who  had  been  placed  among  the  stars  of  heaven, 
sunk  down  at  once  below  the  horizon  into  pitchy  darkness,  with 
his  predecessor.  And  for  what  ?  Had  he  committed  any  crime 
to  warrant  this  change  of  opinion  ?  No.     Had  he  altered  the 

nuich  in  our  politics  ns  English,  Scotch,  and  Irishmen  frequently  do  within  tliff 
first  month  after  their  arrival.  I  have  never,  in  thirty  years,  known  three 
Prenclimen  in  Philadelphia  who  took  an  active  part  in  our  poUtics.  Many  of 
tlicm  rarely  exercise  the  elective  franphise. 


m 


POI-mCAL  OUVE  BO^  J   ?T' 


[rwip.  3©, 


l!^i 


system  of  conduct  which  had  been  so  higl  }  fxtoUed  ?  No.  His 
only  crime  was,  that  England  broke  the  faith  her  minister  had  so 
solemnly  pledged  to  him,  and  to  this  cruelly-injured  and  outraged 
cow  try  !  !  !  !  !  !  Alas  !  alas  !  poor  human  nature  ! 

To  establish  fully  what  I  have  asserted,  I  annex  extracts 
from  the  federal  papers  and  speeches,  published  before  and  af- 
ter the  fatal,  the  monstrous,  the  absurd  rejection  of  this  arrange^ 
ment. 

"  We  owe  it  to  Mr.  Madison  and  his  cabinet  to  say*  and  we  do  il  with  pride 
and  pleasure,  that  tliey  have  come  forward  with  a  degree  of  promptitude  and 
manliness  which  reflects  much  honour  on  them  and  the  country.  Mr.  Madison  has 
now  done  luhat  J\lr.  Jefferson  was  requested  by  the  British  government  to  do  in  the 
note  appended  to  the  treaty  returned  by  him.  Mr.  Madison  is  now  effectually  re- 
sisting tjje  French  decrees,  by  a  total  non-intercourse  with  that  country ;  and 
tliis  country  will  tliank.  him  for  it  to  the  latest  generation."  United  States  Ga- 
zette, April  24,  1809. 

"  The  candour,  liberality,  and  sincerity  displayed  in  those  doaiments,  are  alike 
honourable  to  the  two  eror^ernmentx."  Poulson's  American  Daily  Advertiser,  April 
22,  1809. 

"  The  non-intercourse  with  France,  which  congress  threatened,  Nov.  22, 
1808,  and  really  enacted  March  1st,  1809,  takes  place  on  20th  May  next — this 
measure  against  France  produced  what  no  measure  against  England  alone  coidd 
obtain.  England -was  to  be  luon  -zirith  signs  of  justice  aiid  impartiality  ,•  and  yielded 
to  these  considerations  what  she  -lanvld  not  yield  either  to  threats  or  force."  Boston 
ttepcrtory,  May  9,  1809. 

"  Nothing  here  said  is  designed  to  reflect  on  Mr.  Madison  as  the  president  of 
the  United  States.  In  thk  kikst  act  in  which  iikhah  uekncai.leii  ci'on  he  has 
BEHAVED  WITH  WISDOM.  Jtfay  he  go  on  so.  Mr.  Madison  thus  far  has  in  fact  acted 
ministerially ;  that  is,  pursuant  to  an  act  of  congi-ess,  or  tlie  generally  expressed 
voices  of  his  countr}Tnen."    Idem. 

"  We  will  not  stop  to  enquire  whether  the  spirited  and  vigorous  measures  of 
New  England — their  determined  public  declarations  that  tliey  would  not  sub- 
mit to  an  unnecessary  and  destructive  war,  has  induced  the  administration  to 
listen  to  the  same  terms  -which  Great  Britidn  has  always  been  ready  to  offer,  andtt 
which  we  have  unifoitnly  contended  she  was  sinceix'ly  disposed,"  Boston  Gazette, 
April  1809. 

"  That  Mr.  Madison  does  not  wish  to  embroil  us  with  England,  we  arc  now 
thoroughly  convinced  ;  7vhile  he  continues  to  pursue  an  hottest  and  impartial  policy, 
where  he  makes  one  enemy,  he  will  gain  a  dozen  friends."  Baltimore  Federal 
Republican,  as  quoted  by  the  Piiiladelphia  Gazette,  June  22,  1809. 

"  Scarcely  was  Mr.  Madison  seated  ni  the  chair  of  state,  when,  contrary  to  all 
our  expectations,  but  agreeably  to  our  wishes,  he  gave  the  lie  to  all  his  election- 
eering advocates  ;  abandoned  practically  and  in  tlie  face  of  the  world  the  policy 
and  course  of  the  sage  ;  and  concluded  with  Mr.  Erskine  an  agreement,  which, 
knocking  the  ignominious  hand-cvffs  from  our  hands,  unmooring  our  ships,  rejoicing 
our  hearts,  and  elevating  our  hopes,  drew  from  the  union  (the  jacobins  excepted) 
an  unfeigned  burst  of  heart-cheering  applause.  JVever  statesman  did  an  act  more 
popular  or  more  conducive  to  the  true  and  permanent  interest  of  his  country."  Phila- 
delphia Gazette,  June  23,  1809. 

"  'i'iie  public  documents  which  we  this  day  have  the  satisfaction  of  laying  be- 
fore our  readers  are  of  a  highly  pleasing  and  interesting  character.  The  note  of 
Mr.  Erskine  furnishes  satisfactory  evidence  of  a  real  disposition  on  the  part  of 
his  government  to  adjust,  on  permanent  principles,  tiie  long  subsisting  differ- 
ences with  this  co\nitiy  ;  and  Mr.  Smith's  answer  to  that  note  evinces  a  candour 
and  promptitude  equally  honourable  to  the  views  and  wishes  of  the  American 
administration.  If  Idle  both  parties  arc  governed  by  this  spirit  of  confidence  in 
the  aasicrances  of  each  other,  wc  can  foresee  no  possible  circumstance  to  impede 


m 


vajip.  30.] 


ERfSKlNF/S  ARRANGKMRNt. 


169 


their  arriving  at  a  full,  liberal,  and  advantageous  accommodation."    Philadel- 
phia Gazette,  June  19,  1809. 

"  We  sincerely  trust  that  an  enlightened  administration  will  continue  by  its 
measures  of  prudence,  economy,  and  wisdom,  to  increase  the  mortification  and 
rage  of  men,  aUem  to  the  true  interests  and  honour  of  our  country."    lb. 

On  the  second  of  May,  1809,  Mr.  Randolph  moved  in  the 
house  of  Representatives  of  the  United  States,  the  following 
resolution — 

"  Resolved,  That  the  promptitude  and  frankness  with  which  the  President 
of  the  United  States  has  met  the  overtures  of  the  government  of  Great  Bri- 
tain towards  a  restoration  of  harmony  and  free  commercial  intercourse  between 
the  two  nations,  meet  the  approbation  of  this  house." 

This  occasioned  a  long  debate,  in  which  the  federalists  were 
universally  in  favour  of  the  motion.  Mr.  Barcnt  Gardenier  was 
among  the  most  ardent  eulogists  of  Mr,  Madison.  There  ap- 
peared to  be  no  bounds  to  his  applause. 

"  This  tree  from  which  we  expected  to  gatlier  only  the  fruit  of  bitterness 
and  sorrow,  is  already  yielding  us  fruit  far  ditVerent — gladness  and  unspeakable 
joy.  To  Speak  in  the  language  of  the  resolution,  '  the  promptitude  andftanknesa 
•with  which  the  president  has  met  the  ovei-tiires  of  Great  Britain'  while  they  re- 
ceive the  applause  and  gratitude  of  the  nation,  call  not  less  imperiously  for  aa 
unequivocal  expression  of  them  by  this  house. 

"  I  must  say  that  I  do  like  the  words  '  promptitude  atid  frankness."  The 
compliment  they  convey  is  highly  merited,  as  1  sliall  endeavour  to  prove. 

"  For  bringing  about  this  state  of  things,  I  yield  my  hearty  approbation  to  the 
president  of  the  United  States :  and  I  believe  that  when  none  of  us  could  see 
tlie  end  of  our  troubles,  the  president  was  secretly  conducting  us  to  the  late 
happy  results. 

«  But  at  last  that  state  of  tilings  ORIGINALLY  PROPOSED  BY  GREAT 
BRITAIN,  has  been  brought  about,  both  as  it  regards  the  equality  contended 
for,  and  as  regards  the  assurance  of  resistance  desired.  The  proclamation  be- 
ing removed,  a  fair  adjustment  could  meet  with  no  impediment  from  that 
cause,  ^nd  it  is  a  melancholy  fact,  in  this  respect  there  nevei'  tvould  have  been  an 
impediment,  if  t/tis  ffoveiviment  had  been  idlling  to  do  originally  what  it  has  at  last 
consented  to  do. 

"  It  is  for  the  promptitude  and  frankness  with  which  the  president  met  this 
overture,  that  I  thank  him  most  cordially  in  behalf  of  my  countiy.  I  approve 
it  most  heartily. 

"  And  it  is  now  in  proof  before  us,  as  I  have  always  said  and  contended,  that 
iiOTHl^G  was  wanting  but  a  proper  spirit  of  conciliation — nothing  but  fair  and 
honourable  dealing  on  the  part  o/THlS  country,  to  bring  to  a  happy  issue  all  the 
fictitious  differences  between  this  country  and  Great  Britain  ,-  and  that  is  now  ac- 
knowledged to  be  true,  for  saying  which,  1  have  been  so  much  censured — cen- 
sured, because  it  suited  the  purposes  of  some  people,  to  attribute  to  me  a  con- 
fidence in  the  justice  of  the  British  government,  which  did  not  become  an 
American  citizen. 

"  The  president,  very  properly  relying  on  the  assurances  of  the  British 
minister,  that  tlie  edicts  of  fircat  Britsun  would  have  been  withdrawn,  on  or  l)c- 
fore  tlie  20tli  of  June  then  next,  authorised  a  renewal  of  intercourse  after  that 
day." 

The  governor  of  Massachusetts,  in  his  speech  to  the  legisla- 
ture, unites  his  praises  with  those  of  Mr.  Gardenier — 

"  We  have  great  reason  to  indulge  the  hope  of  realizing  diose  views  [arising 
from  a  revival  of  commerce]  ti-om  the  prompt  and  aniicublo  disposition,  witli 
which  it  is  understood  the  present  federal  administratiou met  the  conciliatory 


,.i  I 


"•      I . 


If^ 


tfO 


POLTTICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[cnjip.  30. 


overtures  of  Great  Britain— a  disposition  which  is  entitled  to,  and  -will  certainly  re- 
ceive the  /learty  approbation  of  every  one  tvho  sincerely  loves  the  peace  ami  prospe- 
vity  of  the  nation." 

The  senate  and  house  of  representatives  re-echo  this  encomi- 
astic strain :  . 

"  The  prese.it  administration  of  the  general  government  lias  had  the  wisdom 
to  discern,  ajid  the  patriotism  to  commence,  a  course  of  policy  respecting  our  com- 
merce and  foreign  relations,  wliicli  is  calculated  to  promote  tlie  prosperity,  and 
to  secure  the  peace  and  independence  of  our  countrj'." 

"  The  proni|)t  acceptance  by  the  federal  administration  of  the  conciliatory 
overtures  of  Great  Britain,  which  opened  tlie  door  for  the  removal  of  those 

{p-ievous  embarrassments  by  which  the  industry  and  entcrprizc  of  our  citizens 
lave  be  n  so  long  puralized,  meets  the  approbation,  and  will  ensure  the  support  of 
this  cemnonwealth. ' 

Messrs.  Wagner  and  Hanson  chimed  in  with  the  general 
strain  of  approbation,  which  was  carried  to  the  utmost  extent, 
in  order,  by  the  contrast,  to  blacken  the  character  of  the  former 
administration. 

"  Sophistry  is  busily  at  work  in  the  democratic  papers,  to  show  that  the  ac- 
commovilation  with  Kngland  is  tlie  result  of  tlie  democratic  plans — that  is  to  say, 
of  the  embargo  and  non-intercourse  law.  If  this  could  be  made  to  appear,  it 
would  so  fur  absolve  their  autliora  from  the  min  and  sufleriugs  imposed  by 
those  laws,  as  to  prove  that  they  hail  some  effect.  But  the  common  sense  of 
the  people  is  proof  against  tlie  delusion ;  who  arc  pei-suadcd  that  wiial  was  so 
easily  efl'ected  in  April  last,  might  have  been  done  long  before,  and  the  nation 
been  thereby  saved  from  the  humiliation  of  retiring  from  the  exercise  of  its 
rights  upon  tlie  ocean,  us  well  iis  the  immense  loss  it  has  su  Tered,and  continues 
to  sustain  in  the  decay  and  depreciation  of  its  prod>ice.  Every  reflecting  mind 
feels  this  at  once  ;  nor  does  it  require  any  circuitous  argviment  to  be  convinced, 
that  a  persevering  and  ardent  nftposilion  to  these  democratic  juffffles,  and  ?tot  a  vo- 
luntary abandonment  of  them,  broke  the  embargo,  ami  placed  France  and  Great 
Jiiitain  upon  that  ef/utilfuotinq;  which  the  lattkr  unifuiimlv  iiuclark»  would 

IXDtCF.    ILK.n    TO    CtlMPnOMISi:. 

"  Sincere  and  general  as  has  been  the  Joy  spread  by  the  retm-n  of  a  good  un- 
derstanding with  F.ngland,  will  be  the  iudignallon,  which  at  no  distant  (by,  a 
calm  review  of  the  snares  which  have  been  laid  to  entrap  our  fience,  and  ertimruish 
otir  prosperity,  will  unavoidublii  inspir«.  The  curniit  of  the  (lisap])r()bation  of 
this  i-onspiracv  is  not  at  a  stand.  It  has  much  greater  progress  to  make  ;  nor 
will  it  stop  until  it  places  an  insupenible  bar  against  even  the  aspiring  paily 
which,  till  lately,  has  lorded  it  without  opposition  over  the  state  of  Mai-yland."* 

I  shall  add  to  these  extracts  the  sentiments  of  Mr.  Coleman, 
editor  of  the  New- York  Evening  Post,  which  are  as  strong  and 
decisive  as  any  of  the  others*. 

"  Look  at  the  files  of  this  pajier  for  auvi  I  c^onth.  Von  will  find  it  insisted 
up<Hi  that  (iri  (It  Ihitainwinhrd  fur  (tn  adjustment  tf  differences,  and  wuutd  tome 
til  an  accummndation  the  moment  we  ffuvr  her  a  chance  to  dn  no,  hii  plueins;  her  nn  an 
rqiial fitnlinc;  with  France. — Mr.  Krskine  vi-ry  proniptiv  Ixginn,  by  st:iting,  on 
our  government's  placing  Knglund  on  a  footing  s\i III  l'"niMce,  Kngliiiul  will  nmk<; 
*rparatioii — jimp  imiki  iski.t   what  i   iuvj.  saih  a  hi  niihi.k  timi.h  im  i.ii   im    iiiis 

VAPKR,  NIIK    will  1,11   VKnT   l)l.4III.V    III), 

"  I'he  first  psrt  of  the  second  nsnlution  accompanying  the  report  of  the  com- 
mittee  offiiriign  relalinns,  enntemptuled  w\  itrrangenient  bywliieli  ilie  respec- 
tive belligerenUi  would  hi-  ])laccd  in  a  state  of  eijualitym  to  the  excKisam  of* 


Federal  Itepublican,  July  4,  1B0<.>. 


-*»■ 


50. 


CHAP.  30.3 


ERSKINE'S  ARRANGEMENT* 


m 


their  ships  of  war  from  our  iiarbours.  This  report  was  sent  to  England ;  and 
immediately  the  Hritish  minister  uinhCTEu  Mr.  Erskine  to  make  the  propositions 
which  have  lately  been  acceded  to  and  published,  provided  any  measure  was 
adopted  which  would  place  Great  Britain  m  a  state  of  equality  with  her  eneinieit, 
as  to  tile  admission  or  exclusion  of  her  sh'ps  of  war  from  our  luirbours.  'J'he 
MON-iNTKitcuuiisi;  ACT  WAS  OK  THIS  .NATi;RK.  Mr.  Erskluc  stated  tlie  intentions  of 
Ms  government,  and  an  agreement  has  been  made."* 

"  Well  may  the  merchants  of  Alexandria  rejoice  at  Mr.  Madison's  return  to 
the  good  oKl  principle  of  Fi;itKUALisM.  Let  tlie  crasy  professors  of  Jeffeisonism 
give  themselves  up  to  weeping  and  wailing,  and  all  the  afflicting  stings  of  jea- 
lousy and  iT'ortification.  'I'he  feikralisls  VVU.I^  pay  homage  \o  Mr.  Madison, 
while  he  continues  to  pursue  tlie  coui-se  he  has  taken."f  1 

Relying  on  the  good  faith  of  Groat  Britain,  our  government 
immediately  removed  the  restrictions  on  her  commerce;  re- 
stored the  intercourse  between  the  two  nations  to  the  state  in 
which  it  had  been  previous  to  the  misunderstanding;  and  natu- 
rally expected  to  be  met  on  the  same  fair  and  honourable  ground 
by  the  other  contracting  party.  But  other  counsels  fatally  pre- 
vailed at  St.  James's.  The  solemn  contract  made  by  its  minis- 
ter plenipotentiary  was  rejected  on  the  ground  of  his  having 
*'  exceeded  his  instructions." 

Had  Mr.  Erskine  made  a  wanton  sacrifice  of  the  honour  and 
interests  of  his  country — the  rejection  of  his  arrangement  might 
be  palliated,  perhaps  justified.  But  no  m.in  who  has  any  regard 
to  his  character,  will  pretend  this  to  have  been  the  case.  Both 
were  ccjually  secured.  And  to  prevent  any  difficulty  in  the 
adjustment  of  the  dispute — to  evince  more  fully  Mr.  Madison's 
sincere  wish  for  harmony,  the  thorny  and  difficult  subject  of  im- 
pressment was  laid  aside  for  future  negoc'  ition. 

"  But  Mr.  P'.rskine  exceeded  his  instructions.'*  What,  in 
the  name  of  heaven,  1  ask,  must  have  been  the  instructions  that 
did  not  warrant  an  envoy  extri'ordinary  to  propose  or  ratify 
sLch  an  arrangement ;  so  simple,  so  fair,  and  so  honourable  ? 

But  admitting  for  a  moment,  that  Mr.  Erskine  exceeded  his 
instructions — or  let  us  even  suppose  that  he  had  made  this  ar- 
rangement of  his  own  mere  motion,  without  any  instructions 
whatever — what  reasonable  objection  tould  be  made  to  it  ? 
Could  the  most  partl.il  friend  of  England,  if  actuated  by  ho- 
nourable views,  require  better  terms? 

Let  us  analyse  this  arrangement — let  us  state  the  ^idd  pt'9 
quo — 

To  America  it  off'trcd 
t.    A  repeal  of  the  orders  in  council — 
2.  Atonenitiit  for  the  outrage  on  the  Chtijapeake. 

•  New  York  EvcnlnR  Post,  April'.Yi,  18()<>. 
I  I'Vdprai  Ucpublicun 

t  I  lie  niaib  of  Uie  exttuctit  in  thiit cliantcr  wo  chiefly  taken  from  "Tijinirs  u<4 
Uitywe."  .  '  '  ' 


I 


ii^i^' 


POLITICAL  OUVE  tiUANCU. 


[chap.  34». 


«   To  Errand 

1.  A  restoration  of  all  the  iiniuense  advantages  of  the  most 
taluable  commerce  in  the  world — 

2.  A  continuation  of  the  suspension  of  intercourse  between 
the  United  States  and  France. 

I  freely  appeal  at  this  moment  to  George  Cabot,  James 
Lloyd,  jr.  governor  Strong,  Timothy  Pickering,  Alexander 
Contee  Hanson,  or  to  Lord  Castlereagh,  to  decide  whether  there 
were  any  thing  in  these  terms  that  could  warrant  the  government 
of  a  mighty  nation  to  break  the  liiith  pledged  b)'  its  minister — ■ 
and  to  attach  shame,  disgrace,  and  dishonour  to  tliat  minister  in 
the  eyes  of  his  own  nation  and  of  the  whole  world  ?  Neither  of 
these  gentlemen  wiP  dare  to  aver  that  there  was. 

The  reader  who  has  perused  with  attention  the  Krskinc  ar- 
rangement, and  considered  the  advaniagemis  terms  it  insured  to 
England,  will  be  struck  with  surprise  at  its  rejection,  lie  will 
naturally  ask,  by  what  ill-starred  and  fatal  councils  were  the 
British  ministry  influenced?  This  is  a  question  not  easily  an- 
swered.    I  shall  attempt  a  solution. 

A  recurrence  to  the  26th  chapter  of  this  work,  will  show 
the  tumidtuous,  disorganizing,  and  Jacobinical  proceedings  tl»at 
occurred  in  Massachusetts  in  the  early  part  ot  the  year  1809. 
Open  resistance  to  the  embargo  was  advocated  in  the  news  pa- 
pers— preached  from  the  pulpit — plainly  menaced  in  the  legisla- 
ture— and  publicly  proclaimed  in  inflammatory  resolutions  of 
town  meetings. 

Intelligence  of  these  disgraceful,  ihest-  Jacobinical  proceedings 
reached  Knglanil  conteniporaneously  with  the  account  of  Mr. 
Erskine's  arrangement.  It  is  highly  jjrobable  that  the  i.ritish  mi- 
nistry deceived  themselves  into  the  opinion  that  our  government 
V ould  be  obliged  to  abandon  the  restrictive  system  altogether ; 
tJi:it  they  would  then  be  able  to  enforce  the  orders  in  council, 
without  losing  the  advantages  of  our  trade;  and  that  these  consi* 
derati(>ns  induced  them  to  reject  the  arrangement. 

This  I  .^flVr  merely  as  a  conjecture.  That  it  is  plausible  can- 
not be  denied.  Hut  in  our  times  there  will  prol)ably  be  no  op- 
portunitj'  of  fully  ascertaining  how  far  it  is  correct. 

Auollu  r  nason  has  been  assigned.  It  is  said  that  (icorge 
III.  was  irritated  at  the  implied  censure  of  his  government  re- 
specting the  conduct  of  admiral  Uerkeley,  which,  it  is  asserted^ 
so  far  woundi'd  his  feelings  as  to  induce  him  to  reject  the  ar- 
langiinent.  Many  of  our  citi/,ens  have  defended  the  reje(  tion  on 
this  j'lound.  Let  us  calmly  and  boldly  investigate  the  alVair. 

The  United  States  are  in  a  state  of  profound  peaci.  One  of 
their  frigates  le;ivi  s  port.  She  expicts  no  attack.  She  is  then  fore 
nnpiepaied  for  resistance.  She  is  followed  by  a  vessi  1  ol  superior 
force,  belonging  to  a  friendly  power.  This  vessel  has  just  en- 
joyed the  hospiiulitics  of  our  ports.    She  overtakes  our  frigate. 


ctAP.  30. 


EHSKINE'S  ARRANGEMENT. 


173 


lings 
Mr. 


She  imperiously  demands  four  seamen,  said  to  be  Bri'.sh.  Bri- 
tisli  or  Americans,  they  had  entered  voluntarily.  And  let  it  be 
borne  in  remembrance,  the  demand  is  made  by  a  nation  which 
holds  in  bondage,  thousands  of  our  citizens,  who,  in  the  pursuit 
of  their  lawful  vocations,  have  been  seized  by  force  and  violence, 
and  often  with  bloodshed  and  desj.erate  wounds.  And  further 
let  it  be  also  borne  in  remembrance,  the  demand  is  made  by  a 
nation  which  has  proclaimed,  as  an  irrkvocable  law  to 
ALL  THE  WORLD,  that  s/ie  Will  liold^  at  every  hazard^  those  sea- 
men,^ natives  oj  whatsoever  country  they  may  be^  who  enter  her 
service  vohmtarily.^  I'he  demand  is  repelled.  Our  frigate  is 
attacked.  Our  unresisting  citizens  are  cruelly  murdered  i ! !  The 
decks  of  the  vessel  flow  with  blood  !  !  She  is  taken.  The  crew 
is  overhauled.  Four  of  them  are  outrageously  seized,  and  made 
prisoners.  One  is  ignominiously  hanged  ! !  The  other  three, ful- 
ly proved  to  be  impressed  Americans,  are  held  in  bondage 

I  can  go  no  farther My  pen  refuses  its  office Does  not 

this  blood  cry  to  heaven  for  vengeance  on  the  murderers?  Can 
the  foul  stain  be  effaced  but  with  blood  ?  "  Whoso  sheddeth 
man's  blood,  by  man  shall  his  blood  be  shed." 

But,  reader,  I  was  wrong.  My  feelings  led  me  astray.  The 
atonement  was  worthy  of  the  justice  of  the  monarch  whose  sub- 
jects perpetrated — worthy  of  the  nation  which  suffered — the  hor- 
rible outrage.  For  "  Admiral  Berkley  was  recalled  from  a  hig-h~ 
ly  important  and  honourable  command,,  as  a  mark  of  the  king\'i 
displeasure !  !'''>\  But  let  it  be  added,  he  was  recalled  to  be 
plated  on  a  better  station. — He  was  removed  from  Halifax  to  be 
stationed  atLisbonj—  And  this  was  the  only  mark  of  displeasure 
he  ever  experienced.  In  10 10,  he  was  promoted  from  the  rank 
of  vice-admiral  to  that  of  adpiiral.  He  is  now  lord  high  admiral 
of  Portugal. 

To  be  serious.  FiVer}'  man  of  a  correct  mind  and  sound  prin- 
ciples felt  that  his  Britannic  majesty  owed  it  to  himself  to  have 
disjjlayed  his  disapprobation  of  the  foul  deed  in  some  decisive 
mode.  The  offender  ' -.'jht  to  have  been  severely  punished. 
And  therefore  it  is  in»p(Kssible  not  to  approve  the  dignified  but 
mild  Ktyle  in  which  the  president  treats  the  transaction  :  — 

"  I  am  autlioi'ist'd  to  iiit'orin  you,  timt  the  president  uccoptH  of  tlio  noto  de- 
livcrcil  by  yoti,  in  tlic  iiaiiu  ami  by  tlic  onli  r  of  his  Uritiiimir  nuijcsty  i  siixl  will 
o.otiHidor  the  winic,  with  thi  «  npfu^inu-nt  contuiiu-d  Ihcrt'in,  wlwii  fiiHillf>i,(i.va 
natmfttction  for  the  hmtll  tinil  inju)  ii  nftvliirh  hi'  luis  cnmlilainrtl.  \\\\\  I  have  it  in 
ix|ii'»  ssclmi'f^o  from  the  |)rcsi(Uiit  to  Htiiti'.thut  wliili-  iu>  forbeai-s  to  iiiniot  on  a 
further  punishment  of  tlic  olVcnding-  oiHcur,  he  in  nut  thr  Ivim  lemibte  n/  the  .;,/»• 

•  Tills  reason,  a  comploto  sic  volo,  »ic  jubco — stat  pro  rutioni-  voluntas — lias 
bcon  ri|)ri(lfdlv  assif^mil,  to  justify  ii  r<i'us»l  of  tlic  sunrndtr  of  nativt s  of 
America,  held  in  boiulajifc  on  board  Hritish  vessila  of  wur,  whin  cluimvd  b^ 
tlie  pit)pi  r  aufhts  of  our  jfoveninieiit. 

t  Se.>  Mr.  Krskine's  It  Iter  No.  1. 

I  The  outrage  wtt«  committed  in  June,    lie  did  not  Iciui-  llalifftx  till  !)< 
ttiniber. 

O.  U.  St 


11 


I 


ir% 


POUTICAL  OUVE  BRANCH. 


[chap.  3 


lice  and  utility  of  such  an  example,  nov  the  less  persuaded  that  it  luould  best  com- 
port with  what  is  due  from  his  Britannic  majesty  to  his  own  honour." 

To  enable  us  to  form  a  correct  idea  of  this  transaction,  let  us 
suppose  that  commodore  Barron  had  anchored  in  Portsmouth 
or  Plymouth — that  twenty  oi  his  sailors  had  voluntarily  entered 
on  board  a  liritish  frigate — that  he  had  dimandcd  them — had 
followed  the  frigate  to  sea — attacked  her — killed  part  of  her  crew 
— seized  as  many  as  he  judged  proper — and,  finally,  to  cap  the 
climax,  hanged  one  oi  them.  What  would  be  the  result  ?  Ven- 
geance !  vengeance  !  would  have  been  the  cry  from  the  Orkneys 
to  the  Land's  End — and  nothing  would  appease  the  insulted 
dignity  of  England,  but  Copenhagenizmg  New- York,  or  Bal- 
timore, or  Philadelphia,  or  Charleston. 

"  My  dear  sir,  one  of  my  oxen  has  gored  one  of  your  cows." 
"  >V\ll,  tc  Ije  sure,  you  will  make  reparation — you  will  send  me 
a  cow  in  th>'  place  of  the  one  I  have  lost.  To  that  you  cannot 
make  any  objections."  "It  is  all  very  right.  But  hold,  I  mis- 
took. It  is  all  the  other  way.  It  was  your  ox  that  gored  mtj 
cow.^*  So,  so,  we'll  see  about  it.  Call  some  other  time." 
**  y  good  sir — this  is  not  very  correct.  The  bn.siness  would 
have  been  soon  settled,  had  ijoit  been  as  willing  to  do  justice  to 
Othn\t\  as  to  receive  it  from  them,^^ 

Since  the  above  was  written,  I  have  consulted  Mr.  Canning's 
despatches  to  Mr.  Erskine,  by  wbirh  it  appears  that  the  British 
government  calculated  on  Mr.  Erskine's  adjusting  the  differ- 
ences between  the  two  nations  on  the  following  basis  : 

Extract  "f  a  letter  f rum  M:  Cmimvir,  sccrt'tari'  to  llit'  honourable  David  M.  Ers- 
kine, diitfii  Farrign  Offing  Ji.,Miir;i  '2j,  1809. 

"  1.  That  thf  AiTifT'Cwn  go  crnmcnt  is  prepared  in  tlip  «v»'nt  of  his  niaji'sty's 
cor.n'utinp  to  witli<lr.»\v  the  orders  in  eoiincil  of  laiiiirtrv  and  Novcniher,  1807, 
to  wi''«!'".iw  r«Mitemporunf()u>»l>  on  its  p:trt  the  inlt  rdiction  of  its  harbours  to 
sliips  of  wu".  and  uli  non-inUit/Mirsc  and  non-importation  acts,  so  far  as  rc- 
upeclH  (jreat  britain  ;  h-avinj?  tii«-ni  in  force  with  r«»pcct  to  France,  and  tiie 
powem  wliieli  m\o\>{  or.wl  tinilfr  ner  decn-ci. 

"  'J.  (Wliat  Is  of  tiio  utmo»t  iuiporttnre,  u«  (>r'  r!ii<Hn(r  a  now  source  of  mis- 
underslandintj  wim-.h  niiffht  iii'ise  .tfter  the  ail)<i.sti('<-nt  o<  ihe  otiier  questions) 
THAT  \MC,Hir\  IS  WII.MNJ.  lO  HKNO«  %ry„  iHi|MN(;  VUV.  VHK- 
8K.\r  WAU,  JMK  I'KKI  KN»»«>NS  t)F  TVKIorNt;  ON,  IN  TIMI,  OF 
WAU.  Al.t.  I  ItABI  Willi  Mil  l.\l"v:il^' (Ml  .NIKS,  FROM  WmClI 
flMK  WAS  F,\(JLL1»K1)  1)1  KlXt.  I'F.AI.K' 

"  .1.  (iieat  Britain,  for  the  purjx^w  of  Htcurinjf 'he  operation  of  the  embarpfo, 
ftnd  of  tile  buna  fidr  inteiiiion  of  \inorieji  u  pn-y  nt  lier  « ilizens  from  tiadinf; 
♦  iili  Franre,  ;ind  tlie  powirsad-tninK  unH  rtwitf  ntuli  r  the  I'nneh  decreci.  IS 
TO  HI,  CONSIDKHKI)  ASHKINt.  A1  l.fRKRI  V  1  (» •  MTIKK  Al  KSICIF 
AMfUH  A\  \  I  SSF.IS  AS  MAV  UK  FOINO  A  I"  IKMI' IINti  lO  I'lJADF, 
WITH  TIIF  HOKIS  OF  \NV  OF  IIIKSI,  I'OWF.KS '"  without  m  hieli  sc- 
fririt)  lor  (111  ohser\anei.  of  ihe  eniharj^o,  i|u-  liimnjr  of  \{  noiiuiiallv  witli  ri'- 
iip' r"t  to  <ircut  Ilritain  alone,  would,  in  fact,  raiite  it  with  respect  to  ulltho 
«orW 

"  (til  thi»f  lOnditions  liin  wajft  /  ii'Oiild  cnnsntl  to  ivithdrinv  tfw orders  in  countit 
if  Janmtiy  utul  ^vtember,  1807,  so  far  at  rt^cts  ^mcritaV 


ev 
ki 
th 

sii 
(h 
liil 


CHAP.  30.] 


ERSKINE'S  ARBANGjbMENT, 


175 


»> 


»» 


tiv(  s  IS 
SI  ('II 
U\»)F. 

liith  w- 
iili  r<"- 
iill  llu; 

I  couniil 


Let  us  examine  this  most  precious  document  with  all  the  at- 
tention its  importance  demands.  Let  us  weigh  its  e\ery  line — 
its  every  word.  Let  us  aee  wliat  justice,  what  lair  dealing  it 
mctv^d  out  tJ  this  injured,  this  insulted,  this  plundered  nation. 
Let  us  see  how  tar  the  advocates  of  English  liberality  and  Eng- 
lish jii.succ  are  borne  out  in  their  commendations  of  England, 
and  ihoir  intciuperate  abuse  of  their  own  government. 

The  orders  in  council,  existing  at  the  date  of  the  Erskine  ar- 
ran^^vment,  blockaded  I-'rance,  Holland,  and  a  part  of  Italy  ; 
containing  a  population  of  about  fifty  millions  of  people. 

By  Mr.  Canning's  instructions  to  Mr.  Erskine,  these  orders 
were  to  be  rescinded  on  three  conditions — •  .' 

1.  Taking  ofT  cdl  restrieiioMS  from  the  English  commerce. 

2.  *'  Renouncing,  during  the  existing  war,  all  track-  with  the 
enemies'  colonies  from  which  we  were  excluded  in  time  of 
peace:"  in  other  words,  assenting  by  treaty  to  the  unjust  and 
exploded  rule  of  1756. 

3.  Allowing  tlje  British  to  capture  our  vessels  bound  to 
France  and    her   dependencies;   which,   reader,    is    neitiikr 

MORF-  NOR  LLSS,  THAN  WEAVING  THK  OKDKRS   IN  COUNCIL  INTO 

A  iRKA TY— 'and  givin>5  our  own  soIcpmi  sanction  to  the  extra- 
vag'iit  |)retensi(ms  of  Great  Britain  to  limit  our  trade,  which 
prctv-niions  we  had  steadily  resisted. 

Stupendous  injustice! — Never  before  Were  such  revolting 
propositions  made  to  any  nation,  not  absolutely  sul)jugated. 
Wluu  !  Make  a  treaty  by  which  we  should  let  loose  upon  our 
defenceless  commorci  ,  the  whole  host  of  the  thousand  pu!)lic 
•.lilj>s  of  war,  and  hundreds  of  privateers,  of  the  greatest  naval 
power  in  th''  world  !  I'lu  mind  h  lost  in  astonishment  at  such 
an  unparalleled  requisition. 

But  gross,  and  insulting,  and  outrageous  as  was  tli's  proposi- 
tion— destructive  as  ils  acceptance  would  liave  Ijcen  to  thi-  vi. 
tal  interests  of  this  countrv — there  was,  I  believe,  no  federal 
printer  from  New  llam])sirnv  to  (ieorgia,  that  expressed  a  sin- 
gle word  of  censure  of  the  conduct  of  England  ior  her  daring 
and  insulting  deniands,  or  for  lu  r  breach  of  the  contract.  No. 
England  was  uniformly  right— iheir  own  government  as  uni- 
formly wrong.  It  seemed  imjiossible  for  England  to  commit  any 
act,  or  make  any  demand  that  would  not  be  justified — 

Let  me  establish  these  all'gatijms— • 

"  It  liiiviupf  Ix'cn  sliewn,  tliul  tlio  pli-u  of  ipiiorsmcc  is  in!t(lmissil)lc  in  the  case 
urdit'  I'nikiut-  iirniiiffcmcnt  ;  tliut  it  was  tiio  scrrctiiry's  duly  lo  know  llic  pow- 
er of  llio  niinistir  l)c:(ori;  lie  prorci'iUd  to  act  upon  it  •  tiiut  to  sict  upon  un  un- 
known power,  Ih  1o  lu't  witliont  ])oW('r :  it  follows  tliid  our  iidininistnition,  if 
they  nndt-'ntood  Uifirhiisini'MS,  nnist  Invo  liccn  iiwatv  that  //icy  wi'iy  nnrdrialiuq- 
with  'III  uniiulhwini'd  inilh'iilmil ;  ununllioriscd  (jnoiul  hoc,  sis  to  this  parlioular 
wihjirt ;  witli  one  itf/io  /«iil  x/iown  in  tiuili'iri/if  for  i/ir  /iurtini>f.  Consc(|ncntIy 
thry  had  no  reason  t;i  rely  on,  nor  to  cNpict,  afuHilment  o(  the  compact  hy  the 
Bniiih  [i;o\cr\\UKi\\,  knowiiiff,  an  the;/ iliil,  fhal  it  had  been  uj^rced  ujiun  withmt 


r 


•'r 


■•■'■r 


,lj] 


176 


POLITICAL  OUVE  BRANCH, 


[CHAF.  dU 


any  adequate  information  of  the  terms  having  been  authorized  by  tliat  govern- 
ment." United  States  Gazette,  Dec.  11,  1809. 

"  No  expression  has  escaped  any  member  of  the  British  cabinet,  either  in  par- 
liament or  elsewhere,  making  indecorous  insinuations  against  the  United  States, 
or  manifesting  a  temper  unfriendly  to  conciliation.  On  the  contrary  tluy  have 
declared  a  viiah  to  reiiev/  amicabU;  neg'ociation  ,•  having  named  a  minister  for 
that  purpose ;  and,  witli  at  least  apparent  sincerity,  have  expressed  their  fears 
thai  iJiis  unfortunate  error  of  Mr.  Erskine  may  increase  the  difficulties  of  a 
frioacUy  arrangement  between  the  two  countries."  United  States'  Gazette, 
Octol)er  5,  1809. 

"  By  letters  fi-om  well-informed  men  in  England,  we  are  assured  that  the  con- 
dtict  ofJMr.  Erskitieis  condemned  by  all  parties  in  that  countvy  ,•  that  the  temper 
of  the  ])ublic  is  far  beyond  that  of  the  ministry.  A  very  general  opinion  pre- 
vails there,  tiiat  it  will  be  very  difficult  to  keep  any  terms  with  this  coiintry ; 
t/iat  we  are  ffoverned  by  men  devoted  to  the  interests  of  France,  who  are  determined 
to  insist  on  lenns  from  Enic^lnnd  which  vj'.ver  can  he  nhttdned  !  !  .'"  Boston  Palla- 
dium, August  li,  1809." 

•*  !t  is  a  truth  which  the  wisest  and  best  patriots  of  America  have  long  and 
serio.isly  ileplort-d,  that  the  past  admini:itrution  had  furnished  no  symptom  of  im- 
partiuliti/  •'letween  the  two  belligerents,  previous  to  the  act  inhibiting  the  entrance 
of  our  polls  to  the  armed  vessels  of  the  one  as  well  as  of  the  other.  In  tliat  spi- 
rit whicii  Mr  Smith  still  retains,  and  now  labours  to  revive  in  the  bosom  of 
others,  hostiUly  to  England  and  tame  snbsetfiency  to  Frame,  are  known  to  have, 
bet'ii.  its  characteristic  features  !  !  !  The  facts  are  in  the  possession  of  every 
m:ui  i  whicli  prove  that  the  feelings  of  the  great  body  of  the  people,  not  tiieir 
leaders,  preserved  us  from  a  war  in  which  a  complete  success  would  have  rivet- 
ed chains  on  ours>lves."     United  Slates'  Ga/ette,  October  18,  1809. 

''  F'lr  our  part,  we  have  had  but  one  opinion  from  the  commencement  of  tids  mys- 
tenons  affair,-  and  we  have  made  bold  to  express  it.  It  is,  that  Mr.  F.r shine 
act-il  rontrnrij  to  /us  instruction*  ! !  !  and  that  secretary  Smith  knew  what  these 
instntction    -crre  !  !  .'"  Ibid. 

"  In  short,  Mr.  Erskine  turrendered  ei'erv  tidng,  and  got  nothing  in  return  .'  /  .'" 
Ibid. 

"  The  people  have  been  flagrantly  deceived,  and  grossly  abused  !  !  !  The  matter 
rests  between  Mr.  Erskine  and  'titv  administration  !  !  !  Wherever  the  blame  shall 
attach,  it  is  for  the  people  to  apply  or  originate  the  remedy."  Federal  liepubli- 
can,  July  31. 

Mr.  Hanson  states,  that  "  Mr.  Erskine  surrendered  every 
thins^.,  and  got  nothing  in  return!''''  What  a  stupendous  disre- 
gard of  fact  is  tmhraced  in  t.hei>e  few  words  !  It  is  impossible  to 
exceed  i(.  What  f'ld  he  surrcudur  ?  Merely  the  odif.us,  the  un- 
just orders  in  council !  And  did  he  receive  nothing  in  return  ? 
\Va.s  the  immense  trade  of  the  United  States  nothing?  Was  it 
nothing  to  p.'rpctuate  the  non-intercourse  with  France,  till  shi- 
Vc  uul  lur  piratical  decrees?  I  aver  in  the  face  of  this  na- 
tirn,  and  defy  IVTr.  Hanv>n  to  controvert  the  fact,  that  England 
g-  Mod  immenseK-  -and  that  she  surremlered  nothing  hut  what 
justice  ought  to  have  induced  her  to  ha\e  surrendered  long  be- 
fore, of  her  own  accord. 

"  He  [Mr.  Einkino]  also  declares  that  tin-  Britisli  government  have  undoubt- 
rtlly  H  right  to  disiwow  the  agrt'cmeiit  .  luul  thfy  have  done  every  ilungthat  In- 
rnnie  an  Imiiouriihle  riuti'in  to  /ircTcnf  r-vil  iniux^nences  arising  lo  the  eitizens  ot 
thi»n)untr\  fiiun  trusting  to  tin  li  rini*  of  the  agreement  being  fullilled."  Uni- 
ted suites'  Ga/.tte,  Ortofxr  S,  1809. 

"  li  will  h(  observed  that  thiK  show  of  words,  and  these  negative  sta1rmrnt% 
after  all,  by  the  picsidenl,  serve  only  *')  make  the  publii  biheve,  that  he  bud  no 
leason  tu  apfnehend a  ilimvoivul.  We  in  not  hanly  euongii  to  say,  tlwt  unili  r  the 
I ircuin»Uiiccs  of  the  case,  ^At;  Mutisti  e  'vtmmcnt  wan  bound  to  abiti'   bt>  Hi- 


ji 


«..,:  ■ 


30 


CHAP.  30.] 


ERSKINE'S  ARRANGEMENT, 


177 


/  /  /»» 


shine's  act ,-  or  that  they  conducted  perfidiously  in  disavowing  it.  Yet  this  as- 
persion, one  of  the  most  injurious  and  provoking-  thai  can  bt  ilu-own  upon  a  na- 
tion, has  been  uttered,  and  incessantly  repeated,  for  sevend  months,  in  eve  -y 
dcmocnitic  paper  in  the  union."  United  SUites'  Ga/.ette,  December  2G,  1809, 

"If,  as  asserted  by  Mr.  Erskiue,  liis  powers  were  conmiunicated  to  oi;r  cabi- 
net in  substance  ;  if  tlie  iieads  of  deparlments  did  early  communicate  to  the 
leaibng  membei-s  of  both  l)ranches  of  their  «)\vn  pohtics,  tha  incompctenci/  of  his 
powern,  and  the  probability  of  the  rejection  of  the  agreement  by  Great  Jh-itain  ,- 
then  that  adjustment,  so  far  frombcin^  a  proof  of  a  disposition  to  make  peace  and 
settle  our  differences,  IS  1""HE  S  TIIONGESl'  EMIJKNCK  OV  A  HOSTILE 
TEMFEIt  :  because  .Mr  Matlison  knew,  tluit  tlie  revulsion  and  the  disappoint, 
ment  occasioned  by  it  amonfj;^  our  citizens,  would  excite  new  clamours,  mv\ 
would  break  to  pieces  tiut  formidable  phidanx  of  men,  wlio,  during- our  em- 
barnissiiients,  had  karncd  to  speak  and  think  more  favourably,  and  of  eoursu, 
more  justiy,  of  (ireat  Hritain."     United  States'  (Jazette,  December  9,  18u9. 

"  If  such  has  been  his  aim  (and  perhaps  a  dctpcr  politician  does  not  exist) 
it  has  been  completely  attained.  Mis  own  pia-tj  are  again  roused  to  a  war 
pitch.  Even  some  federalists  are  open  in  their  censure  of  Great  Britain  fur  DOlNCi 
HEK  1)U  TY  TO  HERSELF,  and  exercising  a  right  we  have  always  cliiimed 
and  received  ;  and  other  feclcralisls  doubt,  and  are  in  favour  of  waiting  to  luar 
Mr.  Erskinc's  explanation,  and  STILL  PHOI'OSE  TO  PLACE  AN  ILL  DE- 
SERVED  CONFIDENCE  IN  MR.  MADISON."  Ibid. 

On  this  last  paragraph  I  shall  make  but  one  obse  .a'  'on,  to 
which  I  request  attention.  It  is,  that  according  to  the  United 
States'  Gazette,  it  was,  in  December,  "•  the  duty''  of  England 
"  TO  HERSELF,"  to  rtject  an  arrangement  which  the  same  Ga- 
zette in  April  stated  she  had  repeatedly  in  vain  pressed  on  Mr. 
Jefferson  !  !  ! 

Now,  my  dear  reader,  whoever  you  be,  that  have  come  thus 
far  with  mc,  let  me  solemnly  invoke  you,  in  the  name  of  the  liv- 
ing God,  to  make  a  pause  here.  As  you  value  your  beloved 
country — -as  you  prize  its  honour — its  happiness— your  own 
welfiire — the  happiness,  the  welfare  of  your  posterity — review 
this  whole  subject.  I  must  once  more  bring  it  before  your  eyes. 

A  British  envoy  extraordinary  and  minister  plenipotentiary 
Informs  our  government  that  he  has  orders  to  propose  an  ar. 
rangement  of  two  or  three  leading  points  of  difference  between 
the  two  countries,  preparatory  to  a  treaty.  His  overtures  are 
accepted.  An  arrangement  is  made.  It  is  highly  advantageous 
to  both  nations,  but  more  particularly  to  that  of  the  envoj-. 
There  is  not  the  slightest  sacrifice  of  its  honour  or  interest.  Af- 
ter this  arrangement  is  completed,  we  are  assured  a  ihousand 
times  that  Kngland  hail  been  always  ready  to  arrange  our  difl'er- 
cnces  on  these  very  terms.  The  United  States'  Gazette,  and  other 
opposition  nevvspapei  s,  expressly  state  that  "  she  had  repeated- 
ly reqtiested  Mr.  Jefferson  to  do  tht-  same  thing." — And  yet, 
when  the  comoact  is  rejected,  these  same  papers  assert  that  llu: 
en\(»y  eMraordinary  had  no  ;-  v.er  to  make  the  convention — dt  - 
fend  KnghuKJ  for  the  breach  of  hii-  engagenient — and,  as  I  liave 
already  stated,  transfer  the  odium  to  their  own  governnunt  ! !  ! 
No  powers  of  language  are  adequate  to  expr..  is  the  ablonish- 
im  nt,  the  indignation  thi«  pnueduii'  excites. 


,     I'i 


ti 


176 


POUTICAL  OUVE  BRANCH. 


[CBAP.  30. 


To  fricilitate  a  comparison  of  the  astonishing,  the  never- 
enough-to-be-lamented  contradictions  of  opinion  that  were  pro- 
mulgated on  this  subject,  by  the  same  persons,  for  the  purpose 
of  poisoning  the  pubUc  mind,  I  place  in  opposite  columns  some 
of  the  statements  that  preceded,  and  those  that  followed  the  re- 
jection of  the  Erskine  arrangement.  The  human  mind  cannot 
conceive  any  thing  more  completely  inconsistent. 


"  As  to  the  revocation  of  the  orders 
in  council  it  is  merely  nccessaiy  to  ob- 
servf,  tliat  the  terms,  which  our  go- 
vernment h:is  now  accepteil,  might  have 
been  obtained  at  any  time  iiust ;  TIIKY 
WERE  ALWAYS  IN  OUR  POWER." 
Federal  RepubUcan,  May  3, 1809. 

"  Let  Mr.  Erskinc's  overture  for  an 
accommodation  be  viewed  in  whatever 
liglititmay  suit  democratic  ingenuity  to 

{)Uice  it,  and  tliey  will  find  that  the  de- 
usionso  long  kept  up  is  effectually  dis- 
sipated ;  their  diabolical  schemes  com- 
pletely frustrated. 

"  Great  Britain,  in  the  true  spirit  of 
amity,  is  willing  to  meet  us."  Idem. 

"  To  the  honour  of  England,  and  the 
confusion  of  Fretich  spies,  and  convict 
fugitives  from  the  British  dominions, 
Aer  ministry  seized  the  first  fjijijurable 
moment  to  make  honourable  reparation 
for  (he  insult  oficred  our  flag,  and  to 
ncgociate  a  commercial  treaty."  Idem, 
April  25. 

"Tlie  a\ithority  vested  in  Mr.  F'rs- 
kine  to  offer  the  terms  to  this  govern- 
ment which  have  been  accedecl  to,  was 
merely  ])r(>visional,  and  was  not  to  be 
exercised  unless  the  anticipated  change 
in  our  political  relations,  on  which  they 
were  predicated,  should  take  place. 
Mr.  Erskine  l\as  since  received /)o«>jue 
instructions  from  his  governiuent  to 
inakt'  the  arrang'-ment  already  conchi- 
«U"d.  The.se ne^uinfi/riictiniii!,v.h\c\\ mani- 
festllie  Prtrrtfv'^  desire  of  liUgland  to  heal 
the  diiferences  between  the  two  coun- 
tries, are  occasioned  by  a  knowledge 
that  the  non-intercoursi  Imh  1i:u1  ac- 
tually passed,  placing  tti  l>.  IligertMits 
onafnipf(»i*  ngof  inipartittlilv .  In  spite 
of  all  the  intrigues  ami  dccc[>tioi!s  of 
flu-  Frencli  party  w<-  are  convinciil 
thai  11  happy  termmution  will  be  p«it  »« 
our  disputes  with  England." 

Fwl.  Hep  June  17. 

"  It  was  the  policy  of  Mr  .letVerson 
to  keep  ulivc  in  the  miditt  of  our  peo* 


AFTSU  BEJECTIOir. 

"  What  was  but  a  few  days  ago  a 
doubtful  point,  is  now  settled  by  the 
publication  of  Mr.  Erskine's  instruc- 
tions. Sufficient  information  has  been 
received,  to  convince  all  candid  per- 
sons, that  the  rancour  with  which  the 
English  cabinet  has  been  pursued, 
and  th«  violent  abuse  with  wliicli  it 
has  been  assailed,  w:is  undeserved. 
We  do  not  enlertjiin  a  doubt,  when  all 
the  circumstances  shall  have  been  dis- 
closed, that  itioill  appear  that  secretary 
Smith  actually  saw  Erskine's  inslnic- 
tions  ,•  and  that  the  arrangement  was 
made,  merely  as  an  experiment.  Wo 
feel  confident  that  the  thing  will  be 
put  upon  this  footing.  If  then  the 
United  States  will  be  ultimately  inju- 
red by  thii  act,  they  wil'  Judge  where 
the  blame  lies." 

Fed.  Rep.  July  27, 1809. 

"Our cabinet,  certainly  not  a  little 
interested  in  strengthening  the  cause 
of  democr.icy,  have  prevailed  upon 
Mr.  Erskine  to  do  an  act  which  has 
extricated  their  party  from  the  most 
embarras.sing  and  dilficult  situation 
that  it  was  possible  for  them  to  be 
placed  in,  which  they  [the  cabinet] 
knew  would  not  be  ratified  :  they  at  a 
single  dash,  rid  themselves  of  all  the 
obnoxious  measures  which  brotight  so 
much  ridicule  and  ilisgracc  upon  their 
party,  and  have  contrived  for  a  time, 
to  lieap  odium  upon  England.  In  the 
next  place  by  seeming  to  improve  the 
first  opportunity  of  an  arrangement 
with  England,  they  tlisproveil  to  ap- 
peanmcc  the  charge  of  animosity  to 
England  and  partiality  for  France. 

"These  were  the  im])ortant  advan- 
i&fCes  whicii  Mr  Six-retary  Smith  flat- 
trn-d  himself  vioidd  be  tue  fruit  of 
hiH  cunning  Hy  eH'ecting  an  arrange- 
ment which  he  knew  was  unauthori- 
9td  <vu  the  part  of  Mr.  Erskine,  and 
woiiM  uecessani)  be  rejer-ted  by  the 
Unuih    govcntmciit »   hu    ciJculatcd 


CHIP.  30.] 


ERSKINE'S  ARRANGEMENT. 


179 


1  a 


BEFORE  BEJECTIOV. 

pie  a  perpetual  irritation  against  the 
government  of  Great  Britain  ;  we  are 
happy  to  find  that  Mr.  Madison  has 
more  liberal  views. 

Fed.  Rep.  June  10,  1809. 

"Peace  with  England  The  war 
party  and  French  parUzans  are  thrown 
into  complete  confusion.  The  perseve- 
rance of  tlie  Eastern  States,  aided  by 
the  returning  sense  of  a  formidable 
body  of  the  people  to  the  Southward, 
have  DRIVEN  ADmN(STRATION 
FROM  ITS  GROUND.  Since  Mr. 
Jeflerson  has  retired  in  disffrace  into 
private  life,  his  successor  has  been  com- 
pelled to  abandon  tlte  ruinous  policy  un- 
der which  the  country  has  so  long  suf- 
fered. With  the  magnanimity  and 
frankness  characteristic  of  a  great  and 
enlightened  nation,  England  made  a 
second  attempt  to  renew  the  terms  of 
amity  and  peace  between  the  two  nations. 
The  particulars  of  the  correspondence 
between  Mr.  Erskine  and  the  secreta- 
ry of  stiite  arc  given  in  this  day's  pa- 
per. It  proves  what  we  have  so  of- 
ten ropcK-  cd,  and  which  has  ever  been 
Btubbornly  denied  by  the  democrats, 
that  Great  Brtain  was  always  ivjlnen- 
ced  by  a  sincere  dedre  to  accommodate 
her  7infortunate  differences  wi!h  Ameiica. 
The  preservation  of  the  countiy  has 
grown  out  of  the  ettirts  of  the  minori- 
ty of  congTcss." 

Idem,  April  21, 1809. 

••  We  shall  not  stop  t^  inquire  whe- 
ther the  spirited  and  vigorous  measures 
of  New  England — their  delei-mini-d 
public  declamtions  tliat  they  would 
not  submit  to  an  unnecessary  and  de- 
structive war,  have  induced  the  admin- 
istration to  listen  to  the  mme  terms  which 
(iveat  Britain  hus  always  been  r,;udy  to 
offer,  and  to  which  --ve  have  nniforinly  con- 
tended she  was  aim ''rely  disposed." 

Boston  Gaz.  April,  1809. 


AFTER  RETECTIOir. 

that  the  administration  would  be  ren- 
dered greatly  popular,  and  the  resent- 
ment of  the  people  proporlionably 
augmented  agamst  England,  whenever 
the  disavowal  should  be  received. 
Whenever  it  shall  be  made  to  appear 
that  the  nation  has  been  deceived,  the 
trick  will  recoil  upon  the  Secretary 
and  his  party  witir  tenfold  effect.  Thu 
American  people  cannot  bear  knavery 
and  imposition.  If  they  discover  that  a 
fraud  has  been  practised  upon  them  at 
home,  tite  attcn.pt  to  raise  a  clamour 
against  others,  wiU  be  found  but  a  poor 
protection  to  tlicir  popularity."  Idem. 

"Those  who  were  most  violent  at 
first  m  caUminiating  England,  arc  now 
willing  at  Icat  to  suspend  their  decis- 
ion, if  not  to  admit  that  our  own  cabi- 
net in  some  measure  will  participate  in 
Mr.Erskinc's  blame." 

Fed.  Rep.  Aug.  2,  1809. 

"  Every  one  acknowledges,  that  had 
our  executive  concluded  the  an-ange- 
ment  of  April  last,  with  Mr.  Erskine, 
knowing  that  he  was  unauthorised,  the 
whole  responsibihty  for  the  cor.se- 
quenccs,  however  serious,  would  have 
rested  upon  themselves.  It  has  been 
maintained  by  the  editor  of  this  Gazette, 
and  is  now  demonstrated  by  the  indubi- 
table authorities,  adduced  by  Mr.  Da- 
na, that  to  have  done  so  without  knowing 
that  he  was  aiitliorised,  was  equally  un- 
warrantable, and  left  t'le  admimstration 
no  ground  on  wMch  to  claim  a  ratif  cation 
of  the  proceeding  by  the  British  govern- 
ment. It  is  proved  beyond  a  doubt, 
tliat  :.he  government  might,  with  Just  as 
much  prnpriety,  have  cajoled  with  gener- 
al Smith,  or  any  otiicr  individual ;  con- 
cluded a  convention  ,•  pivceetL'd  to  carry 
it  into  execution  on  their  part :  and  then 
V'tised  a  clamour  against  the  govomment 
of  Great  Britain,  and  arcnsrd  them  of 
peijidy  and  breach  of  faith  f,r  not  ri  cog- 
nising andfiilfillinq  the  stilmlalions." 
Idem,  Dec.  28,  1809. 


A  folio  volume  might  be  filled  with  such  frothy,  elaborate, 
and  anti- American  defences  of  the  British,  and  incidpations  of 
the  United  States'  government.  But  I  feel  satisfied  that  I  have 
produced  enough  ;  that  none  but  the  wilfully  blind  can  deny,  that 
no  cause  could  ever  boast  of  more  ardent,  more  zealous,  or  more 
industrious  advocates  than  the  cause  of  Great  Britain  has  expe- 
rienced in  Boston,  New- York,  and  Philadelphia ;  and  that  there 


Mi 


,1,       «»l| 


i 


180 


POLlTieAL  pyVE  BRANCH. 


[catv.  31. 


!■  ■« 


t 


never  was  an  administration  pursued  with  more  remorseless  vi- 
rulence, and  with  less  semblance  of  justice  than  Mr.  Madison's 
has  been  in  this  instance. 

After  the  reader  has  carefully  perused  those  wretched  attempts 
to  palliate  the  miserable  folly  and  madue'  s  of  the  British  minis- 
try in  the  rejection  of  such  an  advantageous  and  honourable  ar- 
rangement of  the  differences  between  the  two  nations,  and  to 
transfer  from  that  ministry  the  high  degree  of  odium  it  so  justly 
deserved,  to  the  administration  of  the  American  government,  I 
beg  he  will  attentively  examine  the  following  view  of  the  sub- 
ject, taken  from  Bell's  Weekly  Messenger,  of  which  the  truth 
and  candour  are  entitled  to  the  highest  approbation : 

"  But  the  point  of  fact  is,  that  the  disavowal  of  Mr.  Erskine's  act  is  of  a 
piece  with  tlie  general  conduct  of  England  towards  America.  Whenever  cir- 
cumstances have  in  any  way  admitted  it,  our  tone  towai-ds  America  iias  always 
been  insulting,  and  our  conduct  eveiy  thing  but  friendly,  pAcry  new  hope  on 
the  continent ;  evei-y  straw  to  the  drowning  expectations  of  Europe  has  but 
aggravated  this  unworthy  sentiment.  In  our  prosperity  we  have  bullied  Ame- 
rica ;  and  when  things  are  not  so  well  witli  us,  we  have  vented  our  strife  in  in- 
jurious language  and  unworthy  conduct  towanls  her.  "Whilst  there  were  any 
hopes  in  Spain,  America  coul'l  get  nothing  direct  from  us.  But  disappointment 
brought  us  to  ovu-  senses,  and  the  negociation  was  renewed.  The  coalition 
war  on  the  continent  has  since  bi-oke  out,  and  we  begin  to  repent  of  om*  con- 
descension. 

"  In  this  manner  has  the  American  negociation  been  on  and  oft',  during  some 
years. — Our  demands  rising  with  our  hopes  and  prosperity,  and  our  moderation 
co-existent  witli  oui"  disappointment."* 

CHAPTER  XXXI. 

Impressment  of  American  seamen.    Plea  ofjames  Madison.    Of 
John  ^lincij  Adams.  Of  Wm.  CobhetU  Of  IVeekly  Register* 

AN  idea  is  very  prevalent,  that  the  impressment  of  our  sea- 
men by  the  British  vessels  of  war  is  a  grievance  of  little  mo- 
ment, to  which  the  malice  entertained  by  our  administration 
against  England,  has  attached  an  importance  of  which  it  is  utter- 
ly undeserving.  Hundreds  of  thousands  of  our  citizens  have 
been  duped  into  the  belief,  that  this  item  of  grievance  was  creat- 
ed  under  Mr.  Jefferson,  or  at  least  incalculably  exaggerated  by 
him  and  his  successor.  Never  was  there  a  more  egregious  error. 
Never  was  fr;iud  more  successful  in  propagating — never  was  fa- 
tuitous  credulity  more  deceived  in  believing — a  tale  as  foreign 
from  the  truth  as  Erebus  is  from  Heaven. 

Mr.  Madison  has  been  ten  thousand  times  cursed  for  his 
folly  and  wickedness  in  involving  this  country  in  war  for  the 
purpose  of  securing  a  few  seamen,  said  to  be  vagabond  English, 
Irish,  and  Scotchmen,  the  scum  of  the  earth,  from  the  claims  of 
their  lawful  prince.  It  has  been  asserted  that  few  or  none  of  the 
natives  of  this  country  are  impressed — that  when  such  an  acci- 

•  The  chief  part  of  the  extrsicts  in  this  cliapter  are  taken  from  "Things  as 
they  an,"  written  and  published  by  II,  Nilcs,  editor  of  tlic  Weekly  Register. 


/ 


CHAF.  31.] 


IMPRESSMENT. 


181 


to  the  sufferings,  o 
fraud  from  their  f: 
to  perish,  fighting  t 


dent  takes  place,  redress  is  easily  had — and  further,  that  Eng- 
land is,  and  has  at  all  times  been,  ready  to  make  any  arrange- 
ment whereby  our  sailors  may  be  guarded  against  impressment, 
provided  she  can  be  secured  against  the  loss  of  hers. 

These  assertions  are  utterly  false.  From  the  commencement 
of  the  war  of  the  French  revolution,  to  the  late  declaration  of 
hostilities,  this  has  been  a  constant,  unceasing  subject  of  recla- 
mation and  complaint  to  the  British  government,  as  well  under 
the  administrations  of  General  Washington  and  Mr.  Adams,  as 
under  those  of  Mr.  Jefferson  and  Mr.  Madison.  And  disgrace- 
ful, dishonourable,  and  infamous,  would  it  have  been  to  any  of 
the  presidents,  had  <^  eeu  deaf  to  the  complaints,  and  callous 

/American  slaves,  stolen  by  force  aui 
d  freedom,  and  favoured  country, 
jf  their  enslavers. 

"  The  practice  has  uu  pax. illel,  either  for  atrocity  or  extent,  in 
any  thing  of  modern  times,  but  the  business  of  negro  stealing 
on  the  coast  of  unfortunate  Africa."* 

I  submit  to  the  reader  the  following  eloquent  and  unanswer- 
able pleas  against  this  nefarious  practice.  They  so  far  transcend 
any  thing  I  could  myself  write  on  the  subject,  that  I  shall  de- 
serve thanks  for  sparing  my  own,  and  substituting  these  lucub- 
rations, . 

From  the  instructions  of  James  JMadisnit,  esq.  secretary  of  state,  to  James  J\fonKoe, 
esq.  minister  plenipotentiary  at  the  conrt  of  London. 

"  Were  it  allowalile  that  Rritisli  subjects  should  be  taken  out  of  American 
vessels  on  the  hifyii  seas,  it  might  at  least  be  required  that  tlie  proof  of  their  ah 
tcgiance  shoxildUe  imthe  British  side.  This  obvious  and  just  rule  is  however  re- 
versed. And  every  seaman  on  board,  though  going  from  an  American  port, 
sailing  under  an  American  flag,  and  sometimes  even  speaking  an  idiom  proving 
him  not  to  be  a  British  subject,  is  presumed  to  be  such,  unless  proved  to  be  an 
.'Imerican  citizen.  It  may  be  safely  afRnned,  that  tMsis  an  outrage  luhich  has  no 
precedent,  and  which  Great  Britain  would  be  among  the  last  nations  in  the  world  to 
miffer,  if  offered  to  her  own  subjects,  and  her  own  flag. 

"  Great  Britain  has  the  less  to  say  on  the  subject,  as  it  is  in  direct  contradic- 
tinn  to  the  princifiles  on  which  she  proceeds  in  other  cases.  Whilst  she  claims  and 
seizes  on  the  high  seas,  her  own  subjects  voluntarily  serving  in  \m(^rican  ves- 
.'jels,  she  has  constantly  given,  when  she  could  give,  as  a  reason  for  not  dis- 
charging from  her  service  American  citizens,  that  they  had  voluntarily  engaged 
in  it.  Nav  more,  whilst  she  impresses  her  own  subjects  from  the  American 
KcrvicQ,  although  they  have  been  settled,  and  marriecl,  and  naturali/ed  in  the 
United  States,  she  constantly  refuses  to  release  from  her's,  American  seamen 
pressed  into  it,  whenever  sl\e  can  give  for  a  reason,  that  they  are  either  settled, 
or  married,  within  her  dominions.  Thus,  when  the  voUtntanj  consent  of  the  indi- 
vidual favours  her  pretensions,  she  pleads  tlie  validitii  of  that  consent.  When  the 
voluntary  consent  of  the  individual  stands  in  the  way  of  her  pretensions,  it  goes  for 
nothing.  When  marriatre  or  residence  can  he  pleaded  in  her  favour,  she  avails 
herself  of  the  tilea.  men  innrriage,  residence,  and  naturaliiation  are  against 
her,  no  respect  wltatever  is  paid  to  eitlwr.  She  takes,  by  force,  her  own  subjects 
voluntarily  serving  in  our  vessels.  She  keeps  by  force  American  citizens  tnvoluu-< 
lurily  serving  in  lier^s.    Morefagi'ant  inconsistencies  cannot  be  Imasfined" 


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O.B. 


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POLITICAL  OUVB  BRANCH. 


[CIAV.31. 


Never,  since  the  world  was  formed,  was  there  a*ktron^r,  or 
more  irresistible  train  of  argument,  or  collection  of  facts,  dian 
in  the  preceding  paragraph.  Never  were  flagrant  injustice,  out- 
rage, and  violence  more  completely  established,  and  eternally 
shut  out  from  the  possibility  of  defence. 

From  a  letter  of  John  Q.  Adanu,  esq.  to  H.  G.  Otii,  esq- 
"The  impressed  Ameriran  citizens,  however,  upon  duly  authenticated  proof , 
•re  delivered  up.  Indeed  \  how  unreasonable  then  were  complunt !  how  ef- 
fectual a  remedy  for  the  wronj;  !  an  American  vessel,  bound  to  an  European 
port,  has  two,  tnree,  or  four  native  Americans  impressed  by  a  British  man  of 
war,  bound  to  the  East  or  West  Indies.  When  the  American  captain  arrive* 
It  his  port  of  destination,  he  makes  his  protest,  and  sends  it  to  the  nearest  Ame- 
rican minister  or  consul.  When  he  returns  home,  he  transmits  the  duplicate  of 
his  protest  to  the  Secretary  of  State.  In  process  of  time,  the  names  of  the  im- 
pressed men,  and  of  the  ship  into  which  tjiey  have  been  impressed,  are  receiv- 
ed by  the  a§;ent  in  London.  He  makes  his  demand  that  tne  men  may  be  de- 
livered up— the  lords  of  the  admiralty,  after  a  considerable  time  for  enquiry 
and  ndjidsement,  return  for  answer,  that  the  ihip  in  on  a  forHgn  atation,  and  their 
hrdik^  can  therefore  take  no  further  steps  in  the  matter— or,  that  the  ship  has 
been  taken,  and  that  the  men  have  been  received  in  exchange  for  French  pri- 
soners— or,  that  they  had  no  protections  (the  impressing  officers  often  having 
taken  them  from  the  men^— or,  that  the  men  -were  probably  British  subjects ;  or, 
that  they  had  entered,  and  taken  the  bounty  ;  (to  which  the  officers  know  how 
to  reduce  them)— ^r,  that  they  have  been  married,  or  settled  in  England.  In  all 
these  cases,  without  further  ceremony,  their  dischargee  is  refused.  Sometimes, 
their  lordships,  in  a  vein  of  humour,  inform  the  agent  that  the  man  has  been 
discharged  as  untenHceable,  Somelsmes,  in  a  sterner  tone,  they  say  he  is  an 
impostor.  Or,  perhaps,  by  way  of  consolation  to  his  relatives  and  friends,  they 
report  that  he  has  fallen  in  battle,  against  natiotis  in  amity  vnlh  his  country. 
fiometimes  tbcy  coolly  return,  that  there  is  710  such  man  onboard  the  slap ;  and 
what  has  become  of  him,  the  agonies  of  a  wife  and  children  in  his  native  land 
may  be  left  to  conjecture.  When  all  these  and  many  otlier  apologies  for  re- 
fusal fail,  tlie  native  American  seaman  is  discharged — and  when,  by  the  charita- 
ble aid  of  his  government,  he  has  found  his  way  home,  he  comes  to  be  inform- 
ed, that  all  is  as  it  should  be — that  the  number  of  his  fellow  sufferers  is  small — that 
it  was  impossible  to  distinguish  lam  from  an  Englishman— and  that  he  was  delivered 
vPt  on  duly  authenticated  pro<^." 

Extract  from  Cobbetfs  Register. 

**  Our  ships  of  war,  when  they  meet  un  Amencan  vessel  at  sea,  board  her, 
and  take  out  of  her  by  force,  any  seamen,  whom  our  officers  assert  to  be  British 
subjects.  Theie  is  no  rule  by  which  tliey  are  bound.  They  act  at  discretion  t 
•nrl  the  consequence  ib,  that  great  numbers  ofnatiie  .Americans  have  been  im- 
pressed, and  great  numbers  of  litem  are  now  in  our  navy.  The  total  number  so 
Held  at  any  one  time  cinnot,  perhaps,  be  ascertained ;  hut  from  a  statement  pub- 
lished in  America,  it  u(>pears  thai  Jnv.  Lyman,  the  late  consul  here,  stated  the.  num- 
ber, about  two  years  ago,  at  FOURTEEN  THOUSAND.  That  many  of  these 
men  hafe  died  on  board  our  ships — that  many  hnx>e  been  wounded— 4hat  many 
have  been  killed  in  action— and  that  maiuf  have  been  worn  out  in  the  service,  there 
€an  be  no  ibubt.  Some  obtain  their  release  through  the  application  of  the 
American  consul  here :  and  of  these  the  suflerings  liave  in  many  instances  been 
very  great.  There  have  been  instances  where  men  have  thus  got  fVec  after 
having  been ^/Inifged  through  theffeffor  desertion. 

"  But  it  has  biron  askcil,  whetlicr  we  arc  not  to  tako  our  sailors  where  we  find 
them  ?  To  which  Amcric.  answers,  yes ;  liut  takr  only  your  own  :  "  take," 
Hud  Mr.  Lyman,  "  your  whole  pound  ^fesh  i  hut  not  n  drop  of  blood."  She  says 
that  she  wishes  not  to  have  in  her  ships  any  Hritinh  Hnihirs  t  and  she  is  willing 
to  givo  them  up,  whenever  the  fact  of  their  being  Itritish  miilnni  run  ho  nn)ved. 
Let  them,  she  says,  he  hro\ight  before  any  magistrate,  or  any  p\iblic  civil  a\itho- 
rity,  in  any  one  uf  yourowu  ports,  at  home  or  abroad  i  anil  she  is  wlUing  t« 


v 


CBir.  31.] 


IMPRESSMENT. 


Itt 


Iwc  find 
I  take,*' 
■he  nayit 

Vrovi'd. 

I  AUtho- 

ling  t« 


abide  by  the  deoinon.  But,  let  not  men  be  seized  in  her  tlupt  upon  the  high 
seas  (and  sometimes  at  tlie  mouths  of  \>er  own  rivers)  where  there  is  no  body 
to  judire  between  the  parties,  and  where  the  British  officer  going  on  board  it  at 
once  ACCUSER,  WITNESS,  JUDGE,  and  CAPTOR !" 

From  JAkift  Weekly  Regitter,  vol.  2,  page  303. 
"  If  the  most  dig;niiied  officer  in  the  naval  service  of  our  enemy  were  to  phin- 
dcr  neutral  vessels  of  a  a  box  of  cod-jiah,  or  a  bale  of  cotton,  on  mspicion  that  it 
was  even  enemy's  property,  it  mi^ht  cost  him  his  wnole  fortune,  with  an  igno- 
minious dismissal.  The  law  of  nations  allows  him  to  send  in  the  vessel  for  adju- 
dication :  and  it  becomes  him  to  prove  the  fact  he  suspected.  If  he  ful  in  thi% 
he  is  often  mulcted  in  heavy  damages  by  the  courts  of  law  of  his  own  country. 
But  in  the  business  of  man-stealing,  he  is  judge  and  jury — he  takes  when  and  where 
ie  pleases,  and  is  irresponsible  for  Ms  conduct.  If  complaint  be  made,  he  silences 
it  by  the  broad  plea,  "  that  his  majesty  wanted  men  .•"  and  if  the  man  stolen  is  re- 
stored to  liberty  after  years  of  dangers  and  servitude,  without  one  cent  for  hia 
hazai-d  and  toils,  there  are  knaves  who  produce  his  case  in  evidence  of  "  British 
magnanimity .'" 

After  the  reader  has  carefully  perused  the  preceding  argu- 
ments, I  request  he  vf'xU  read  and  compare  the  sentiments  of  Mr. 
Pickering  on  the  subject  of  impressment  at  two  different  periods, 
the  first  when  he  was  secretary  of  state,  and  the  second  when  h« 
was  senator  of  the  United  States. 


Mr.  Pickering,  1796. 

«  lite  British  naval  officers  often  im- 
press  SWEDES,  DANES,  and  OTHER 
FOREIGNERS,  from  the  vessels  of  the 
U.  States.  THEYHAVE EVEN  SOME- 
TIMES IMPRESSED  FRENCHMEN! 
If  there  should  be  time  to  make  out 
the  copy  of  a  protest  fately  received, 
it  shidt  be  enclosed,  describing  the 
impress  of  A  DANE  and  A  PORTU- 
GUESE. This  surely  is  an  abiue  easy 
to  correct.  They  cannot  pretend  an  in' 
ability  to  distinguish  these  foreigners 
from  their  own  subjects.  They  may  with 
as  much  reason  rob  the  American  vessels 
of  the  property  or  merchatuMse  of  the 
Swedes,  Danes,  or  Portuguese,  as  seize 
and  detain  in  their  service  the  subjects  of 
those  tuttiottu  found  on  board  American 
vessels  Th"  president  is  extremely  anx- 
ious to  have  this  business  of  impress 
placed  on  a  reasonable  footing."* 


Mr.  Pickering,  1808. 

"The  evil  we  complain  of  arisn 
from  the  impossibility  of  always  distin- 
guishing  the  persons  of  two  nations  who 
a  few  years  since  were  one  people, 
who  exhibit  the  same  manners,  speak 
the  same  language,  and  possess  similar 
features,  j- 

*'  The  British  ships  of  war,  agreea- 
bly to  a  right  claimed  and  exercised 
for  agfes;  a  right  claimed  and  exercised 
during  the  whole  of  the  administrations 
of  Washing[ton,  of  Adams,  and  of  Jef^ 
ferson,  contmue  to  take  some  of  the  Bri* 
tish  seamen  found  on  hoard  our  merchant 
vessels,,  and  with  them  a  small  ititmbbr 

of  ours,  VROM  THS  IMPOBSIBILTTT  Off 
DIHTIllOVIBHIITn  ElTGLISHMKIf  FHOM  CI- 
TIXBNS  OP  THK  UlVITCU  STATGB.f 

"  It  is  perfectly  well  known  that 
Great  Buitain  disirbs  tu   ubtaik 

ONLT  HER  OWIf  SUBJSCTS.f 


I  cannot  allow  these  extracts  to  pass  without  imploring  the 
reader  to  ponder  well  on  their  contents — to  compare  them  to- 
gether carefully. — The  history  of  the  human  race,  from  the  earli- 
est records  of  time,  furnishes  no  stronger  instance  of  contradic- 
tion, or  inconsistency.  Mr.  Pickering,  when  his  station  as  se- 
cretary of  state,  rendered  it  a  duty  to  defend  the  rights  of  his 
country,  clearly  and  explicitly  asserts,  that  the  British  impressed 

•  Letter  from  TimotJiy  Pickering,  esq.  sr-crctary  of  state,  to  Ruflis  King,  eiq. 
minister  at  the  court  of  London,  datctl  Octoher  '26,  1796. 

t  Letter  from  Timothy  Pickering,  in  honourable  James  Sullivan,  governor  of 
MoMUchuKctts,  Ftl)niary  1808,  page  iV 


184 


POUTICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[chat.  32, 


/bhin 


'.MJ 


Swedes,  Danes,  Portuguese,  and  even  Frenchmen,  from  on 
t^oard  our  vessels.  Afterwards,  to  answer  the  purposes  of  faction, 
he  states,  in  direct  contradiction  to  facts  of  the  utmost  notorie- 
ty, that  they  impressed  Americans  merely  through  "  the  impos- 
sibility of 'distinguishing  them  from  their  own  subjects !"  What 
an  awful  perversion  of  facts  !  [',\ 

CHAPTER  XXXII.  [ 

Impressment  during"  the  administration  of  general  Washington. 

£xtract  of  a  letter  from  T.  Jefferson,  esq.  secretary  of  state,  to  Thotnas  Pinckney, 
tninister  plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  at  London, 

Department  of  State,  June  11, 1792.  v, 
"  The  peculiur  custjom  in  England  of  impressing  seamen  on  every  appearance 
of  war,  will  occasionally  expose  our  seamen  to  peculiar  oppressions  and  vei(a- 
tions.  It  will  be  expedient  that  you  take  proper  opportunities,  in  the  mean 
time,  of  conferring  with  the  minister  on  this  subject,  m  order  to  form  some  ar- 
rangement for  the  protection  of  our  seamen  on  those  occasions.  We  entirely 
reject  the  mode  which  was  the  subject  of  conversation  between  Mr.  Morris  anil 
Itiin ;  which  was,  that  our  seamen  should  carry  about  them  certificates  of  their 
citizenship.  TMs  is  a  condition  never  yet  submitted  to  by  anyiUUion;  one,  with 
which  seamen  would  never  have  the  precaution  to  comply ;  the  casualties  of 
their  caHing  would  expose  tliem  to  the  coitiitant  destruction  or  loss  of  this  pa< 
per  evidence  ;  and  thus  the  BiiHsh  government  loould  be  armed  ioith  legiU  authority 
to  impress  the  whole  of  our  seamen.  The  simplest  rule  ^ill  be,  that  the  vessel 
being  American,  shall  be  evidence  that  the  seamen  on  board  of  her  are  such. 
If  they  apprehend  that  our  vessels  might  thus  become  asylums  for  the  fugitives 
of  their  own  nation  from  impress  gangs,  the  number  of  men  to  be  protected  by 
«  vessel  may  be  limited  bv  her  tonnage  ;  and  one  or  two  officers  only  be  per- 
mitted to  enter  the  vessel  in  order  to  examine  Uie  number ;  but  no  press  gang 
should  be  allowed  ever  to  go  on  board  an  ^tnerican  vessel,  tilt  after  it  shall  be  found 
that  there  are  more  than  the  stipulated  nun^er  on  board,  nor  till  after  the  master 
shall  have  refused  to  deliver  the  supernumeraries  (to  be  named  by  himself)  to  the 
press  officer  who  has  come  on  board  for  that  purpose ;  and  even  then  the  Ame- 
rican consul  shall  be  called  in.  In  order  to  urge  a  settlement  of  this  point  before 
a  new  occasion  may  arise,  it  may  not  be  amiss  to  draw  their  attention  to  the 
peculiar  initalion  excited  on  tlie  last  occasion,  and  the  difficulty  of  avoiding  our 
making  immediate  reprisals  on  their  seamen  here.  You  will  bo  ho  good  as  to  com- 
municate to  me  what  shall  pass  on  this  subject,  and  it  may  be  an  article  of  cou- 
vertionto  be  cnteredinto  either  there  or  here." 

'■ '  Frotn  the  same  to  the  same. 

October  12,  1792. 
A  enclose  you  a  copy  of  a  letter  from  Messrs.  Blow  and  Mclhaddo,  mcr- 
vhants,  of  Virginia,  complaining  of  the  taking  awuy  of  their  sailors,  on  the  coast 
of  Africa,  by  the  comniandor  of  a  British  armed  vessel.  So  many  instances  of 
this  hind  have  happened,  that  it  is  quite  necessary  their  govemincii»  should  ex- 
plain themselves  on  the  subject,  and  be  led  to  disavow  and  punish  such  ronchict. 
I  leave  to  your  discretion  to  endeavour  to  obtain  ttus  satisfaction  by  such  friend- 
ly discussions  as  mav  be  most  likc^ly  to  pn)ducu  the  desired  eflVct,  and  secure 
to  our  commerce  tliat  protection  against  British  violence,  which  it  has  never 
experienced  from  any  otlicr  nation.  No  law  forbids  the  seaman  of  any  nation, 
to  engage  in  time  of  peace,  on  board  a  foreign  vcNsel :  no  law  authorises  such 
seaman  to  break  his  contract,  nor  the  anneu  vessels  of  his  nation  to  interpose 
(orc«  for  hts  rescue." 

From  the  same  to  the  same. 

,/\'/vrmher  6,  1792. 
•'  I  enclose  you  now  the  copy  of  a  loiter  from  Mr.  Pintaixl,  our  conniil  at 
M.idetr»,  uxiiibitiiig  another  attempt  at  the  practice  on  which  1  wrote  to  you  in 


% 


CHAP.  33.] 


.m     IMPRESSMENT. 


185 


Dty  last,  made  by  captain  Hargood,  of  the  British  ftigate  Hfxna,  to  take  leamen 
from  on  board  an  American  vessel  bound  to  the  East  Indies     It  is  unneceaaary 
todevelope  to  you  the  inconveniencies  of  this  conduct,  and  the  impossibility  m 
letting^  it  go  on.     J  hope  you  will  be  able  to  make  the  British  mituatry  leniible  of 
the  itecetsity  ofptmiahing  the  pott  and  preventing  the  future." 

Extract  of  a  note  from  Mr.  Jay,  envoy  extraordinary  and  mtniiter  plenipotentiary 

of  the  United  States  at  London,  to  lord  Grenville,  secretary  of  foreign  affairs, 

dated 

London,  July  30,  1809. 

"  The  undersigned  finds  it  also  to  be  his  duty  to  present,  that  the  iiTcgulari- 
ties  before  mentioned  extend  not  only  to  the  capture  and  condemnation  of 
American  vessels  and  property,  and  to  vnusual  and  personal  severities,  but  even 
to  the  impressment  of  .American  citizens,  to  serve  on  board  of  armed  vessels.  He 
forbears  to  dwell  on  the  injuries  done  to  those  unfortunate  individuals,  or  on  the  emo- 
tions which  they  must  natxtrally  excite,  either  in  the  breasts  of  the  nation  to  which  they 
belong,  or  of  the  just  and  humane  of  every  country.  His  reliance  on  the  justice  and 
benevolence  of  his  majesty,  leads  him  to  indulge  a  pleasing  expectation,  that 
orders  will  be  given,  that  Americans  so  circumstanced  be  immediately  libera- 
ted, and  tliat  persons  honoured  with  his  majesty's  commissions  do  in  future  ab- 
stain from  similar  violences. 

"  It  is  with  cordial  satisikction  that  the  undersigned  reflects  on  the  impres- 
sions which  such  ftn  equitable  nuA  conciliatory  measure  would  make  on  the  peo- 
ple of  the  United  States,  and  how  naturally  they  would  inspire  and  cherish  those 
sentiments  and  dispositions  which  never  lul  to  preserve  as  well  as  to  produce 
respect,  esteem,  and  friendship." 

Extract  from  the  instructions  given  by  Timothy  Pickering,  esq.  secretary  of  state, 
.  to  JRufua  King,  esq.  minister  at  the  court  of  London, 

June  8,  1796. 

The  long  and  fruitless  attempts  that  have  been  made  to  protect  .American  sea- 
men from  British  impresses,  prove  tliat  the  subject  is  in  its  nature  difficult. 

"  The  simplest  rule  would  be,  that  the  vessel  being  American,  should  bf  evi- 
dence that  the  seamen  are  such.  But  it  will  be  an  important  point  gained,  if,  on 
the  high  seas,  our  flag  can  protect  those  of  whatever  nation,  who  sail  under  it. 
And  for  this,  humanity,  as  well  as  intei^st,  powerfully  plead.  Merchant  vessels 
carry  no  more  hands  than  their  safety  renders  necessary.  To  withdraw  any  of  them 
on  the  ocean,  is  to  expose  both  lives  and  property  to  ileslruction.  We  havi-  a  right 
then  to  expect,  that  tiic  Britisii  government  will  make  no  difficulty  in  acceding 
to  this  very  interesting  provision.  And  the  same  moUves  should  operate  with 
nearly  equal  force,  to  procure  for  us  tlie  like  exemption  in  all  the  British  colo- 
nics, but  especially  in  the  West  Indies.  In  the  latter  the  consequence  of  an  im- 
press is  the  detention  of  the  vessel.  By  the  detention,  tfw  vessel  is  injured  or  destroy- 
ed by  tite  worms,  and  the  remnant  of  the  crew  exposed  to  tite  fatal  diseases  of  the  cli- 
mate. Hence  a  longer  detention  ensues.  The  voyage  becomes  unprohtablc  to 
the  merchant ;  and  humanity  dtplores  the  loss  of  many  valuable  lives.  But  there 
is  another  cogent  reason  for  an  exemption  from  impresses  in  the  British  co- 
lonies—that  THE  PRACTICE  WILL  BE,  A8  IT  HAS  ALWAYS  BEEN,  SUB- 
JECT  TO  MONSTROUS  ABUSES  ;  and  the  supreme  power  is  so  remote,  thnt 
THE  EVILS  BECOME  IRREMEDIABLE,  BEFORE  REDRESS  CAN  EVEN 
BE  SOUGHT  FOR. 

"  To  guard  against  abuses  on  the  part  of  American  citizens,  every  master  of 
a  vessel,  on  his  arrival  in  any  port  ot  tiie  British  cuUmics,  may  be  rcc{uirc'd  to 
report  his  crew,  at  the  proper  office.  If,  afterwards,  any  addition  be  made  to 
thcni  by  British  subjvcti;,  tlu;so  may  be  taktn  away.  In  the  ports  of  (iieut  Bri- 
tain  uiid  Ireland,  the  impress  of  Hritiah  suhjects,  found  on  bourd  of  oiir  vrsseis, 
must  doubtless  bu  admitted.  But  this  Nhoiild  be  controllcLl  by  re  pihitiunsto 
prevent  insults  and  injuries,  and  to  administer  pnniipt  n\\c\ v<tiere  Jmevican 
citizens  ('which  will  ussiirrdlii  hnftfirn)  sImII  Iw  mistuh-n  fur  Hrilinh  Kuhjfcts. 

"  Ther^  are  three  clonaei  ufmi'iurdiirrniincr  Wiom  thvrf  can  lif  no  difficulty.  1. 
^'ative  Ammcun  citixem.  'i.  Jlmerivtin  ritiirn!t,  whiTi'r'n'  Acni,  who  iveiv  such 
at  the  dt;/iniUve  treaty  of  peace.    3.  Fureiimen;  other  than  British  subjects,  ml- 


186 


FOUTICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[ciAV.  33. 


inff  in  American  veneli,  andwhoie  peraoru  ought  to  be  aa  taeredt  a»  it  retpecti  the 
Mritith,  a$  tkote  a/ native  citixent.  The  4th  clan  contists  of  British  born  (tub. 
jects,  but  who,  or  many  of  whom,  may  have  become  citizens  subsequent  to  the 
treaty  of  peace,  or  wiio  hereafter  may  be  admitted  to  the  rights  of  citizens.  It 
is  this  class  alone,  about  which  any  pretence  of  right  to  impress  can  be  made. 
IVilii  regard  to  these,  it  may  be  attempted  to  protect  them,  as  well  in  time  of 
war  us  ot  peace,  in  the  following  cases :  First,  when  they  shall  have  served  in 
American  vessels,  public  or  private,  for  tlie  same  term  in  which  foreigners 
serving  in  British  vessels  would  acquire  the  rights  of  British  subjects,  wluch  is 
understood  to  be  three  years  ;  or  secondly,  if  so  much  cannot  be  obtained,  when 
tiiose  persons,  originally  British  subiccts,  shall  have  resided  five  yeai-s  in  the 
United  States,  and  been  formally  admitted  to  the  rights  of  citizens,  according 
to  our  laws. 

"It  must  often  happen  that  siiilors  will  lose  their  certificates;  provision 
■hduld  Uterefore  be  made  for  the  admission  of  other  reasonable  proof  of  their 
citi/.ciwhip,  sucli  as  tlieir  own  oaths,  with  those  of  the  masters,  mates,  or  other 
creditable  witnesses.  The  rolls  of  the  crews,  or  shipping  papers,  may  also  be 
authenticated  by  the  collectors  of  the  customs;  anil  then  they  ought  to  be  ad- 
mitted as  of  equal  validity  with  the  individual  certificates." 

From  the  tame  to  the  tame. 

September  10,  1796. 

*!  enclose  a  letter  from  Francis  S.  Taylor,  deputy  collector  of  Norfolk,  re- 
specting four  impressed  seamen.  It  appears  to  oe  written  with  candour,  and 
merits  attention.  If,  an  the  captain  of  the  Frcvoyante  (Wemyss)  says,  the  dig« 
nity  of  the  British  government  will  not  permit  an  enquiry  on  board  their  ships 
for  American  seamen,  their  thorn  in  fijced  for  tlw.  war  ,•  and  thus  TIIR  RIGHTS 
OF  AN  INDEPENDENT  NATION  AKE  TO  BE  SACRIFICED  TO  BRI- 
TISH  DIGNITY.  Justice  requires  that  such  enquiries  and  examinations  be 
made;  because,  otherwise,  the  liberation  of  our  seamen  will  be  impossible.  For 
the  Hritiah  goveimment,  then,  to  make  pro/emotu  o/res/nxt  to  the  rights  of  our  citi- 
xent, atul  wiUingnen  to  reletue  them,  and  yet  deny  the  only  meatu  of  ascertaining 
thoae  nghle,  i»  an  itimlting  tantaUam. 

"  If  the  British  government  /uive  any  regard  to  our  rights,  any  respect  for  our 
tuition,  aiut  place  any  value  on  ourfriendalup,  tlwy  will  evenfaciHtate  to  us  the  means 
^ix'leuaing  our  oftpvessed  citizens.  The  subject  of  our  impressed  seamen  makes 
«  part  of  our  instructions;  but  the  president  now  renews  his  desire  tliat  their 
relief  may  engage  your  special  attention." 

CHAPTER  XXXIII. 

Impressment  during  the  administration  of  Mr,  Adams.     Letter 

from  Rufus  King.     From  Silas  Talbot,     From  Timothy  Pick- 

ering.     Instructions  of  Judge  Marshall  to  Rufua  King,  i 

I  NOW  proceed,  in  chronological  order,  to  state  the  views  of 
our  government  upon — the  remonstrances  of  our  public  officers 
against — and  the  redress  afforded  or  refused  in — the  odious  out- 
rage of  impressment,  during  the  administration  of  Mr.  Adams. 

I  begin  with  Rufus  King,  esq.  whose  name,  from  the  ground 
he  now  takes  in  politics,  is  a  tower  of  strength  on  this  subject. 

"  The  siibject  [of  impressment]  in  all  its  details,  has  come  under  my  obsen'a- 
tion;  ami  iU  importance,  1  confess,  is  much  greater  than  I  had  supposed  it. 
Instead  of  ti  few,  and  tiiese  in  many  instances  equivocal  cases,  I  have,  since  the 
month  of  July  last,  made  application  for  the  discharge  fnm»  British  men  of  war, 
of  twi»  hundml  and  seventy-one  seamen,  who,  stating  themselves  to  be  Ameri- 
cans, have  clainu'd  my  interference  :  of  this  number  eighty-six  liavc  by  the  tuh 
miralty  been  ordered  to  be  diacluu^cd :  Uiirty-aeven  more  have  been  detained 


^ 


euAV. 


33.] 


IMPRESSMENT. 


187 


as  BriUsh  subject!,  or  a*  American  volunteers,  or  for  vrant  of  proof  that  they 
are  Americans ;  and  to  my  applications  fur  the  dischar^  of  the  remaining  one 
hundred  and  forty-eight,  I  have  received  no  answer ;  the  sliips  on  board  of 
wiiich  these  seamen  were  detained,  having,  in  many  instances,  sidled  before  an 
examination  was  made,  in  consequence  of  my  applications. 

"  It  is  certain,  that  some  oftho.se  who  have  appUed  to  me,  are  not  American 
citizens.  BUT  THE  EXCEPTIONS  ARE  IN  MY  OPINION  FEW;  and  the 
evidence,  exclusive  of  certificates,  has  been  such  as  in  most  cases  to  satisfy  me 
that  THE  APPLICANTS  WERE  REAL  AMERICANS,  who  had  been  forced 
into  the  British  service ;  and  who  with  singular  constancy  have  generally  pci^ 
severed  in  refusing  pay  and  bounty,  though  in  many  instances  tlkcy  have  been 
in  service  mure  than  two  years. 
Timothy  Picketing,  esq.  Secretary  of  State.  RUFUS  KING. 

To  this  document,  I  most  earnestly  invite  and  invoke  the  at- 
tention of  the  American  nation,  and  of  all  the  people  of  Christ- 
endom. It  affords  the  most  conclusive  defence  of  the  strong 
ground  taken  on  this  subject  by  the  administration  ;  and  sets  the 
seal  of  eternal  contradiction  on  the  assertion,  so  often  repeated, 
that  the  poor,  miserable,  enslaved,  and  by-his-country-ahandon- 
ed  sailor — ^the  pride — the  glory — the  bulwark  of  that  ungrate- 
ful country— is  "  readily  surrendered^  when  impressed  by  mis. 
take»^  Let  no  man  ever  dare  again  to  hazard  the  assertion.  It 
is  not  true.     It  nevci  was  true. 

Mr.  King  tells  a  plain  story.  He  applied  for  the  emancipa- 
tion of  271  American  slaves,  forced  to  nght  for  their  enslavers. 
Not  quite  a  third  were  discharged :  and  more  than  one  half  of 
the  whole  number  were  debarred  of  any  chance  of  redress,  by 
a  plain  and  simple  process  ;  the  vessels,  on  board  of  which  they 
were,  having  "  in  many  instances  sailed  before  an  examination 
was  had  in  consequence  of  his  application." 

Extract  ^  a  letter  from  Silas  Talbot,  esq. 

Aiiiffston,  July  4,  1797. 
"  Admiral  Sir  Hyde  Parker,  having  gained  information,  that  my  application 
to  the  civil  autltority  of  this  island,  to  obtain  the  release  of  such  American  citi< 
7.cns  as  were  found  to  be  detained  on  board  his  majesty's  sliips  of  war,  had  been 
attended  witli  some  success,  he  immediately  issued  a  general  order  to  all  cap> 
tains  and  commanders  of  ships  and  vessels  of  war,  (Uvfctiiig  them  not  to  obeif 
any  -writ  of  habeas  corpnt,  nor  suffer  any  meti  to  leave  their  slufis  in  consequence 
nfany  such  writ.  Since  the  above-mentioned  onler  was  issued,  writs  have  been 
obtained  agfainst  captain  Elphinstone,  of  tlie  Tartar  frigate,  to  prcHlncc  three 
Americans,  named  in  the  writ,  before  the  chief  justice  ;  and  against  captain 
Foster,  of  the  Albicore,  to  produce  four  j  and  aWo,  against  captain  Otway,  of 
the  Ceres  frigate,  to  produce  twenty  Americans,  in  like  manner  before  the 
chief  jiutice.  All  those  writu  were  served:  but  none  of  them  was  obeyed. 
Attachments  against  the  stud  captains  have  been  ordered  by  tjie  court  :  and  a 
writ  of  attachment  against  captain  Otway  was  taken  out  fifteen  days  since,  But 
the  marshall  has  not  ocen  able,  as  he  says,  to  serve  it  on  captain  Otway :  and 
from  all  that  I  can  learn,  there  is  not  any  probability  that  he  will  serve  tiie  writ : 
so  that  the  laws  in  this  island,  it  seems,  cannot  be  administereil  fur  the  relief  of 
^iinerican  citixetis,  who  are  held  in  Jirilish  slavei'if  ,•  many  of  whom,  us  the;/  write 
me  from  on  board  captain  Otiuay's  ship,  HAVE  BEEN  BUOIKIHT  TO  THE 
GANGWAY,  AND  WHIPPED,  FOR  WRITING  TO  IHEIR  AGENT  TO 
GET  TirEM  DISCHARGED !" 

SILAS  TALBOT.    . 
Timol/iii  Picherinj^,  esq.  Secretary  of  Stale. 


188 


POIiTICAL  OLTVE  BRANCH. 


[CBAF.  S3. 


Here  again  we  find  what  redress  the  American  slave  had  to 
expect.  He  was  brought  to  the  gangway,  and  ignominiously 
SCOURGED  for  daring  to  try  to  have  his  case  taken  into  the 
cognizance  of  the  American  agent  for  the  relief  of  impressed 
seamen ! ! ! 

Extract  of  a  letter  from  the  Secretary  of  State. 

August  \S,  1797" 
"  If  any  naval  officer  shall  have  committed  such  an  outrage  on  any  American 
seamen,  as  to  BRING  THEM  TO  THE  GANGWAY,  as  you  mention,  or  to  in- 
flict any  kind  of  punishment  on  them,  especially  for  seeking  opportunities  to 
inform  you  of  their  situation,  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  the  just  relief  to  which 
they  are  entitled,  pray  endeavour  to  get  proofs  of  the  tact,  mat  I  may  make  it 
the  subject  of  a  special  representation  to  the  British  government." 

Silas  Talbot,  esq.  TIMOTHY  PICKERING. 

Extract  of  a  Letter  from  the  Same. 

Trenton,  October  3, 1797. 

"  Lord  Grennlle's  observations  on  the  act  of  coneress  for  the  relief  and  pro- 
tection of  American  seamen,  present  difficulties  which  demand  consideratioH 
at  the  ensuing  session.  But  your  reasoning  in  your  letter  to  his  lordship  of  the 
thirtieth  of  last  November,  is  concluuve  against  the  British  pretences  to  retain 
real  American  seamen  who  are  married  m  their  dominions,  or  who- have  vo- 
luntarily entered  on  boanl  British  vessels.  It  behoves  the  honour  and  faith  of  the 
British  government,  to  adhere  to  their  principle  on  natural  allegiance  -wholly,  or  to 
renouttce  it  tvhotly  .-  and  an  answer  on  tiiis  point  would  have  become  his  lord- 
ship's candour. 

"  I  consider  colonel  Talbot's  agency  in  the  West  Indies  to  be  no  longer  very 
important.  The  rigid  conduct  of  admiral  sir  Hyde  Parker  (who  from  the  begin- 
ning has  thrown  obstacles  in  the  way)  leaves  but  little  room  to  get  our  seamen  re- 
leased. The  opposition  of  the  officers  in  general,  induced  colonel  Talbot  to 
take  out  writs  of  habeas  corpus  at  Jamuca,  by  which,  directly  or  in  their  coii- 
Bequences,  he  obtained  the  iKschurge  of  nearly  fifty  seamen.  But  admiral  Parker 
has  for  some  time  past  forbidden  his  officers  to  pay  any  attention  to  such  writs  : 
and  colonel  Talbot  informed  me  that  some  of  ma'  seamen  have  been  punished  for  at- 
tempting to  send  letters  to  him  to  inform  of  their  situation. 

"  Mr.  Liston  assured  me,  that  the  British  officers  have  orders  not  to  impress 
any  American  seamen,  and  of  course  not  to  retain  against  their  will  any  already 
impressed  :  but  if  they  persist  in  obstructing  every  channel  nf  information  and 
proof  nf  their  citizenship,  such  orders  are,  and  vnll  continue  deceptive?* 

BufusKing,  esq.  TIMOTHY  PICKERING. 

Extract  of  a  letter  from  Riifus  King,  esq. 

iMidon,  March  15,  1799. 
"  I  mentioned  our  dissatisfaction  with  the   continuation  of  the  practice  of 
talung  out  of  our  shins,  met  on  the  main  ocean,  such  of  their  crews  as  did  not 

J >ossess  certificates  of  American  citixenahip;  denying,  as  I  have  often  done,  in 
bnner  conferences,  upon  the  same  subject,  any  right  on  the  part  of  Great  Bri- 
tain, upon  wliicli  the  practice  could  be  founded ;  and  suggesting  that  our  ships 
ofviar,  by  permission  of  our  government,  might  with  equal  right,  pursue  the  same 
practice  toward  their  merchatUnten  : 

"  That  not  only  seamen  wlio  spoke  the  English  language,  and  who  were 
evidently  English  or  American  subjects,  but  also  ALL  DANISH,  SWEDISH, 
AND  OTHER  FOREIGN  SEAMEN,  WHO  COULD  NOT  RECEIVE  AME- 
RICAN  PROTECTIONS,  WERE  INDISCRIMINATELY  TAKEN  FROM 
THEIR  VOLUNTARY  SERVICE  IN  OUR  NEUTRAL  EMPLOY,  and  forced 
into  the  war  in  the  naval  service  of  (ircat  Britain  : 

«♦  That  on  this  subject  WE  HAD  AGAIN  AND  AGAIN  OFFERED  TO  CON- 
CUR IN  A  CONVENTION,  WHICH  WE  THOUGHT  PItACTICAHLE  TO 
BE  FORMED,  AND  WHICH  SHOULD  SETTLE  THESE  QUESTIONS  IN 
A  MANNER  THAT  WOULD  BE  SATISFACTORY  FOR  ENGLAND  AND 
SAFE  FOR  US. 


* 


«BAr.  33.] 


IMPRESSMENT. 


id9 


"  That  to  decline  such  a  convention,  and  to  persist  in  a  practice  which  we 
were  persuaded  could  not  be  vindicated,  especially  to  the  extent  it  was  carried, 
seemed  less  equitable  and  moderate  than  we  had  a  right  to  expect : 

"  Lord  Grenville  stated  no  precise  principle  upon  which  he  supposed  this 
practice  could  be  justified :  and  the  conversation  upon  this  point,  like  many 
others  upon  the  same  subject,  ended  without  a  prospect  of  satisfaction.  The 
Freuch  and  Spaniard*,  and  every  other  nation,  tnight  pursue  the  same  conduct  aa 
lightfiiUy  at  Great  Britain  does.  With  respect  to  foreign  seamen  in  our  employ, 
t/iis  govemmetit  has,  if  J  recollect,  yielded  the  point,  though  tfteir  oim  officers  cow 
tinue  tlx  practice.  We  are  assured  all  Americans  shall  be  discharged  on  appli- 
cation for  that  purpose,  and  that  orders  to  this  effect  have  been  given  to  their 
naval  commanders;  but  tlua  is  fur  short  of  satisfaction  ;  inJee</,  TO  ACQUIESCE 
IN  IT,  IS  TO  GIVL  UP  THE  RlGHT.^'  RUFUS  KING. 

Thomas  Pickering,  esq,  secretary  of  state. 

I  beg  the  reader  will  most  carefully  and  attentively  re-peruse 
the  second  and  third  paragraphs  of  the  preceding  document. 

The  second  confirms  the  statement  made  by  Mr.  Pickering, 
when  secretary  of  state,  that  Danes,  Swedes  and  other  foreigners, 
were  impressed  out  of  our  vessels — and  utterly  contradicts  and 
disproves  his  recent  declaration,  that  the  impressment  of  our 
seamen  arose  from  the  difficulty  of  discriminating  between  an 
Englishman  and  an  American.-  What  a  farcical  procedure  it 
would  be,  to  seize  by  mistake  upon  Danes,  and  Swedes,  and 
Portuguese,  as  Englishmen ! 

But  the  fact  established  by  the  third  paragragh  is  still  more 
important.  It  is,  that  this  country  "  had  again  and  again  offered 
to  settle  these  questions  in  a  manner  that  would  be  satisfactory 
for  England  and  safe  for  the  United  States  :"  and  further,  that 
"  England  had  declined  such  a  convention."  And  yet,  Mr. 
Pickering  has  confidently  stated  the  contrary,  in  direct  opposi- 
tion to  the  fact,  and  to  his  own  knowledge  and  experience* — I 
request  attention  to  his  declaration  on  this  subject  :— 

"  Our  gfovernment  well  know,  that  Great  Britain  i»  perfectly  vnlliug  to  adopt 
any  arrangement  that  can  he  devised  that  will  secure  to  her  service  the  seamen  leho 
are  her  oywi  subjects,  rnd  at  the  same  time,  exempt  ours  from  impressment."* 

"  JVo  nmn  who  rt^  .■:  '»  the  truth,  will  question  the  disposition  of  the  British  gO' 
vemment  to  adopt  any  rrangement  tliat  will  secure  to  Great  Britain  the  service  of 
fier  own  subject s."\ 

These  facts  and  assertions  scorn  the  aid  of  comment.  The 
dullest  and  most  Boeotian  reader  must  be  struck  with  tl^  aston- 
ishing contradiction  and  inconsistency  they  display. 

With  Mr.  Pickering  I  am  almost  wholly  unacquainted.  He 
is  far  advanced  in  years — and  has  held  the  highest  and  most 
confidential  offices.  He  has  been  honoured  with  the  regard  and 
esteem  of  the  party  to  which  he  belongs,  of  whom  he  is  consi- 
dered as  one  of  the  leaders.    He  has  asserted  of  himself, 

•  Letter  of  the  honourable  Timothy  Pickering  to  his  excellency  James  Sulli- 
van, governor  of  Massachusetts,  February  16,  1808,  pagje  13. 

f  Idem,  page  8. 

O.  B-  2ft  '      ;.     4 


190 


POUTICAL  OUVE  BRANCH. 


[CKJLP.33. 


•  hi 


"  I  may  claim  some  share  of  attention  and  credit ;  that  share  which  is  due  to 
the  man  who  defies  the  world  to  point,  in  the  whole  course  of  a  long^  and  pub- 
lic life,  at  one  instance  of  deception  ;  at  a  sing^le  departure  from  truth."* 

He  and  his  friends  are  called  on  to  rjeconcUe  the  above  state- 
ments with  the  facts  of  the  case.  It  will  give  pleasure  if  he 
can,  at  the  close  of  his  long  career,  justify  himself  on  this  point 
to  his  own  conscience,  and  to  his  own  country,  before  whose 
bar  he  is  thus  solemnly  cited. 

One  other  obserx'ation,  and  I  dismiss  this  letter. — Mr.  King 
explicitly  states,  and  with  perfect  justice,  that  to  acquiesce  in 
the  idea  that  the  surrender  of  our  seamen  is  a  satisfaction  for  the 
injury,  is  to  admit  the  right  of  impressment,  against  which  he 
most  zealously  and  patriotically  contended. 

Extract  from  a  report  of  Timothy  Pickering;  esq.  secretary  of  state,  to  Congreis. 

December  9, 1799. 
"  Admiral  Parker  paid  no  attention  to  the  agent's"  application  on  behalf  of 
our  impressed  seamen ;  the  admiral  having  determined,  and  informed  the  agent 
of  the  determination,  that  no  proofs  would  be  regarded  by  him,  imless  specially 
presented  by  the  American  government  through  the  British  minister ;  nor  then, 
but  in  the  single  case  of  native  Americana.  Under  this  determination  there  wiU 
be  detained,  not  only  the  subjects  of  his  Britannic  majesty,  naturalised  since  the 

Eeace  of  17  '' ;  but  all  who,  born  elsewhere,  were  then  resident  in,  and  had 
ecome  cit '  ;ns  of  the  United  States  ;  also,  all  foreigners,  as  GERMANS, 
SWEDES,  liANES,  PORTUGUESE,  AND  ITALIANS,  who  voluntarily  serve 
in  the  vessels  of  tlie  United  States.  And  it  is  a  fact  that  SUCH  FOREIGNERS 
HAVE  FREQUENTLY  BEEN  IMPRESSED ;  although  their  language  and 
other  circumstances  demonstrate  THAT  THEY  WERE  NOT  BRITISH  SUB- 
JECTS." 

Here  again  we  have  Timothy  Pickering,  secretary  of  state, 
versus  Timothy  Pickering,  senator  of  the  United  States.  As 
secretary,  he  bears  the  strongest  testimony  on  the  subject  of  the 
latitudinarian  principles  on  which  impressment  is  conducted. 

The  subject  strikes  me  in  a  new  point  of  light.  An  Ameri- 
can vessel  is  met  at  sea  by  a  British  frigate. — ^The  crew  are 
brought  trembling  before  that  right  reverend  and  worshipful 
magistrate,  the  lieutenant.  All  who  cannot  speak  plain  English 
are  seized ; — as,  being  French,  Germans,  Danes,  Italians,  or 
Hottentots,  they  cannot  be  natives  of  the  United  States,  and  are 
not  therefore  entitled  to  protection  from  our  flag.  This  scruti- 
ny is  soon  over.  Another  then  takes  place.  And  of  those  who 
speak  plain  English,  he  seizes  as  many  as  he  supposes,  or  pre- 
tends to  suppose,  to  be  British  subjects ! ! !  And  yet  we  have 
men  in  elevated  stations  who  defend  this  practice !  Would  to 
God  that  every  man,  how  high,  or  how  proud,  or  how  exalted 
soever  he  be,  who  is  an  advocate  for  impressment,  were  himself 
impressed  and  enslaved  on  board  a  British  man  of  war,  with 
hard  biscuit  and  junk  beef  for  food,  and  a  cat-o'-nine  tails  to 

•  Letter  of  tho  lionourafilc  Timothy  Pickering  to  his  excellency  James  Sulli- 
van, governor  of  Massachusetts,  February  16, 1808,  page  13. 


GMAP.  33.] 


IMPRESSMENT. 


his  back,  to  punish  his  refractory  spirit,  in  case  he  dared  to  com- 
plain !        . 

Extract  of  a  letter  from  John  Marshall,  esq.  secretary  of  state,  to  Rnfus  King,  esq. 
minister  plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  at  London,  dated 

Bepartment  of  State,  September  20,  1800. 

"  The  impressment  of  oup  seamen  is  an  injury  of  very  serious  magnitude, 
which  deeply  affects  the  feelingfs  and  the  honour  of  the  nation. 

"  This  valuable  class  of  men  is  composed  of  natives  and  foreigners,  who  en<- 
gage  voluntarily  in  our  service. 

"No  right  has  been  asserted  to  impress  the  natives  of  America.  Fet  they  are 
impressed;  they  are  dragged  on  board  of  British  ships  of  war ,  tvith  evidence  of  citi- 
zenship in  their  hands,  ank  forced  by  violence  there  to  serve,  ttntil  conclusive  testi- 
monials  of  their  birth  can  be  obtained.  These  must  most  generally  be  sought  for 
on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic.  In  the  mean  time,  ACKNOWLEDGED  VIOLENCE 
IS  PRACTISED  ON  A  CITIZEN  OP  THE  UNITED  STATES,  BY  COMPEL- 
LING HIM  TO  ENGAGE  AND  CONTINUE  IN  FOREIGN  SERVICE.  Al- 
though the  lords  of  the  admiralty  uniformly  direct  their  discharge  on  the  pro- 
duction of  this  testimony ;  YET  MANY  MUST  PERISH,  UNRELIEVED, 
AND  ALL  ARE  DETAINED  A  CONSIDERABLE  TIME,  IN  LAWLESS  AND 
INJURIOUS  CONFINEMENT, 

*•  It  is  the  duty,  as  well  as  the  right,  of  a  friendly  nation,  to  require  that 
measures  be  taken  by  the  British  government  to  prevent  the  continued  repe- 
tition  of  such  violence  by  its  agents.  This  can  only  be  done  by  punishing  and 
frowning  on  those  who  perpeti-ate  it.  THE  MERE  RELEASE  OF  THE  IN- 
JURED, AFTER  A  LONG  COURSE  OF  SERVING  AND  SUFFERING,  IS 
NO  COMPENSATION  FOR  THE  PAST,  AND  NO  SECURITY  FOR  THE 
FUTURE.  It  is  impossible  not  to  believe  that  the  decisive  interference  of  the 
government  in  this  respect,  would  prevent  a  practice,  the  continuance  of  which 
must  inevitably  produce  discord  between  two  nations,  which  ought  to  be  the 
friends  of  each  other. 

"  Those  seamen  who  were  bom  in  a  foreign  country,  and  have  been  adopted 
by  this,  were  either  the  subjects  of  Britwn  or  some  other  power. 

•*  The  right  to  impress  those  who  were  British  subjects  has  been  asserted  ; 
and  the  right  to  impress  those  of  every  other  nation  has  not  been  disclsumed. 

"  JVeither  the  one  practice  nor  the  other  can  be  justified. 

"  With  the  natursdization  of  foreigners,  no  other  nation  can  interfere,  fur- 
ther than  the  rights  of  that  other  are  affected.  The  rights  of  Britain  are  cei^ 
tainly  not  affected  by  the  naturalization  of  other  than  British  subjects.  Conse- 
quently, tiiose  persons,  who,  according  to  our  laws,  are  citizens,  must  be  so 
considered  by  Britain,  and  every  other  power  not  having  a  conflicting  claim  to 
the  person. 

"THE  UNITED  STATES,  THEREFORE,  REQUIRE  POSITIVELY, 
THAT  THEIR  SEAMEN  WHO  ARE  NOT  BRITISH  SUBJECTS,  WHE- 
THER BORN  IN  AMERICA  OR  ELSEWHERE,  SHALL  BE  EXEMPT 
FROM  IMPRESSMENT. 

*•  The  case  of  British  subjects,  whether  naturalized  or  not,  is  more  question- 
able ;  biU  l/ie  rig/tt  even  to  impress  them  is  denied.  The  practice  of  the  British 
government  itself,  may  certiunly,  in  a  controveray  with  that  government,  be 
relied  on.  The  privileges  it  claims  and  exercises,  may  certiiimy  be  ceded  to 
others.  To  deny  this  would  be  to  deny  the  equality  of  nations,  and  to  make 
it  a  question  of  power  and  not  of  right. 

"If  the  practice  of  the  British  government  may  be  quoted,  that  practice  is 
to  maintain  and  defend  in  their  sea-service  all  those,  of  any  nation,  who  have 
voluntarily  engaged  in  it,  or  who,  according  to  their  laws,  have  become  British 
subjects. 

"  Alien  seamen,  not  British  subjects,  engpg^d  in  our  merchant  sei-vice,  ought 
to  be  equally  exempt  with  citizens  tVom  impressments :  we  have  a  right  to  en- 
gage them,  and  have  a  right  to,  and  an  interest  in,  their  persons,  to  the  extent 
of  the  service  contracted  to  be  performed.  Britain  has  no  pretext  of  rig/a  tu 
their  persons  or  to  their  service.    TO  TEAR  THEM,  THEN,  FROM  OUR  POS- 


193 


POLITICAL  OUVE  DRANCH. 


[OHAP.  3-3. 


I  ■  ■:  ill 


SESSION  IS  AT  THE  SAME  TIME  AN  INSULT  AND  AN  INJURY.  IT 
IS  AN  ACT  OF  VIOLENCE  FOR  WHICH  THERE  EXISTS  NOPALUA- 
TI\  E. 

"  We  know  well  that  the  difficulty  of  distinguishing  between  native  Ameri- 
cans and  British  subjects,  has  been  used  with  respect  to  natives,  as  an  apology 
for  the  injiirics  complained  of.  It  is  not  pretended  that  this  apology  can  be  ex- 
tended to  the  case  of  foreigners ;  and  with  respect  to  natives,  we  doubt  the  ex- 
istence of  the  difficulty  alleged.  Wc  know  well  that  among  that  class  of  peo- 
ple called  seamen,  we  can  readily  distinguish  between  a  native  American,  and 
a  person  raised  to  manliood  in  Great  Britiiin  or  Ireland ;  and  we  do  not  perceive 
any  reason  why  the  capacity  of  making  this  distinction  should  not  be  possessed 
in  the  same  degree  by  one  nation  as  by  the  other. 

"  If  therefore  no  regulation  can  be  formed  wliich  shall  effectually  secure  all 
seamen  on  board  American  merchantmen,  we  have  a  right  to  expect  from  the 
justice  of  the  British  government,  from  its  regard  for  the  friendship  of  the  Vnu 
ted  States  and  its  own  honour,  that  it  will  manifest  the  sincerity  of  its  wishes  to 
redress  this  offence,  by  punishing  those  who  commit  it. 

"We  hope,  however,  that  an  arrangement  may  be  entered  into,  satis&ctory 
and  beneficial  to  both  parties.  The  article  which  appears  to  have  been  trans^ 
mitted  by  my  predecessor,  while  it  satisfies  this  country,  will  probably  restore 
to  the  naval  service  of  Great  Britain  a  greater  number  of  seamen  than  will  be 
lost  by  it.  Should  we  even  be  mistaken  in  this  calculation,  yet  the  difference 
cannot  be  put  into  competition  with  the  mischief  which  may  result  from  the  ir« 
ritation  justly  excited  by  this  practice,  throughout  the  United  States.  The  ex- 
tent and  justice  of  the  resentment  it  produces,  may  be  estimated  in  Britain  by 
inquiring  what  impressions  would  be  made  on  them  by  sinular  conduct  on  the 
part  of  this  government. 

<*  should  we  impress  from  the  merchant  service  of  Britain  not  only  Americans 
but  foreigners,  and  even  British  subjects,  how  long  would  such  a  course  of  in- 
jury unredressed  be  permitted  to  pass  unrevenged  P  How  long  would  the  go- 
vernment be  content  with  unsuccessful  remonstrance  ?  I  believe,  tar,  that  only 
the  most  prompt  correction  of,  or  compensation  for,  the  abuse,  would  be  ad- 
mitted as  satisfaction  in  such  a  case. 

"  If  the  principles  of  this  government  forbid  it  to  retaliate  by  impressments, 
there  is  yet  another  mode  which  might  be  resorted  to.  We  might  authorise 
our  ships  of  war,  though  not  to  impress,  yet  to  recruit  sailors  on  board  British 
merchantmen.  Such  are  tlie  inducements  to  enter  into  our  naval  service,  that 
we  believe  even  tliis  practice  would  very  seriously  affect  the  navigation  of  Bri- 
trun.    How,  sir,  would  it  be  received  by  the  BriUsh  nation  ? 

"  Is  it  not  more  advisable  to  desist  from,  and  to  take  effectual  measures  to 
prevent  an  acknowledged  wrong,  than  by  perseverance  in  that  wrong,  to  excite 
against  themselves  the  -well  founded  resentment  of  ^meiica,  and  force  our  govern' 
ment  into  measures  -which  may  possibly  terminate  in  open  rupture  ?" 

JOHN  MARSHALL. 

To  this  able,  eloquent,  and  acute  defence  of  the  rights  of  our 
oppressed  and  outraged  sailors,  and  of  our  insulted  sovereignty, 
the  most  pointed  and  particular  attention  of  the  reader  is  re- 
quested. The  elevated  rank  and  respectable  standing  of  the  wri- 
ter, entitle  it  to  the  utmost  weight  and  influence.  It  sets  the  seal 
of  reprobation  on  the  impressment  of  the  free  citizens  of  a  friend- 
ly neutral  nation,  by  armed  bands  in  the  service  of  a  belligerent ; 
tiie  most  flagitious  outrage  ever  perpetrated  in  a  time  of  preten- 
ded peace. 

.Ertrnct  of  a  letter  from  Pufiis  Kinc(,  esq.  to  the  secretary  of  state,  dated  London, 

February  2.3, 1801. 
"  The  progress  whirl)  had  been  made  in  our  negociation  with  this  goveni- 
ment,  was  such  as  must  have  brought  it  to  a  speedy  conclusion«  had  not  a 


CHAP.  34.] 


-r-     IMPRESSMENT. 


London, 

govern- 
u^  not  K 


change  taken  plaoe  in  the  department  of  foreign  affairs ;  that  the  result  would 
in  the  main  have  been  satisfactory,  is  more  than  I  am  authorised  to  aay,  al- 
though  I  flattered  myself  with  the  hope  that  it  would  be  so<  Lord  Hawkesbuty 
assures  me  that  he  will  give  to  the  several  subjects,  which  have  been  pretty 
fully  discussed,  an  early  and  impartial  consideration  ;  and  I  am  in  hopes  that 
lord  Vincent  will  likewise  be  inclined  to  attend  to  our  reiterated  remon- 
strances against  the  impressment  of  our  seamen,  and  the  vexations  of  our 
trade.  SUyUS  KING." 

CHAPTER  XXXIV. 

Mr.  ListorCs  projet  of  a  convention  respecting  deserters.    Ob- 
jected to  by  Mr,  Pickerings  Mr.  Stoddarty  Mr.  Wollcott^  and 
.,  Mr.  M*- Henry.     Rejected. 

In  the  year  1800,  Mr.  Liston,  the  British  minister,  submit- 
ted to  Mr.  Adams,  president  of  the  United  States,  a  projet  of  a 
treaty  for  the  mutual  delivery  of  deserters,  of  which  I  annex 
the  seventh  and  ninth  articles,  being  those  which  alone  bear  on 
the  subject  of  impressment. 

7.  "  It  is,  however,  understood,  that  this  stipulation  is  not  to  extend  to  autho> 
rise  either  of  the  parties  to  demand  the  delivery  of  any  sailors,  subjects  or 
citizens  belonging  to  the  other  party,  who  have  been  employed  on  board  the 
vessels  of  eitlier  of  the  respect:'  e  nations,  and  who  have,  in  time  of  war  or 
tiireatened  hostility,  voluntarily  entered  into  the  service  of  their  own  sovereign 
or  nation,  or  have  been  compelled  to  enter  therein,  according^  to  the  laws  and  prac- 
tice prevailing' in  the  tivo  countries  respectively. 

9.  "  It  is,  however,  understood,  that  no  stipulation  in  this  additional  article 
shall  be  construed  to  empower  the  civil  or  military  officers  of  either  of  die 
contracting  parties  forcibly  to  enter  into  the  public  ships  of  war ;  or  into  the 
forts,  garrisons  or  posts  of  the  other  party ;  or  to  use  violence  to  the  persons  of 
the  land  or  sea  officers  of  the  respective  nations,  with  a  view  to  compel  the  de> 
livery  of  such  persons  as  may  have  deserted  from  the  naval  or  military  service 
of  either  party  as  aforesdd." 

This  projet  which  was  intended  to  sanction  impressment  on 
board  private  vessels,  by  the  exception  of  "  public  ships  of  war," 
was  submitted  to  the  heads  of  departments,  and  to  the  attorney 
general,  for  their  opinions,  which  I  subjoin. 

From  Timothy  Pickering,  esq.  secretary  of  state,  to  Mr.  Adams. 

February  20, 1800. 
"  The  secretary  has  the  honour  to  lay  before  the  president  Mr.  Liston's  note 
of  the  fourth  of  February,  together  with  his  projet  of  a  treaty  for  the  recipro- 
cal  delivery  of  desertera ;  ivhich  appears  to  the  secretary  utterly  inadmissible. 
UNLESS  IT  WOULD  PUT  AN  END  TO  IMPRESSMENTS— which  Mr. 
Lislon  seemed  to  imagine — luhile  the  seventh  paragraph  of  his  projet  expressly 
recognizes  the  right  of  impressing  Btitish  subjects,  and  consequently  Ameiican  ciii-i 
xetis  as  at  present.  TIMOTHY  PICKERING." 

B.  Stoddart,  esq.  secretary  of  the  navy,  to  the  president 

February  26, 1800. 
"  The  secretary  of  the  navy  is  clearly  of  opinion,  that  it  is  better  to  have  no 
article,  and  meet  all  consequences,  than  not  to  enumerate  merchant  vessels  on  the 
high  seas,  among  the  t/iings  not  to  be  entered  in  search  of  deserters." 

Oliver  Wolcott,  es^.  secretary  of  the  treasury^  to  the  president. 

April26,18O0. 
"  The  projet  of  a  treaty  proposed  by  the  minister  of  his  Britannic  majesty, 
for  the  rcciprqcjU  delivery  of  deserters  from  the  land  and  naval  service,  does 


194 


POLITICAL  OUVE  BRANCH 


[chap.  34. 


II 


not  nifficiently  provide  against  the  impretament  of  American  seamen}  and  is  there- 
fore deemed  inadmissible." 

As  a  substitute  for  Mr.  Liston^s  seventh  article,  Mr.  Picker- 
ing proposed  the  following : 

"  It  is,  however,  undentood,  that  nothing  in  these  stipulations  shall  be  con- 
strued to  empower  the  civil,  military,  or  naval  officers  of  either  of  tlie  contract, 
ing  parties,  forcibly  to  enter  into  the  territory,  forts,  posts,  or  vessels  of  the 
other  party — or  to  use  violence  to  the  persons  of  the  commanders  or  the  offi- 
cers ot  the  forts,  posts,  or  vessels  of  tite  other  party,  with  a  view  to  compel  the 
delivery  of  such  persons  as  shall  desert  as  aforesaid." 

This  article  was  intended  fully  to  secure  from  impressment, 
even  in  our  private  as  well  as  public  vessels,  not  merely  our  own 
citizens,  but  also  the  subjects  of  Great  Britain  ;  in  a  word,  to 
put  an  end  entirely  to  the  practice  of  impressment  on  board  our 
vessels. 

Mr.  Wolcott,  secretary  of  the  treasury,  proposed  a  substitute 
for  the  article  objected  to,  still  more  clearly  and  explicitly  anni- 
hilating the  pretensions  of  England  to  impress  seamen  of  any 
description  on  board  our  vessels. 

"  It  is,  however,  understood,  that  nothing  in  the  foregoing  stipulations  shall 
be  construed  to  empower  the  civil  or  any  other  officers,  of  cither  party,  forcibly 
to  enter  the  foits,  posts,  or  any  other  place  within  or  under  the  ]uris(Uction  of 
the  other  party ;  nor  to  empower  the  naval  commanders  or  ot^icr  officcre  of 
either  party  forcibly  to  enter  any  public  or  private  vessels  of  the  other  party, 
on  the  nigh  seas,  with  a  view  to  compel  the  delivery  of  any  person  whatever ; 
on  the  contrary,  it  is  expressly  declared  to  l)e  tlic  understanding  of  the  contract- 
ing parties,  that  the  mutual  restorations  of  persons  claimed  as  dcscrtci-s,  sliall 
omy  be  made  by  the  free  and  voluntary  consent  of  tlie  military  officers  employ- 
ed in  tlie  land  service,  or  the  commanders  of  the  public  or  private  ships  or 
vessein  of  the  two  parties,  or  in  pursuance  of  the  decisions  of  the  courts,  judges, 
or  other  competent  civil  officers  of  the  two  nations,  in  all  cases  arising  within 
their  respective  jurisdictions.  O.  WOLCO  TT." 

Jatnos  JlPIfeiin/,  secretary  of  war,  to  the  president. 

War  ftrpartmeiu,  Jipiil  16,  1800. 
"  The  secretary  thinks  the  projct  of  Mr.  Liston  may  be  substantially  ar. 
cepted,  except  the  7th  article,  which  seems  to  provide  that  the  United  States 
shall  not  demand  the  delivery  of  any  sailors,  although  their  citizens,  if  they 
have  been  employed  in  Dhtish  vessels,  and  who  have  in  time  of  war,  or  tin-cat- 
cncd  hostilities,  voluntarily  entered  into  the  Hritish  service,  or  have  been  com> 

Belled  to  enter  therein,  according  to  the  law  and  practice  prevailing  in  Great 
ritain.  This  article  is  very  inaccurately  expressed  \  for  it  says,  "employed  or 
rntered  into  tlie  service  of  their  own  8<»vercigu  or  nation,  or  have  been  com- 
pelled to  enter  tliercln,"  8ic.  Iftlus  avticlr  tmuius,  what  it  is  apprehetuledit  does, 
it  is  wholly  inadmissihle.  It  cst;ibli»hcs  a  principle  repn)bateil  by  this  country. 
The  counter-projet  of  the  secretary  of  state,  m  substance,  meets  the  secreta- 
ry's approbation  ;  but  it  is  submitted,  whether  the  adoption  of  part  of  the  draft 
by  the  secretary  of  the  treasury,  will  not  improve  it. 
"  All  which  is  rcspectftilly  submitted.  JAMES  M'HENHY." 

April  30,  1800. 
"The  attorney  gfeneral  having  read  and  considered  the  letter  of  the  serrctary 
of  sUte,  and  the  projct  of  iin  article  drawn  by  the  secretary  of  the  trc:u»ury,  on 
the  subject  of  deHcrtcrs,  whicli  arc  proposed  to  be  sent  to  the  Hritish  minister 
here,  cxprcMci  his  entire  approbftttun  of  the  same.         CHAALEH  LBE." 


CHAP.  35.] 


IMPRESSMENT. 


199 


CHAPTER  XXXV. 

Horrors  of  Impressment^  as  submitted  to  congress^  by  Timothy 
Pickerings  secretary  of  state. 

To  afford  a  specimen  of  the  treatment  of  some  of  the  impress- 
ed American  seamen,  whose  cases  it  has  become  fashionable  to 
treat  with  indifference,  and  whose  awful  sufferings  have  been 
palliated  or  denied,  I  submit  extracts  from  authentic  documents 
on  the  subject.  It  will  incontrovertibly  appear  that  the  horrors 
of  this  odious  and  execrable  business  of  impressment  have  been 
quintupled  by  the  odious  and  execrable  manner  in  which  it  has 
been  conducted. 

Extract  from  the  deposition  of  Eliphakt  Ladil,  second  mate  on  board  the  Thomas 
and  Sarah,  of  Philadelphia,  and  a  native  of  Exeter,  JVew  Hampshire,  annexed  to 
a  report  subitdtted  to  congress  by  Timothy  Pickering,  esq.  secretary  of  state. 

Kingston,  June  19, 1799. 
Eliphalet  Ladd  maketh  oath,  that  on  Wednesday,  the  12th  inst.  he  came  on 
shore  with  two  seamen  belong^ing  to  said  ship,  named  John  Edes,  and  Israel 
Handol,  in  order  to  land  a  boat  load  of  staves  ;  that  a  press  gang  came  up, 
and  laid  hold  of  John  Edes ;  that  one  of  the  press  gang,  named  Moody,  tvith  a 
broad  sword  cut  this  deponent  on  the  forehead,  and  made  a  wound  of  three  inches  !  f 
They  tlien  took  deponent,  together  with  Edes,  and  conducted  them  in  difl'erent 
boats  on  board  the  Brunswick  man  of  war ;  that  the  boat  on  board  of  which 
Edes  was,  made  the  ship  some  little  time  before  that  the  deponent  was  in ;  and 
on  deponent's  nearing  the  ship,  lie  heard  the  cries  of  a  man  forging  !  !  !  and 
on  gomg  up  the  side  of  the  Hrunswick,  he  perceived  Edes,  who  was  crying ; 
and  addressing  himself  to  the  first  lieutenant,  a  Mr.  Harris,  saying,  here  is  a 
man  who  can  attest  to  what  I  have  told  you.  The  lieutenant  then  laying  hold 
of  deponent  by  the  arm,  said,  go  along  on  the  quarter  deck;  yon  damned  rascal 
you  !  !  !  which  deponent  accordingly  did  ;  that  all  the  impressed  men  were 
then  examined,  and  afterwards  ordced  by  the  lieutenant  into  the  waist ;  that 
when  tliey  got  there,  Edes  pulled  off  his  shirt,  and  SHOWED  DEPONENT 
HIS  BACK,  WHICH  WAS  BRUISED  FROM  HIS  SHOULDERS  TO  HIS 
HIPS!!!  He  then  infonned,  he  had  just  been  whipped  with  ropes*  ends,  aa  depo- 
nent was  going  up  the  ship's  sides,  by  the  boatswain  and  his  mates,  by  orders 
f>f  the  lieutenant ;  tliat  deponent  remained  on  board  the  Brunswick  all  that 
day  and  the  next  night,  during  which  tie  surgical  or  medical  astieta7ice  was  given 
to  the  wound  he  had  received  on  fas  head,  nor  to  the  bruises  of  t/ut  said  Edes,  who, 
during  the  flight,  called  out  se^ieral  times  from  extreme  pain  i  and  the  next  morning 
was  barely  able  to  moxn:  himself;  tliat  between  nine  and  ten  o'clock  the  next 
morning,  the  whole  ot  the  imnressed  men  were  again  ordered  on  the  quarter 
deck,  and  stulioi\ed,  except  dcponont  itiul  Edes ;  that  while  the  examination 
was  going  on,  the  captain  of  the  Thomas  and  Sarah  was  coming  on  board,  but 
was  prevented  by  the  lieutenant,  who  ordered  the  centinel  to  keep  him  ofl"» 
that  at  about  eleven  o'clock  the  captain  of  the  Bnntswick  came  on  board;  and 
ut  three  o'clock  deponent  was  discliarged,  but  Edes  retained. 

"  ELIPHALET  LADD." 
Sworn  before 

William  Savage,  justice  of  the  peace,  &c. 

Further  extract  from  the  preceding  report  of  ISnwthy  Pickering,  esq.  secretary  of 

state,  to  congress. 
Ilichanl  Carter,  of  the  Pomona,  of  Portsmouth,  impressed  at  the  same  time 
with  Ladd  and  Edes,  among  other  items  of  his  deposition,  swore,  "  he  was 
violently  fcnrcd  into  a  boat,an»l  STRUCK  TWICE,  WITH  A  DRAWN  CUT- 
CASH,  by  one  of  tlie  press  gang;  and  that  two  men  with  pistols  placed 
over  tills  deponent,  who  loaded  tfteir  pistols  in  tlie  presence  nf  this  deboiumt,  and 
Ihreatefted  to  blow  out  hk  brains  if  he  attempted  to  move  or  speak :  ana  then  tliey 


196 


POUTICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[chap.  36. 


carried  thii  deponent,  and  John  Edes,one  of  the  seamen  of  the  ship  Th'  ,^h 
and  Sarah,  an  American  citizen,  whom  they  had  also  seized,  on  board  i'>  id 
Brunswick :  this  deponent  and  the  said  John  Edes  were  ordered  to  go  v      ite 

auarter  deck,  where  Mr.  Harris,  the  first  lieutenant  of  the  said  ship,  abused 
lis  deponent  and  said  John  Edes ;  and  gave  them  in  cliarge  to  the  master  of 
said  ship,  while  he  went  to  look  for  the  boatswain's  mate  ;  and  soon  after  re- 
turned with  the  boatswain's  mate,  whom  he  ordered  to  take  this  deponent  and 
the  sud  John  Edes,  and  to  beat  tliem  ;  in  obedience  to  which  orders,  the,  said 
John  Edes  and  this  deponent  were  severely  beaten,  particularly  this  deponent,  the 
boatswain's  mate  doubling'  a  rope  of  about  three  inches  and  a  half  thick,  and 
BEATING  THIS  DEPONENT  WITH  GREAT  VIOLENCE  OVER  THE 
HEAD,  FACE,  NECK,  SHOULDERS,  BACK  AND  STOMACH,  UNTIL  HR 
HAD  TIRED  HIMSELF  ! ! !  and  then  he  gave  the  same  rope  to  one  of  the  ma- 
riners of  the  said  ship  Brunswick ,-  and  he  also  severely  beat  this  deponent  in  the 
same  manner  !  !  and  this  deponent  saith,  he  received  upwards  of  a  humlred  blows  !  ! 
and  was  thereby  greatly  brxused,  and  his  face  cut,  ami  his  stomach,  as  well  inter- 
natty  as  externally,  iiyured,  so  that  deponetit  brought  up  a  quantity  of  blood  for  so- 
veral  days. 

-  Sworn  before  me,  WILLIAM  SAVAGE." 

To  avoid  prolixity,  I  have  omitted  the  residue  of  this  depo» 
sition.    The  deponent  was  liberated  by  habeas  corpus. 

Annexed  to  this  deposition  is  that  of  the  physician,  who  at- 
tended Richard  Carter,  who  declared,  that 

"  From  the  situation  in  which  he  found  the  said  Carter,  he  verily  believed 
he  had  been  very  severely  beaten  some  days  previous,  his  blood  being  very 
much  extravasated .  and  from  the  appearance  or  the  bruises,  it  must  have  been 
done  with  a  thick  rope." 

It  is  difHcult  to  find  terms  to  pour  out  the  abhorrence  and  in- 
dignation excited  by  the  abominable  scenes  depicted  in  these, 
depositions  and  narratives.  Language  fails  in  the  attempt. 
Shame,  disgrace,  dishonour,  and  infamy,  will  attend  the  coun- 
cils and  counsellors  of  America,  for  the  base  submission  to  such 
monstrous  cruelty.  The  outrage  ought  to  have  been  met  at  the 
threshold.— Atonement  to  the  sufferers  ought  to  have  been  made 
at  the  public  expense,  that  is,  as  far  as  such  horrible  injuries  can 
be  atoned  for — and  demand  made  for  the  re-payment  of  the 
money  thus  employed.  If  not  complied  with,  full  and  complete 
retaliation  ought  to  have  taken  place. 

CHAPTER  XXXVI. 

Impressment  during  the  administration  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  Let- 
ter  from  Rufus  King,  Arrangement  with  lord  St,  Vincent 
rejected  by  Mr,  King. 

Letter  from  Rufus  King,  esq,  to  the  secretary  of  state. 

JNVw  York,  Jubh  1803. 
"  Sir— As  soon  as  the  war  appeared  to  mc  unavoidable,  I  thought  it  advimibir 
\n  renew  tlu-  utti-mpt  t(»  form  an  an-angcmcnt  with  the  Hritish  government  for 
tlic  protection  of  our  icamt-n.  With  this  view  I  liad  several  conferences,  botli 
with  lonl  HawkeMhurv  und  Mr,  Addington,  who  avowed  a  sincere  dispomtion 
to  do  whatever  niigiit  be  in  tlicir  power  to  prevent  the  disHatiNtUction  on  thix 
subject,  that  hud  no  fnM|u»'ntly  manifested  itself  during  the  lute  war  :  wiih  very 
canilid  firnfri!tion»,  f,  howii<rr,  found  sn<rriil  Hhjecliuns,  \n  «li!*eussing  the  projct 
with  the  fint  lord  of  the  admiralty.  Lord  llawkvsbury  luviii|f  prwiniitcd  to  aign 


U 


36. 


Q>AV.  36.] . 


IMPRESSMENT. 


Ji 


197 


«ny  agreement  upon  the  subject  that  I  should  conclude  with  lord  St.  Vincent. 
I  endeavoured  to  quaii^  and  remove  the  objections  he  ofiered  to  our  projet : 
and  finally,  the  day  before  I  left  London,  lord  St.  Vincent  consented  to  the  fol» 
lowing  regulations : 

"1.  No  seaman  or  seafaring  person  shaU,  upon  the  Atg-A  seas,  and  ivithoia  th$ 
jurisdiction  of  either  party,  be  demanded  or  taken  out  of  any  sliip  or  vessel  be- 
longing to  the  citizens  or  subjects  of  one  of  the  parties,  by  the  public  or  private 
armed  ships  or  men  of  war,  belonging  to  or  in  the  service  of  the  other  party ;  and 
strict  orclers  shall  be  given  for  the  due  observance  of  this  engagement. 

"  2.  Each  party  wiU  prohibit  its  citizens  or  subjects  from  clandestinely  con- 
cealing or  carrymg  away  from  the  territories  or  colonial  possessions  of  the 
•ther,  any  seaman  belonging  to  the  other  paily. 

"  3.  These  regulations  fihall  be  in  force  for  five  years,  and  no  longer. 

**  On  parting  with  his  lordship,  I  engaged  to  draw  up,  in  the  form  of  a  con- 
vention, and  send  him  these  articles,  in  the  course  of  the  evening,  who  promise 
«d  to  forward  them,  with  his  approbatiim,  to  lord  Hawkesbury.  1  accordingly 
prepared  and  sent  the  draft  to  his  lordship,  who  sent  me  a  letter  in  the  course 
of  the  night,  stating  that  on  further  reftection  he  was  of  opinion,  th<U  the  narrow 
seas  should  be  expressly  excepted,  they  having  been,  as  his  lordsliip  remarked, 
immemorially  considered  to  be  within  the  dominions  of  Great  Britain ;  that  with 
this  correction  he  had  sent  the  proposed  convention  to  lord  Hawkesbury,  who, 
his  lordship  presumed,  would  not  sign  it  before  he  should  have  consulted  the 
judge  of  the  high  court  of  admiralty,  sir  William  Scott. 

"  As  I  had  supposed,  from  the  tenor  of  my  conferences  with  lord  St.  Vincent, 
that  the  doctrine  of  the  mare  clausum  would  not  be  revived  against  us  on  this 
occasion,  but  that  England  would  be  content  with  the  limited  jurisdiction  or 
dominion  over  the  seas,  adjacent  to  her  territories,  which  is  assigpied  by  the  law 
of  nations  to  other  states,  I  was  not  a^little  disappointed  on  receiving  this  com- 
munication ;  and  after  weighing  well  the  nature  of  the  principle,  and  the  disad- 
vantages of  its  admission,  I  concluded  to  abandon  t/ie  negocivUion  rat/ter  t/uin  to  ac- 
fuiesce  in  the  doctrine  it  pi'oposed  to  establish. 

"  I  regret,  not  to  have  been  able  to  put  this  business  on  a  satisfactory  footing, 
knowing,  as  I  do,  its  very  great  importance  to  both  parties.  But  I  flatter  my- 
self that  1  have  not  misjudged  the  interests  of  our  country,  in  refusing  to  satU' 
Hon  a  principle  tluxt  might  be  productive  of  more  extensive  evils  than  those  it  was  ottr 
aim  to  pi-event.  RUFUS  KING." 

This  is  a  most  important  document,  and  must  never  for  an 
instant  be  overlooked  in  forming  a  decision  on  the  question  of 
impressment.  Mr.  King  was  united  with,  and  a  leader  among 
those  men  who  were  lately  hunting  down  Mr.  Madison,  and 
preparing  the  way  for  anarchy  and  civil  war :  and  the  chief  pre- 
tence was  the  stand  Mr.  Madison  made  against  impressment* 
Nevertheless,  we  iind  that  he  took  higher  ground  himself— -and 
that  it  is  indisputably  true,  that  more  than  one  half  of  the  mi- 
series of  our  poor,  oppressed,  and  enslaved  seamen,  are  charge- 
able to  his  account.  And  whatever  may  be  the  maledictions 
which  his  friends  are  showering  down  upon  Mr.  Madison,  a 
double  portion  of  them  has  been  richly  earned  by  Mr.  King. 
For  it  appears,  that  had  he  been  so  disposed,  he  might  have  res. 
cued  our  sailors  from  the  horrors  of  impressment,  every  where 
but  on  the  narrow  seas,  which  would  have  greatly  abridged  their 
suflferingB,  as  well  as  our  complaints  against  Great  Britain.  And 
yet,  lately,  with  a  most  wonderful  and  hi  leous  degree  of  incon- 
sistency, he  has,  as  I  have  stated,  been  persecuting  and  trying 
to  crush  Mr.  Madison  for  the  attempfto  protect  our  seamen,  ia 

o.B.  gr 


Pi 


POLITICAL  OLTVE  BRANCH. 


[chap.  36 


whose  favour  he  himself  formerly  displayed  such  a  high  degree 
of  solicitude ! 

To  evince  how  universal  has  been  the  indignation  of  our  mer- 
cantile citizens  against  the  oppression  of,  and  cruelties  perpe. 
trated  upon,  our  seamen,  I  annex  impressive  extracts  from  do- 
cuments on  the  subject. 

Extract  from  a  memorial  to  congress,  of  the  inhabitanti  of  Salein,  January  20, 19Q&' 

"  Your  memorialists  are  sorry,  that  other  instances  of  hostile  conduct  have 

been  manifested  by  Great  Britain,  less  direct  in  their  nature,  but  not  less  dero- 

Sitorj-  from  our  sovereignty  than  those  enumerated.  THE  IMPRESSMENT 
F  OUR  SEAMEN,  mtuvithstamUng  clear  proofs  qf  citixeHship,  the  violation  of 
our  jurisdiction  by  capture  at  the  mouths  of  our  harbours,  and  insulting  treat* 
ment  of  our  ships  on  the  ocean,  are  subjects  woi-thy  of  the  serious  considera- 
tion of  our  national  councils,  and  will,  we  have  no  doubt,  receive  an  earl}', 
prompt,  and  decisive  atttention." 

Signed  in  behalf  of  tlie  inhabitants,  by  Uieir  authority, 
John  Hathome,  Joseph  Sprague,  Jonathan  Mason, 

Benjamin  Crowninshield,  jun.        Joseph  White,  jun.  Joseph  Story. 

Extract  from  a  memorial  of  a  general  meeting  of  the  merchants  ofJ\/'ev>  York,  De- 
cember 26,  1815. 
"But  it  is  not  on  account  of  our  pecuniary  losses  alone  that  we  complain. 
The  constancy  and  valour  of  the  seamen  of  the  United  States  are  justly  themes 
of  patriotic  exultation.  From  their  connexion  witli  us,  we  consider  their  cause  a» 
our  cause ;  their  rights  as  our  rights ,-  their  interests  as  our  interests.  Our  feelings 
are  indignant  at  the  recital  of  their  lerongs." 


Andrew  Foster, 
Jacob  Barker, 
William  Lovett, 


John  Jacob  Astor,   Samuel  Bell, 

Samuel  Adams,        J.  F.  Delaplaine, 

HowlandSc  Grinnel,  Peter  Stagg, 

E.  Slossom,  David  Taylor, 

Israel  Gibbs,  Wm.  Adec, 

Isaac  Clason,  John  T.  Lawrence,  Wm.  Edgar,  jun 

John  Slidell,  Joseph  W.  Totten,Bamuel  Stilwell, 

John  K.  Townsend,  1.  Schermcrhorn,    Jacob  P.  Giraud, 

Ami.  Ogden  &  Co.  Alexander  Ruden, 

Joseph  Otis, 

Lewis  Hartman, 

Garret  Storm, 

George  Bement, 

S.  A.  Rich, 


Abraham  Smith,  Joshua  Jones, 

Thomas  H.  Smith, jun.  Fred.  Giraud,  jun. 


John  Hone, 
John  Kane, 
Amasa  Jackson, 
Wm.  J.  Robinson, 
Joseph  Strong, 
Abraliam  S.  llallet, 


Robert  Roberts, 
John  Crookes, 
Hugh  M'Connick, 
John  Depeyster, 
Gilbert  Haight, 
James  Lovett, 
LeffertLeflerts, 
Aug.  Wynkoop, 
Johh  W.  Gale, 
Thomas  Rich, 
Samuel  Marshall, 
Elbert  Hennng. 


Thomas  Storm, 
Amos  Butler, 
Ebenczcr  Burrill, 
Isaac  llcyer, 
Ralph  Bulklcy, 

This  beautiful  piece  of  composition  docs  eaual  honour  to  the 
head  anil  heart  of  the  writer.  But  many  of  these  subscribers 
have  violated  their  engagements.  They  have  not  redeemed  the 
solemn  pledge  that  accompanied  this  morceaiu  They  have  most 
indubitably  done  all  in  their  power  to  fasten  the  horrors  of  im. 
pressmcnt,  with  adamantine  chains,  on  those  illustrious  men, 
**  whose  cause — whose  rights— whose  interests — they  considered 
as  their  own  cause — their  own  rights — ^their  own  interests," 
For  no  man  bcj  ond  the  rank  of  an  idcot,  can  doubt,  that  every 
step  taken  to  cripple  the  government — which  game  they  lately 
played  on  a  large  scale — Was  a  step  towards  laying  the  nation, 
tied  neck  and  heels,  at  the  feet  ol  England,  to  prescribe  what 
terms  she  pleased,  and  of  course  to  perpetuate  the  miseries  of 
impressment. 


'nt 


1  , 


CHAP.  36.] 


IMPRESSMENT, 


^m 


Extract  from  the  memorial  of  the  merchants  of  Philadelphia  to  Congreu,  December 

1805. 
"That  our  seamen  should  be  exposed  to  the  MEANEST  INSULTS,  AND 
MOST  WANTON  CRUELTIES,  an«i  tlie  fruiu  of  our  industry  and  enterprise 
fall  a  prey  to  the  profligate,  cannot  but  excite  both  feeling  and  indignation,  and 
call  loudly  for  the  aid  and  protection  of  government." 


T.  Fitszimons, 
W.  Sims, 
J.  Gerard  Koch, 
Joseph  S.  Lewis, 
Thomas  Allibone, 


L.  Clapier, 
Manuel  Eyi'e, 
John  Craig, 
Robert  Ralston, 
Th.  W.  Francis, 


W.  Montgomery, 
George  Latimer, 
Daniel  W.  Coxe, 
Ab,  Kintzing, 
James  Yard, 


Thomas  English, 
Philip  Nicklin, 
Chandler  Price, 
Robert  Wain, 
R.E.  Hobart,  sec'y. 


Henry  Payson, 
William  Wilson, 
T.  Swan, 
Joseph  Steret, 


Mark  Pringle, 
John  Strieker, 
Uenjamin  Williams, 
William  Lorman, 


William  Taylor, 
Robert  Gilmor, 
James  Calhoun, 
Samuel  Steret, 
Hugh  Thompson, 
Samuel  Taylor. 


Some  of  the  gentlemen  who  signed  this  petition,  stand  in  pre- 
cisely the  same  situation  as  some  of  the  signers  of  New- York. 
The  observations  made  on  those — of  course  apply  to  these. 

Extract  from  the  memorial  of  the  merclumta  of  Baltimore,  dated  January  21, 1806, 
"  Your  memorialists  will  not  trespass  upon  your  time  with  a  recital  of  the 

various  acts  by  which  our  coasts  and  even  otir  ports  and  harbours  have  been 

converted  into  scenes  of  violence  and  depredation ;  and  our  gallant  countrymen 

oppressed  and  persecuted." 

Thomas  Tenant,      William  Patterson,  Steuart  Brown, 

John  Donnel,  John  Sherlock,       David  Stewart, 

Luke  Tiernan, 

T.  Hollingsworth, 

Geoi-ge  Stiles, 

J.  A.  Buchanan, 

Alexander  M'Kim, 

Extract  from  a  memorial  to  Congress  of  the  merchants  of  JVewhaven,  agreed  to 

February  7,  W06. 
"Inre^rd  to  THE  IMPRESSMENT  OF  AMERICAN  SEAMEN,   your 

memorialists  feel  in  common  with  their  fellow  citizens,  a  lively  indignation  at 

the  abuses  of  power  often  exercised  by  British  oiliccrs  upon  American  citizens. 

We  have  full  confidence  that  the  government  of  tiie   United  States  will  adopt 

and  pursue  such  measures  for  restraining  these  injurious  praceedings  as  the 

honour  and  interests  of  the  United  States  may  require," 

After  the  murder  of  captain  Pearce,  entering  the  port  of  New- 
York,  by  captain  Whitby,  of  the  Leander,  within  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  the  United  States,  there  were  meetings  held  in  various 
parts  of  the  country,  to  express  their  abhorrence  of  the  outrage. 
On  the  26th  of  April,  1806,  at  the  Tontine  Coffee  House  in 
New. York,  there  was  a  numerous  and  very  respectalile  meeting 
of  federalists,  who  appointed  J^tifiis  King;  Ebenezer  Stevens, 
Oliver  Wolcott,  William  W.  Woolsey,  and  William  Hender- 
son,  to  draw  up  and  report  a  set  of  resolutions  for  the  occasion. 
In  their  report,  which  was  unanimously  agreed  to,  was  the  fol- 
lowing philippic  against  the  administration,  for  permitting  IM- 
PRESSMENT among  other  grievances. 

"  Resolved,  That  the  miflTcring  foreign  armed  ships  to  station  themselves  off 
our  harbour,  and  there  to  stop,  search,  and  ciipture  our  vessels — to  IMPRESS, 
WOUND,  AND  Ml'UDEltOim  CI'liZENS,  is  a  gross  and  criminal  neglect 
of  the  highest  duties  of  goveriinuMit  ;  and  that  an  lulmlnistrution  which  pa- 
tiently permits  the  same,  i'»  not  enlilled  to  the  coiifidi'nce  nf'  a  brave  and jVee  peo- 
ple. 

"  Resolved,  Tliat  the  nuinlcr  of  Jolm  Pearce,  one  of  our  fellow  citizens,  by 
ft  shot  ft-om  a  Mritish  ship  of  war,  at  the  entnmce  of  our  harbour,  and  within 
l\aU'u  mile  of  U>c  iliorc,  wlults  bv  wns  cnpgvd  ui  peaceably  navigating  a  coust- 


200 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[cHAF.  sr* 


ing  vessel,  laden  with  provisions  for  our  market,  is  an  act  that  excites  our  de- 
testation and  abhorrence  ;  and  calls  upon  our  government  for  the  adoption  of 
orompt  and  vigorous  measures  to  prevent  a  repetition  of  such  wanton  and  in- 
human conduct,  and  so  flagrant  a  violation  of  our  sovereignty." 

Some  of  my  readers  may  not  know — ^but  it  is  perfectly  pro- 
per that  all  should  know,  that  captain  Whitby  was  brought  t© 
trial  in  England,  and  honourably  acquitted^  notwithstanding  the 
most  undeniable  evidence  of  the  crime  was  dispatched  to  Eng- 
land at  the  expense  of  our  government.  For  the  murder  of 
Pearce,  no  atonement  has  ever  been  made.  It  still  cries  shame 
and  disgrace  on  his  passive  countrymen. 


CHAPTER  XXXVII. 

Documents  on  impressment  continued* 

Deposition  of  Isaac  Clark. 

"  I  Isaac  Clark,  of  Salem,  in  the  county  of  Essex,  and  commonwealth  of  Mas* 
iftchusetts,  on  solemn  oath  declare,  that  I  was  born  in  the  town  of  Randolph, 
in  the  county  of  Norfolk ;  have  sailed  out  of  Salem  aforesaid,  about  seven 
years ;  that  on  the  14th  of  June,  1809, 1  was  impressed  and  forcibly  taken  from 
the  ship  Jane,  of  Norfolk,  by  the  sailing  master  (his  name  was  Car)  of  his  ma- 
jesty's -ahip  Porcupine,  Robert  Elliot,  commander.  I  had  a  protection  from 
the  custom-house  in  Salem,  which  I  showed  to  captain  Elliot;  hevwore  thai  t 
•waa  an  EngUahman  ,-  tore  my  pi-6tection  to  pieces  before  my  eyes,  and  threw  it 
overboard,  and  ordered  me  ro  to  work.  I  told  him  I  did  not  belong  to  his  flag, 
and  I  would  do  no  work  under  it.  He  then  ordered  my  legs  to  be  put  in  irons, 
and  THE  NEXT  MORNING  ORDERED  THE  MASTER  AT  ARMS  TO 
TAKE  ME  ON  DECK,  AN!)  GIVE  MK  TWO  DOZEN  LASHES  :  after  re- 
ceiving them,  he  ordered  him  to  keep  me  in  irons,  and  give  me  one  biscuit 
and  one  pint  of  water  for  twenty  four  hours.  After  keeping  me  in  this  situa- 
tion one  week,  I  was  brought  on  deck,  and  asked  by  captain  Elliot,  if  I  would 
go  to  my  duty.  On  my  refusing,  he  ordered  me  to  strip,  tied  me  up  a  second 
time,  and  gave  me  (tm  dozen  more,  and  kept  me  on  the  same  allowance  another 
week — ^then  ordering  me  on  deck  ag^in,  asked  if  I  would  go  to  work.  I  still 
persisted  that  I  was  an  American ;  and  that  he  had  no  rigitt  to  command  my 
services,  and  I  would  do  no  work  on  board  his  ship.  He  told  mc  he  would 
punish  me  until  I  was  willing  to  work  j  and  gave  me  the  third  two  dozen  lasfies, 
ordered  a  very  heavy  chain  put  round  my  neck  ("such  a»  tliey  had  used  to  sling  the 
lower  yard  J  fastened  to  a  ring  bolt  in  the  tkck,  and  that  no  person,  except  the 
master  at  arms,  should  speak  to  mc,  or  give  me  any  thing  to  eat  or  drink,  hut 
one  biscuit  and  a  pint  of  water  for  twenty  four  hours,  untiTi  would  g^  to  work. 
I  was  kept  in  this  situation  nine  weeks,  when,  being  exhausted  by  hunger  and 
thirst,  I  waa  oblif^ed  to  yield.  After  being  on  board  the  ship  more  than  two 
years  and  a  half,  and  bemg  wounded  in  an  action  with  a  French /Hgate,  I  was  sent 
to  the  hos|)ital.  When  partially  recovered,  I  was  sent  on  hoard  the  Imprejnia- 
ble,  98  gun  ship.  Jify  wound  growing  worse,  I  was  returned  to  the  hospital,  when 
the  Ami-rican  consul  received  a  copy  of  my  protection  from  Salem,  andprocup- 
f d  my  disfliarj^c  on  the  29th  day  of  April  lust.  Tiiere  were  seven  impressed 
Americans  on  hoard  the  Porcupme,  three  of  whom  entered. 

ISAAC  CLARK. 

JEsae.r,  s.').  Drr.  2;3,  1812. 

"Then  Isuac  Clark  pcrsonallv.iijpeared,  and  made  solemn  oath  that  the  facts 
in  the  fnro(;-oiii|;(  declaration,  \)y  him  made  and  Niihscribcd,  were  true  in  all 
their  parts — before 

JOHN  Pl'Nril\nn,^  Justices  of  the  pence  and  of 
/     .  M.  TOWNSENI),       S  thcqiionim, 


CHAF.  27.] 


IMPRESSMENT. 


201 


Prom  tltm.  Boffert  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Mivi/.  '"    . 

U.^  S.  Frigate  President,  Boston,  Jan.  14,  1813. 
«« Sir — Herewith  you  will  receive  two  muster  books,  of  his  Britannic  majes- 
ty's  vessels  Moselle  and  Sappho,  found  on  board  the  British  packet  Swallow. 

"  As  the  British  hav^  always  denied  that  they  detained  on  board  their  sliips 
of  war,  American  citizens,  knowing  them  to  be  such,  I  send  you  the  enclosed, 
as  a  public  document  of  their  own,  to  prove  how  ill  such  an  assertion  accords 
with  their  practice. 

"  It  will  appear  by  these  two  muster  books,  that  as  late  as  August  last,  about 
an  eighth  part  of  the  Moselle  and  Sappho*s  crews  were  Americans  ,•  consequently, 
if  there  is  only  a  quarter  of  that  proportion  on  board  their  other  vessels,  that 
they  have  an  miinitely  gfreater  number  of  Americans  in  their  service  than  any 
American  has  yet  an  idea  of. 

"  Any  further  comment  of  mine  on  this  subject,  Tconsider  unnecessary  ;  as 
the  documents  speak  too  plain  for  themselvssi 

JOHN  RODGERS. 
"  The  hon.  Paul  Hamilton,  Secretary  of  the  Navy." 

.  > 
Extract  of  a  letter  from  Commodore  Porter  to  M.  Carey,  dated 

Washington,  July  13, 1815. 
"  After  closing  my  letter  of  this  morning,  I  received  yours  of  yesterday :  and, 
as  the  only  means  of  procuring  the  information  required,  have  consulted  Com- 
modore Kodgers,  who  informs  me,  that  there  appeared  on  the  muster  books  of 
the  Moselle  and  Sappho,  the  names  of  fram  thirty  five  to  forty  men,  who  were 
reportM  to  the  admiralty  office,  as  impressed  American  seamen.  The  places 
of  their  nativity  are  also  noted.  Tlie  complement  of  men  for  each  of  the  ves- 
sels %raa  about  160.    With  respect,  8cc. 

DAVro  PORTER. 

"1  Deekman  Ver  Plank  HoflTman,  of  the  town  of  Poughkeepsie,  do  certify, 
that  I  am  a  lieutenant  in  the  United  States'  navy ;  that  I  was  a  lieutenant  on 
board  the  Constitution  in  the  action  and  capture  of  tlie  Java;  and  was  sent  on 
board  that  vessel ;  and  after  the  crew  were  removed,  set  her  on  fire,  and  blew 
her  up. 

"  Among  the  crew  of  the  Java,  THIRTEEN  IMPRESSED  AMERICAN 
SEAMEN  were  found,  three  of  whom  hiul  entered  tlie  British  service,  and  were 
left :  the  other  ten  were  liberated  as  Americaiw." 

Poughkeepsie,  April  16,  1813.  B.  V.  HOFFMAN. 

"  Richard  Thompson,  being  sworn,  saith,  that  he  is  a  native  of  New  Palt:? 
•pposite  Poughkeepsie ;  that  he  sailed  from  Wilmington  about  the  twenty- 
eighth  of  April,  1810,  on  board  the  brig  Warren,  William  Kelly,  captain,  for 
Cork  On  the  homeward  passage,  in  September  following,  he  was  impressed 
and  taken  on  board  the  Pcacoclc,  a  Britisli  sloop  of  war,  and  compelled  to  do 
his  duty  ;  that  while  on  board  that  vessel,  he  made  many  unsuccessful  attempts 
to  write  to  his  friends  to  inform  them  of  his  situation.  He  further  saitli,  that 
after  he  had  lieard  of  the  war,  himself  and  two  otiier  impressed  American 
seamen  who  were  on  board  the  Peacock,  wont  aft  to  tlie  captain  ;  claimed  to 
be  considered  as  American  prisoners  of  war ;  and  refused  to  do  duty  any  lon- 
ger. 

"  We  were  ordered  off  the  quarter  deck,  and  the  captain  called  for  the  mas- 
ter at  arms,  and  ordered  us  to  be  put  in  irons.  We  were  then  kept  in  irons 
about  twcntv-four  hours,  when  we  were  taken  out,  brought  to  the  gangway, 
STRIPPED  OF  OUR  CLOTHES,  TIED  AND  WHIPPED,  EACH  ONE  DO- 
ZEN AND  A  HALF  LASHES,  AND  PUT  10  DUTY. 

"  He  further  saith,  that  he  was  kept  on  board  thi-  Peacock,  and  did  duty  till 
•he  action  with  the  Hornet.  After  the  Horiut  hoisted  American  colours,  he  and 
the  other  impressed  Americans  again  went  to  the  captain  of  the  Peacock,  and 
asked  to  be  sent  below  ;  said  it  was  an  American  ship  ;  and  that  they  did  not 
wish  to  fight  against  their  country.  The  captain  ordered  us  to  our  quartei-s  ; 
called  midshipman  Stone  to  do  his  duty  ;  and  if  we  did  not  do  our  duty,  TO 
BLOW  OUR  UUAINS  OUT;  "aye,  aye!"  was  answered  by  Stone,  who  Mw 


202 


POUTICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[caAP.  37. 


held  a  pistol  at  my  brecuti  and  ordered  us  to  our  places.  We  then  continued  at 
our  places,  and  were  compelled  to  fi^ht  till  the  Peacock  struck ;  and  we  were 
Uberated  after  about  two  years  and  eight  months." 

his 
Poughkeepsie,  April  17, 1813.  RICHARD  ><)THOMPSON. 

mark. 
Heailover  and  rigned-)  JOSEPH  HARRIS. 
in  the  presence  of  S  JOHN  FRIAR. 

Extract  from  the  log  btok  of  an  officer  on  board  his  majesty's  ship  Gtternere,  in  the 

action  with  the  Constitution. 
"The  Guerriere  was  a  frigate  of  one  thousand  and  eighty  tons  burden, taken 
from  the  French  in  1806 ;  and  had  three  hundred  and  two  men  and  boys  be- 
longing to  her.  There  wtre  ten  .American  seamen  on  board,  who  had  belonged 
to  her  for  some  years.  But  as  the  declaration  of  war  against  Great  Britain  was 
not  known  when  she  sailed,  tliere  had  been  no  opportunity  of  discliarging 
them ;  and  captdn  Dacres  considering  it  as  unjust  to  compel  a  native  of  the 
United  States  to  fight  against  his  countrymen,  granted  tliem  permission  to  qiut 
their  quarters,  and  go  below."  I 

Captain  Dacres,  in  his  address  to  the  court  martial  by  which 
he  was  tried,  stages  this  fact  in  the  following  terms  : 

"  What  considerably  weakened  my  quarters  was  permitting  the  .Americans  be 
longing  to  the  ship,  to  giat  tlwir  quarievH  on  the  enemy  hoisting  the  colours  of 
that  nation,  which,  though  it  deprived  me  of  the  men,  I  thought  it  was  my 
duty."  >  ., 

Boston,  February  6, 1813. 

"  Died  at  Boston,  on  the  third  instant,  on  board  the  frigate  President,  God- 
frey Hyer,  seaman,  aged  forty-seven.  The  deceased  was  a  native  of  Rhode- 
Island,  and  was  one  of  the  numerous  instances  of  impressment,  which  have  been 
the  cause  of  complaint  against  the  English.  He  was  taken  on  board  an  Ameri- 
can merchant  ship,  and  though  lie  never  voluntarily  entered  their  service,  he 
was  detained  from  his  country  and  h'lsfr'iendsfotirteen  years,  during  which  time 
he  was  present  at  seventeen  engagements,  and  gained  the  reputation  of  a  good 
seaman  and  a  brave  man. 

"  He  at  length  found  means  to  escape ;  and  on  his  return  to  the  United 
States,  he  immediately  shipped  on  hoard  the  President,  where  he  continued  un- 
til his  decease ;  his  conduct  receiving  the  marked  approbation  of  his  comman- 
der and  the  other  officers  of  the  frigate.  He  was  interred  on  Thursday  last  at 
Charlestown  ;  his  funeral  was  attended  by .:  lieutenant,  eight  midshipmen,  all 
the  petty  officers,  and  fifty  seamen  of  the  ship  ;  and  the  ceremonies  were  per-, 
formed  by  the  chapkdn  in  a  manner  highly  solemn  and  impressive." 

From  the  Boston  Patriot, 

"  My  brother  John  Cand,  of  Woolwich,  in  the  district  of  Maine,  was  prcst 
on  board  his  majesty's  frigate  Macedonian,  on  the  tenth  of  June,  1810,  from 
the  ship  Mount  Hope,  of  Wiscasset,  and  was  killed  on  board  the  Macedonian, 
in  the  battle  with  the  United  States,  commodore  Decatur.  A  disconsolate  wife 
and  child  are  in  mourning  and  in  sorrow,  for  the  loss  of  a  husband  and  parent, 
on  whom  they  were  dependent."  JOSEPH  CAND. 

"  I  John  Nichols,  a  native  of  Durham,  state  of  Massachusetts,  relate  and  say, 
that  I  sailed  from  Portland  in  the  ship  Franklin,  commanded  by  James  Marks, 
as  chief  mate,  bound  to  Liverpool,  where  wc  arrived  the  seventh  day  of  Febi-u- 
ary,  1809.  The  same  day  I  was  taken  by  a  press  gang,  coming  from  my  board- 
ing house  to  the  ship,  and  carried  by  them  to  the  rendezvous.  Cooper's  Row, 
and  detained  one  night.  The  next  morning  I  gave  tlie  lieutenant  my  protec- 
tion, and  at  the  same  time  stated  to  liim'  I  was  chief  mate  of  the  ^liip  ;  also 
captain  Marks  and  Mr.  Porter,  supercargo,  came,  and  were  refused  admittance. 

"I  then  asked  the  lieutenant  for  my  protection  :  he  answered,  I  will  give  it 
to  you  with  a  hell  to  it,-"  Vind  imtneiUutnly  tore  it  up  brf ore  my  face,  And  sent  me 
on  boanl  the  guard  ship  Princess,  where  I  remained  one  week,  and  was  then 
sent  round  to  Plymouth  on  bouxl  the  Salvador  guard  sliip ;  remained  there  0119 


cttAP.  37.]. 


IMPRESSMENT. 


303 


montli,  after  which  I  was  drafted  on  board  the  Abookir,  seVenty-four,  where  I 
remained  three  years  and  fourteen  days. 

*'  When  the  war  broke  out,  I  determined  to  give  myself  up  a  prisoner  of  war, 
let  the  consequence  be  what  it  would.  Consequently  on  the  twenty-eighth  of 
October,  I  went  to  the  captun,  and  gave  myself  up  as  a  prisoner  of  war,  and 
refused  to  do  any  more  duty.  Then  he  told  me,  I  was  an  Englishman,  and  if  I 
would  not  do  duty,  he  would  flog  me  ;  and  ordered  me  in  irons,  and  kept  me  in 
irons  twenty-four  hours,  after  which  I  was  taken  to  the  gangway,  and  received 
one  dozen  with  the  cat  on  my  bare  back. 

"  The  capUdn  then  asked  me  if  I  would  go  to  duty.  I  told  him  no :  I  would 
sooner  die  nrst.  He  then  put  me  in  irons  again  for  twenty-four  hours,  and  Iwat 
once  more  brought  to  the  gangway,  and  received  as  before  with  the  same  questions, 
and  answer  as  preceded ;  and  the  same  was  repeiUedfour  days  successively,  and  / 
received  four  dozen  on  my  bare  back. 

"  After  the  fourth  day  I  was  a  prisoner  at  large.  The  twenty-sixth  day  of 
December  I  was  sent  to  prison  without  my  clothes,  tliey  being  refused  me  by 
the  captain,  after  abusing  me  in  the  most  msulting  manner ;  and  all  I  ever  re< 
ceived  for  my  servitude  was  fourteen  pounds.  Uuring  impressment,  I  have 
used  my  best  endeavours  to  escape." 

mtiiess,  Jeduth&nVpion.  JOHN  NICHOLS. 

From  the  Salem  Register,  Jidy,  1813. 
Captain  Upton  has  furnished  us  with  a  list  of  128  American"  seamen,  who 
had  been  impressed  on  board  British  ships  of  war,  and  delivered  up  as  pri- 
soners of  war,  with  the  places  of  their  nativity,  the  ships  they  were  discharged 
from,  the  time  they  have  served,  and  the  number  uf  Americans  left  on  board 
the  different  ships  at  the  time  of  their  discharge.  These  were  on  board  one 
prison  ship,  the  San  Antonio.  Besides  these,  there  were  on  board  the  Chatham 
prison  ship,  three  hundred  and  twenty  men,  who  have  been  delivered  up  in  similar 
circumstances.  Many  of  these  poor  fellows  have  been  detained  more  than  fif' 
teen  years :  and  about  forty  of  the  one  hundred  and  twenty  eight  on  board  the 
San  Antonio  belong  to  this  state."  .^ 

To  tfie  Editors  oftheMitional  Intelligencer. 

"  In  the  month  of  February,  1797,  I  belonged  to  the  ship  Fidelity,  capttun 
Charles  Weems,  lyin^  in  the  harbour  of  St.  Pierre's,  Martinique.  About  one 
o'clock  Sunday  morning,  I  v  as  aw.ikened  by  a  noise  on  the  deck,  and  on  going 
up  found  the  ship  in  possession  of  a  press  gang.  In  a  few  minutes  all  hands 
were  forced  out,  and  ordered  into  their  boat,  and  in  a  heavy  shower  of  rain 
conveyed  on  board  the  Ceres.frigate.  We  wei-e  ordered  on  the  gun  deck 
until  day  light,  by  which  time  about  eighty  Americans  were  collected. 

"  Soon  after  sunrise,  the  ship's  crew  were  ordered  into  the  cabin  to  be  over- 
hauled. Each  was  questioned  as  to  his  nume,  &c.  when  I  was  called  on  for  my 
place  of  birth,  and  answered,  J^Tewcastle,  Delaware.  The  captain  affected  not 
to  hear  the  last ;  but  said,  "  lye,  JVewcastle ,-  he's  a  colUer ,-  the  very  man.  I 
warrant  him  a  sailor.  Send  him  down  to  the  doctor."  Upon  which  a  petty 
officer,  whom  I  recog^^ed  as  one  of  the  press  gang,  made  answer,  "  «>,  /  know 
thisfeUow.  He  is  a  schoolmate  of  mine,  and  his  name  is  Kelly.  He  was  born  in  Bel- 
fast. And,  Tom,  you  know  me  well  enough  ,•  so  don't  sham  yankee  any  more." 
"  I  thought,"  says  the  captain,  "  he  was  a  countryman  of  our  own ;  but  an 
Irishman's  all  one— take  him  away." 

"  The  next  was  a  Prussian,  who  had  shipped  in  Hamburgh,  as  a  carpenter  of 
the  Fidelity,  in  September,  1796.  He  affected,  when  Questioned,  not  to  under- 
stand English,  but  answered  in  Dutch.  Upon  which  the  captain  laughed,  and 
said,  "  This  is  no  yankee.  Send  him  dovm,  and  let  the  quarter-master  put  him  in 
the  mess  with  the  other  Dutchmen  .-  they  will  understand  Mm,  and  the  boatswain  mil 
learn  lam  to  talk  English."    lie  was  accordingly  kept. 

"  I  was  afterwards  cUscharged  by  an  order  from  Admiral  Harvey,  on  the  ap- 
plication of  Mr.  Craig,  at  that  time  American  agent  or  vice-consuj.  I  further 
observed  that  full  one-third  of  her  cirio  were  impressed  Americans." 

JOHN  DAVIS,  of  Abel. 

^'rtvy  Yard,  Oct.  12, 1913. 


204 


P6UTICAL  OUVE  BRANCH. 


[CBAP.  37. 


1 


Copy  of  a  letter  from  commodore  Decatur  to  the  secretary  of  the  navy. 

U.  S.  ship  United  States,  J\ew  London,  March  18,  1814, 

**  Sir — ^I  have  the  honour  to  forward  to  you  enclosed,  a  despatch  received  by 
me  from  captain  Capel,  the  commanding  ofRcer  of  the  British  squm  on  before 
this  port,  written  in  reply  to  an  application  of  mine,  for  the  release  of  au  Ame- 
rican seaman,  detuned  a^nst  his  will  on  board  the  frigate  Statira. 

"  Hiram  Thayer,  bom  m  tlie  town  of  Greenwich,  in  the  commonwealth  of 
Massachusetts,  was  impressed  into  the  naval  service  of  Great  Britun,  in  the 
month  of  August,  1803,  and  detained  ever  since. 

"  About  six  years  ago,  when  the  Statira  was  put  in  commission,  he  was  tranS' 
ferred  to  her ;  and  has  been  constantly  On  boara  her  to  tliis  day. 

"  I  am  informed,  and  in  fact  it  was  stated  by  captain  Stackpole  to  lieutenant 
Hamilton,  who  was  charged  with  the  flag,  that  the  late  general  Lyman,  our 
consul  at  London,  made  application  to  the  lords  commissioners  for  the  discharge 
of  Thayer ;  but  they  were  not  satisfied  witli  the  evidence  of  his  nativity. 

••  John  Thayer,  the  father  of  Hiram,  assures  me  that  the  certificate  of  the  se- 
lectmen, the  town  clerk,  and  the  minister  of  Greenwich,  were  forwarded  some 
time  ago  to  Mr.  Mitchell,  the  resident  agent  for  American  prisoners  of  war  at 
Halifax;  but  does  not  know  why  he  was  not  released  then. 

"  The  son  has  written  to  the  fatlier,  and  informed  him,  that  on  representing 
his  case  to  captain  Stackpole,  he  told  him, "  if  they  fell  in  with  ati  American  man 
of  war,  and  he  did  not  do  his  duty,  HE  SHOULD  BE  TIED  TO  THE  MAST, 
AND  SHOT  AT  UKE  A  DOG." 

"  On  Monday  the  14th  inst.  John  Thayer  requested  me  to  allow  him  a  flag, 
to  go  off  to  the  enemy,  and  ask  for  the  release  of  his  son.  This  I  granted  at 
once,  and  addressed  a  note  to  captain  Capel,  stating  that  I  fslt  persuaded  th»: 
U\e  application  of  the  father,  furnished  as  he  was  with  conclusive  evidence  of 
the  nativity  and  identity  of  the  son,  woidd  induce  an  immediate  order  for  his 
discharge. 

"  Tlie  reply  is  enclosed.  The  son  descried  his  father  at  a  distance  in  the 
boat,  and  told  the  lieutenant  of  the  Statira  that  it  was  his  father ;  and  T  under- 
stand the  feelings  manifested  by  the  old  man,  on  receiving  the  hand  of  his  son, 
proved,  beyond  all  other  evidence,  the  property  he  had  in  him.  There  was 
not  a  doubt  left  on  the  mind  of  a  single  British  ofiicer,  of  Hiram  Thayer's  being 
an  American  citizen.  And  yet  he  is  detained,  not  as  a  prisoner  of  war,  but 
COMPELLED,  UNDER  THE  MOST  CRUEL  THREATS,  TO  SERVE 
THE  ENEMIES  OF  HIS  COUNTRY. 

"  Thayer  has  so  recommendedhimself  by  his  sobriety,  industry,  and  seaman- 
ship, as  to  be  appointed  a  boatswain's  mate,  and  is  now  serving  in  that  capacity 
in  the  Statira ;  and  he  says  there  is  due  to  him  from  the  British  government 
about  two  hundred  and  fifty  pounds  sterling.  He  has  also  assured  his  father  that 
he  has  always  refused  to  receive  any  bounty  or  advance,  lest  he  might  aflbrd 
some  pretext  for  denying  him  his  discharge  whenever  a  proper  application 
should  be  made  for  it. 

i  am,  sir,  witii  the  highest  consideration,  your  most  obedient  humble  ser- 


ir'ant, 


STEPHEN  DECATUR." 


Extract  from  captain  Capet's  letter,  enclosed. 
"  On  board  Ids  B.  M.  ship  La  Hoffue,  offJVew  London,  March  14, 1814. 
•'  Sir, — I  regret  that  it  is  not  in  my  power  to  comply  with  your  request  in  or- 
dering the  son  of  Mr.  John  Thayer  to  be  discharged  from  his  majesty's  ship 
Statira.  But  1  will  forwaixl  your  application  to  the  commander  in  chiel;  by  the 
earliest  opportunity,  and  I  have  no  doubt  he  will  order  his  immediate  dis- 
charge.   Iam,&c.  THOMAS  CAPEL,  Captain,"  &c. 

Extract  of  a  letter  from  commodore  Decatur  to  the  secretary  of  the  navy, 

JVew  London,  May  17th,  1814. 
«  The  enclosed,  No.  2,  is  the  copy  of  a  note  addressed  to  captain  Capel  of 
his  B.  M.  ship  La  Hogue,  on  the  subject  of  Barnard  O'Brien,  a  native  citizen  of 
the  United  States.    In  the  boat  that  bore  the  f\»g  of  truce  tu  th,o  l*  Hogiiei 
the  father  of  tlie  man  in  question  went  ■  , , 


CHAP.  37.] 


IMPRESSMENT. 


HI 


<*  Captain  Capel  would  not  permit  him  to  see  his  son.  He  directed  my  officer 
to  inform  me  tliat  he  would  answer  my  despatch  the  next  day ;  unce  when  I 
have  not  heard  from  him." 

'*    •  Letter  to  captain  Capel. 

••  Sir — At  the  solicitation  of  Mr.  Barnard  O'Brien,  whose  son  is  now  on  board 
his  Britannic  majesty's  ship  La  Hog^e,  under  your  command,  I  have  granted  a 
flag'  of  truce,  conducted  by  lieutenant  Hamilton,  with  permission  for  Mr.  O'Brien 
to  attend  it.  His  object  is  to  effect  the  liberation  of  his  son,  a  native  citizen  of 
the  United  States.  He  bears  with  him  a  copy  of  the  record  of  tlie  town  ofGro- 
ton  in  the  state  of  Connecticut,  signed  by  the  town  clerk  and  selectmen,  as  als« 
a  certificate  irom  a  number  of  respectable  men  in  Groton,  proving  his  nativity. 
With  these  documents  I  cannot  doubt  that  he  will  effect  the  purpose  of  his 
visit.  (Signed)  STEPHEN  DECATUR." 

"  Sir — ^We,  the  undersigned,  take  the  liberty  io  solicit  your  assistance  in  b«- 
half  of  Mr.  Barnard  O'Brien,  in  obtaining  his  son's  release  from  the  British  ship 
La  Hogue,  off  New-London. 

"  We  are  well  acquainted  with  the  yoimg  man,  and  know  him  to  be  an  Ame- 
rican bom  citizen.  His  letter  to  his  father,  dated  on  board  the  La  Hogue,  the 
24th  of  March,  is  sufficient  proof  of  his  being  on  board  (which  letter  will  be 
shown  you.)  If  you  can  give  any  assistance  in  obtaining  his  release,  either  by 
letting  Mr.  O'Brien  go  to  the  ship  by  a  flag  of  truce,  or  in  any  other  way,  it  will 
be  considered  a  particular  favour  conferred  on,  sir,  your  most  obedient  senant^ 
Gerald  Galley,  Geo.  A.  Sulleman,        Nath.  Kimball, 

Ro.  S.  Avery,  Jos.  Tuttle,  Erastus  T.  Smith. 

•*  P.  S.  The  young  man's  name  is  Barnard  O'Brien,  son  of  Barnard  O'Brien, 
and  his  wife  Elizabeth  O'Brien.  He  was  born  in  the  town  of  Groton,  January 
19th,  1785.        Extract  from  the  recordt  of  the  town  of  Groton. 

Jl  true  copy,  certified  per  Jlmos  Jl.  J^les,  tovm  clerks 
"  I  certify  that  Amos  A.  Niles  is  town  clerk  for  Groton,  and  that  I  believe  the 
above  certificate  to  be  a  true  and  correct  record  of  Barnard  O'Brien's  birth.  I 
do  also  certify,  that  I  have  known  tlie  said  Barnard  O'Brien  from  his  youth,     j 
Dated  Groton,  Jipril  7th,  1814. 

NOVES  BARBER,  Selectman  for  Groton. 

„  '  VinTKD  STATES  Ot  AMERICA. 

'       '  State  of  Maryland — tovtit. 

I,  John  Gill,  Notary  Public,  by  letters  patent,  under  tlie  great  seal  of  tiie 
s*ate  of  Maryland,  commissioned  and  duly  qualified,  residing  in  tiie  city  of 
Baltimore,  in  the  state  aforesaid,  do  hereby  certify,  attest,  and  make  known, 
that  on  the  daypf  the  date  hereof,  before  me  personally  appeared,  Jas.  M'Quillan, 
master  and  John  Wilkinson,  chief  mite  o(  the  ship  Strafford,  of  BtJtimore,  owned 
by  Messrs.  Von  Kapff  and  Brune,  of  the  city  of  Baltimore,  merchants,  and  made  . 
oath  in  due  form  of  law.  That  while  the  said  ship  Strafford  lav  at  anchor  in  the 
river  Jade,  say  on  the  twenty-seventh  of  June,  1810,  she  was  boarded  by  a  boat 
from  his  Britannic  majesty's  brig  of  war  Pincher,  commanded  by  Samuel  Bur- 
gess, which  boat  contained  an  officer  and  six  men;  that  soon  after  they  came  oa 
board,  itiey  impressed  deponent  Wilkinson,  and  the  sliip  Strafford's  carpenter, 
John  Williamson  j  and  took  them  on  board  said  brig  of  war  Pincher,  where  de- 
ponent Wilkinson  was  detained  two  months  and  twenty-two  days,  and  then  sent 
on  board  the  Strafford ;  but  John  Williamson  was  detained  on  board  her,  and 
as  deponents  believe,  still  remains  there,  although  said  Wilkinson  and  said 
Williamson  hatl  regular  protections  from  the  custom  house  at  Baltimore ;  and 
deponent  Wilkinson  further  made  oath,  that  at  the  time  he  was  taken  on  board 
said  brig,  he  was  sick,  and  continued  sick  for  some  time,  notwithstanding  which, 
they  attempted  to  compel  liim  fo  do  ship's  duty,  which  he  refused  to  do ; 
when,  on  the  9th  July,  eighteen  hundred  and  ten,  tlicv  took  him  and  TIED  HIM 
TO  THE  GANGWAY,  AND  FLOGGED  HIM  SEVERELY,  GIVING  HIM 
EIGHTEEN  I^ASHES ;  afler  which  he  was  threatened  to  be  given  DOUBLE 
AS  MUCH  if  he  would  not  perform  duty  on  board  saitl  brig;  and  after  some 
time  (as  he  understands  by  the  entreaties  of  captain  M'QuiTlan  and  the  Aiiie- 
lic.in  consul  at  Bremen)  he  was  sent  on  boaKl  said  slliu  Sti'afforil,  as  befqre 
O.  B.  88 


208 


POLITICAL  OUVE  BRANCH. 


IcRiJ*.  38- 


:  wv 


■tated,  say  on  Monday  the  17th  September,  1810.  Of  which  an  act  havinj;  been 
of  me  requested,  I  have  granted  these  presents  to  serve  and  avail  as  need  and 
occasion  may  require. 

In  testimony  whereof,  the  ssdd  deponents  have  i-eunto  subscribed  their 
names,  and  I,  the  sjud  Notary,  have  hereunto  set  my  liand  and  affixed  my  nota- 
rial seal,  the  nineteenth  day  of  March,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand 
eight  hundred  and  eleven,  JOHN  GILL,  Not.  Pub. 

James  M'Quillan, 

JOIIS  WiLKJKBOX. 

CHAPTER  XXXVIII. 

Subject  of  Impressment  concluded, 

I  HAVE  now,  as  nearly  m  chronological  order  as  possible, 
brought  this  odious,  this  detestable  subject,  to  the  last  act  of  the 
drama. 

Some  of  the  actors,  who  stood  on  high  ground  in  the  opening 
of  the  piece,  sink  far  below  par  in  this  act.  They  stand  in  con- 
spicuous stations,  and  possess  great  influence  on  our  destinies 
and  those  of  our  posterity.  I  regard  it  therefore  as  an  impe- 
rious duty  to  canvass  their  conduct  fully  and  completely,  and  to 
cite  them  to  the  bar  of  the  public,  which  I  thus  do  in  the  most 
solemn  manner. 

Two  of  the  gentlemen  to  whom  I  refer,  are  Timothy  Pick' 
ering  and  Rufus  King,  esqrs.  whose  opinions  and  conduct  on 
this  important  topic,  have  been,  at  different  periods,  in  as  di- 
rect hostility  with  each  other,  as  day  and  night — ^truth  and  false- 
hood. 

The  reader  has  seen  how  laudably,  how  zealously,  how  patri- 
otically both  these  gentlemen,  on  the  subject  of  impressment, 
formerly  contended  for  and  defended  the  rights  of  their  country 
— as  well  as  opposed  and  struggled  against  the  exorbitant  and 
inadmissible  claims  of  England. 

But  they  were  lately  united  with  the  Otises,  the  Blakes,  the 
Hansons,  and  the  Websters,  who  appeared  determined  to  *'  put 
down"— yes,  reader,  "  put  down"  is  the  word — it  is  strong, 
significant,  and  unequivocal — I  say, "  to  put  down  the  administra- 
tion^'* for  strenuously  insisting  on  those  rights, — for  attempting 
to  shield  the  seaman  from  the  iron  grasp  of  his  enslaver. 

This  is  a  clear  case.  I  state  it  in  brief.  Either  Messrs.  Pick- 
ering and  King  were  extravagant  in  their  demands  formerly, 
and  endangered  the  peace  of  their  country  by  preferring  exorbi- 
tant and  unjust  claims  on  a  nation,  "  the  bulwark  of  our  holy  re- 
I'lgion^^ — ^"  struffg-liiig  for  our  salvation'^'* — and  '-'' fighting  the 
battles  of  Christendom  against  Antichrist  and  his  host^^ — or  they 
Were  faithless  to  that  country  of  late,  and  were  using  their  ut- 
most endeavours,  for  factious  purposes,  to  defeat  her  in  the  ef- 
fort to  procure  simple  justice.  There  is  no  other  alternative. 
Let  them  choose  for  themselves.  Let  the  public  ratify  or  reject 
the  choice.     I  merely  state  the  case. 


CSAF.  36.] 


IMPRESSMENT. 


ZQ7 


Never  was  there  a  more  striking  or  revolting  instance  of  thfc 
deleterious  spirit  of  faction— -and  of  its  power  to  deaden  all  the 
finer  and  more  honourable  feelings  of  human  nature,  than  this 
question  exhibits.  It  is  disgraceful  and  humiliating  to  the  hu- 
man species.  High-minded  American  merchants — possessed  of 
immense  fortunes— enjoying  in  profusion  all  the  luxuries  and 
delicacies  this  world  aifords — 'and  owing  these  manifold  bless- 
ings to  the  labours,  the  skill,  and  the  industry  of  our  sailors— 
but  ungratefully  regardless  of  the  agents  by  whom  they  procure 
them,  and  blinded  by  party  spirit,  regarded  with  calm  and 
stone-hearted  apathy  the  miseries  of  impressment.  They  were 
not  merely  indifferent  to  the  sufferings  of  the  unfortunate  sea- 
men, "  purloined  by  men  stealers^^  from  all  their  humWe  bless- 
ings, and  dragging  out  a  miserable  existence,  in  slavery  of  the 
most  galling  kind,  with  a  rope's  end  ready  to  punish  them  for 
murmuring  out  their  Sorrows.  No.  They  were  not,  I  repeat, 
merely  indifferent.  They  threw  themselves  into  the  scale  of 
their  enemies.  They  derided  the  idea  of  struggling  for  the  se- 
curity of  a  few  sailors,  whom,  in  the  face  of  heaven  and  earth, 
and  in  direct  contradiction  to  the  truth,  they  styled  vagabonds 
from  England,  Ireland,  and  Scotland,  whom  our  government 
was  wickedly  protecting  at  the  hazard  of  the  ruin  of  their  coun- 
try !  Almighty  father !  To  what  an  ebb  is  man  capable  of  de- 
scending !  Let  us  suppose  for  a  moment  that  the  illustrious 
Hull,  Jones,  Perry,  Porter,  Decatur,  M'Donough,  or  any  other 
of  that  constellation  of  heroes,  who  have  bound  their  country's 
brows  with  a  wreath  of  imperishable  glory,  had  been  pressed  by 
a  Cockbum,  their  proud  spirits  snbjected  to  his  tender  mercies, 
and  crushed  by  the  galling  chain  and  the  rope's  end !  What  a 
scene  for  a  painter — what  a  subject  for  contemplation — what  a 
never-dying  disgrace  to  those  whose  counsels  would  persuade 
the  nation  to  submit  to  such  degradation ! 

There  is  one  strong  and  striking  point  of  view  in  which  the 
subject  of  impressment  may  be  considered,  and  which  really 
renders  the  tame  acquiescence  in  it,  which  was  lately  contended 
for,  pregnant  with  awful  results.  England  has  impressed frovi 
our  ships^  Danes^  Swedes^  and  Italians^  as  well  as  native  Ame, 
ricajis,  WE  HAVE  SUBMITTED  TO  IT.  A?id  Mr.  Pick- 
cringe  Mr.  King^  governor  Strongs  K'  G.  Otis^  fc?c.  plead  in 
favour  of  submission.  If  this  be  just,  what  right,  I  demand, 
,  have  we  to  prevent  all  belligerents  whatever,  and  at  all  times, 
from  copying  the  example  ?  Suppose  I'rance,  Spain,  and  Italy, 
at  war.  Are  not  the  cruisers  of  each  nation  justified  in  search- 
ing our  vessels  for  the  subjects  of  the  powers  to  which  they  re- 
spectively belong,  and  as  fully  entitled  to  enslave  the  Danes^ 
Portuguese^  Sxvcdes^  and  Englishmen  on  boards  as  the  British 
cruizers  are  to  enslave  Frenchmen^  Spaniards^  Danes  and  Por-t 
tuguese  P    This  is  a  horrible  view  of  the  subject,  and  must 


208 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


iii! 


'  111 


m 


I'll 


[CHAF.   3S. 


curdle  the  blood  in  the  veins  of  every  man  possessed  of  Ame- 
rican feeling.  There  is  no  calculating  the  extent  or  the  enormity 
of  the  evil. 

I  must  resume  this  topic.  It  is  too  important  to  be  dismis- 
sed in  a  single  paragraph.  It  deserves  volumes.  Would  to 
heaven  an  al)ler  pen  were  engaged  in  the  discussion. 

That  British  officers  have  been  in  the  constant  habit  of  im- 
pressing, without  any  scruple,  and  that  they  regard  it  as  their 
right  to  impress,  liunes,  Portuguese,  Frenchmen,  Italians,  and 
all  other  foreigners  found  on  board  our  vessels,  is  true,  or 
Timothy  Pickering,*  Rufus  King,f  and  Judge  Marshal,:^  ^'^^^ 
disgraced  and  dishonoured  themselves  by  asserting  most  awful 
falsehoods.  To  their  evidence  on  the  subject,  which  is  detailed 
above,  I  refer  the  reader. 

If  Great  Britain  have  a  right  to  impress  Frenchmen,  or  Spa- 
niards, or  Dutchmen,  on  board  our  vessels,  France,  Spain,  and 
Holland,  have  an  equal  right  to  impress  Englishmen.  Nothing 
can  he  more  clear.     Let  us  proceed. 

The  British  captains  assert  that  they  find  it  difficult  or  impos- 
sible to  discriminate  between  Englishmen  and  Americans.  It 
must  be  far  more  difficult  for  French  captains.  And  they  will 
be  still  more  excusable  for  any  mistakes — and  for  enslaving 
Americans  instead  of  Englishmen.  What  a  frightful  fate  has 
faction  prepared  for  our  ill-starred  sea-faring  citizens  ! 

I  have  stated  that  Messrs.  Pickering,  King,  Strong,  &c, 
*'  contended  for  submission  to  impressment."  This  requires 
explanation.  They  did  not,  it  is  true,  in  words^  contend  for 
impressment.  But  this  was  the  inevitable  result  of  their  late 
course  of  proceeding ;  for,  as  I  have  already  stated,  and  beg  to 
repeat,  they  laboured  most  indefatigably  to  destroy  the  present 
administration,  principally  for  the  stand  made  to  put  an  end  to 
impressment;  and  the  consequence  of  the  violent  opposition 
made  to  the  government  on  the  subject,  has  been  to  oblige  it  to 
postpone  the  discussion  of  that  important  question,  which  may 
probably  lead  to  a  fuiure  war. 

A  committee  of  the  k^^islature  of  Massachusetts  was  appoint- 
ed, at  a  late  session,  to  enquire  into  the  affair  of  impressment. 
The  object  of  the  appointment  was  to  damn  the  character  of  the 
administration,  by  diujinvshing  the  enormity  of  this  high-handed 
offence,  against  which  the  l.evitical  law  pronounced  the  sentence 
of  death  : — 

"  Iff  that  stealvth  a  man — and  srlleth  him — or  if  he  he  found 
in  his  hand.,  he  shall  he  put  to  dtiith,^^ 

It  is  nainful  to  state — but  it  is  niy  duty  to  state  to  the  world 
— that  this  committee  by  no  means  did  justice  to  the  subject. 
They  acted  with   most  palpable  partiality.     They  reported — 

•  Sec  page  190.  t  Sec  page  188.  \  See  page  I'Jl. 


4 


CHAP.  38.] 


IMPRESSMENT. 


209 


or 


&c. 


wonderful  to  tell — Impossible  to  believe — that  at  the  commence- 
ment of  the  war,  the  number  of  impressed  Americans  belonp;ing 
to  the  great  commercial  state  of  Massachusetts,  on  board  Biit- 
ish  vessels  of  war,  was  "  only  eleven  !  .'.'"* — Yes — reader — it 
is  really  eleven — I  have  read  it  six  times  over,  to  convince  my- 
self that  I  was  not  mistaken.  But  it  is  absolutely  true,  that  a 
committee  of  the  legislature  of  Massachusetts  did  report  to  that 
body,  that  at  the  commencement  of  the  war,  THERE  WEKE 
BUT  "  ELEVEN"  IMPRESSED  MASSACHUSETiS' 
SAILORS  on  board  the  vessels  of  his  Britannic  majesty. 

Now,  reader,  let  me  request  you  to  consult  the  preceding  doc- 
uments carefully — and  observe 

1.  That  there  were  ten  Americans  on  board  the  Guerriere^  at 
the  time  of  her  engagement  with  the  Constitution.  This  is  es- 
tablished by  the  log  book  of  one  of  her  officers.^ 

2.  That  there  were  thirteen  Americans  on  board  the  jfava,^ 
when  she  was  captured  by  Bainbridge.^ 

3.  That  there  were  on  board  the  Moselle  and  Sappho,  as  ap- 
pears by  the  muster-books  of  those  vessels,  at  least  thirty-five 
impressed  Ajnericans.\\ 

4.  That  these  plain  facts  stand  on  such  ground  as  neither 
Timothy  Pickering,  Rufus  King,  governor  Strong,  George 
Cabot,  Harrison  Gray  Otis,  Daniel  Webster,  or  A.  C.  Han- 
son will  dare  to  dispute.  I  hereby  publicly  challenge  them  to 
a  denial. 

5.  That  I  have  thus  clearly  and  indisputably  established,  that 
on  board  of  four  vessels  there  were  10,  and  13,  and  55  Ameri- 
can slaves,  being  an  average  of  fourteen  to  e.\ch. 

6.  That  there  are  about  500  British  vessels  constantly  in  com- 
mission. 

7.  That  an  average  of  fourteen  amounts  to  7000  on  board  the 
British  fleet. 

8.  That  this  statement  corresponds  pretty  nearly  with  the  re- 
cords of  the  secretary  of  state's  office. 

And  then,  reader,  decide  what  judgment  must  be  passed  on 
the   committee,  when  they  gravely  state,  that  there  verc  on 

•  Hoad  to  Uuin,  No.  [V. 
^  See  pape  202.  +  Hci-  lieutenant  IlofVman's  rcrtificate,  ijagc  201, 

i  It  would  1)0  unfair  and  uncaiulid  not  to  state,  that  conimodore  llaiiihridpf 
deposed  on  the  twentieth  of  Fehruary,  IHll,  hot'ore  aeomniittee  of  the  houm* 
of  npresentiitives  of  the  slate  of  MassaeluiNettM,  thai   there  was  but  one  iin- 

Iiressi'd  An\eriean  on  honi-d  the  ,!ava,  when  he  euptured  her.  This  statement 
le  ijualifud  in  u  sulisequcnt  e«)mniunicution,  and,  as  far  as  I  understand  the  lat- 
ter, athnitstliat  there  were  two  more.  Hut  if  we  wholly  omit  the  .lava,  ii\  con. 
sequenec  «)f  the  8lupei\dous  contradielion  hetweeii  llie  eei-tifieate  of  lieutenant 
Van  lloH'man  and  the  deposition  of  commodore  Hainhridjf<',  it  will  not  mate- 
rially affect  the  above  calculation  There  will  remain  about  Ibrly-five  iin- 
pressed  American  eamen  oi\  board  three  nritisli  mgn  of  Wttr, 
U  Hiiv  cununudore  I'urtvr'B  leUvr,  page  301. 


V'/M 


m 


'JIO 


POUTICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[chap.  38. 


board  the  British  vessels  of  war  only  eleven  natives  of  Massa- 
chusetts !  !  !  It  makes  one  sick  to  reflect  on  such  ^bliquity  of 
mind,  and  such  monstrous  perversion  of  fact. 

It  is,  however,  true,  that  this  committee,  though  the  world 
is  grossly  deceived  by  the  form  of  expression  in  the  report, 
have  a  sidvo  to  prevent  establishing  against  them  the  charge  of 
falsehood.  They  state,  that  these  are  the  results,  "  as  far  as 
their  enquiries  went.''^  But  this  saving  clause  escapes  the  mass 
of  readers.  They  fasten  on  the  strong  allegation,  that  "  the  ad- 
ministration continued  the  war,  on  account  of  impressed  sea- 
men ;  and  that  there  were  only  eleven  natives  of  Massachusetts 
impressed,''^     All  the  rest  escapes  notice.  , 

"  As  far  as  their  enquiries  ■went'''*  is  a  very  equivocal  expres- 
sion. They  may  have  stopped  at  the  threshold — or  they  may 
have  gone  half  way — or  they  may  have  gone  through  the  busi- 
ness completely.  That  their  enquiries  did  not  go  very  far,  is, 
however,  pretty  certain. 

The  words  "  American  slaves^"*  will  startle  some  delicate 
ears.  This  strong  expression  is  nevertheless  correct.  When 
an  Algerine  corsair  attacks  one  of  our  vessels,  and  seizes  it  and 
the  crew,  the  latter  are  just  hj  regarded  as  slaves,  Tet  their  case 
is  far  better  than  thiit  of  the  Americans  impressed  by  British 
cruisers.  The  Algerine  slaves  work  for  task- masters.  So  do 
the  British  slaves.  The  Algerine  slaves  are  flogged  if  they  re- 
fuse "  to  do  their  duty."  So  arc  the  British.  The  Algerine 
slaves  have  wretched  fare.  So  have  the  British.  Thus  far  they 
are  on  a  parallel.  Hut  here  the  parallel  ceases.  The  Algerine 
slave  is  never  forced  to  jeopardize  his  life  in  battle— -he  is  never 
forced  to  point  a  gun  that  may  slaughter  his  countrymen.  But 
this  the  British  slave  must  do,  or  "  be  tied  to  the  mast,  and 
SHOT  AT  LIKE  A  DOG  !  !!"*  Is  he  not  then  the  most 
miserable  of  slaves  ?f 

When  the  preceding  chapter  was  written,  I  had  not  seen  the 
Report  of  the  Committee  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of 
Massachusetts,  to  which  I  have  referred.  I  own  a  set  of  the 
Examiner,  pulilished  by  Barent  Gardenier,  of  New. York,  con- 
taining the  Koad  to  Kuin,  ascribed  to  John  Lowell,  which  quotes 
this  report,  and  from  which  alone  I  knew  of  its  contents,  or  even 
of  its  existence.  I  subjoin  Mr.  LowelPs  quotations— 

"I  fTnil,  from  iiulitipuUbk*  (loctimcntH  ftirninlicd  by  the  Hpv.  Mr. Tappart, 
mi-mbcrof  ( lonprfBH  from  this  Htuto,  tliut  the  whole  nimibcrof  Amcricttn  sca- 
mrn  uiti  tobcttctainpd  at  the  beginning  of  the  war,  on  board  UritiBli  vcbscIis 
did  not  exceed  three  hundred. 

•  8ee  commodore  Dncatnr's  letter,  pajyo  '204. 

f  The  idcii  whicl»  in  dilatctl  on  in  this  piirngrnph  must  linvc  hern  mipfpfested  by 
a  nrninal  of  tlip  Weekly  Uejfirter,  vol.  III.  niij^c  M'J.  Of  thiit  I  wiw  not  uwuro 
when  I  wrote  it.  1  have  recently  made  tlicdiacorcry  in  the  cxamiivition  of  l))At 
invaluable  work. 


ctaAF.  38-] 


OIPRESSMENT. 


211 


never 
But 

'.  ANli 


TaKffnrt, 
■rican  sca- 

VCBSCK 


••  I  find  by  the  investigation  of  a  committee  of  our  own  house  of  representa- 
tives, tfiat  we  number  belonging  to  this  state,  so  detained,  did  not  exceed,  to 
far  at  their  enquiries  went,  elevjtt  men."* 

On  the  fourth  of  July,  1815,  I  received  the  Report  itself 
from  Boston  :  and  I  should  ill  deserve  the  confidence  that  has 
been  reposed  in  my  work,  did  I  not  avail  myself  of  the  oppor- 
tunity thus  afforded  me,  to  lay  an  abstract  of  some  of  its  docu- 
ments before  the  reader. 

Extract  from  the  deposition  of  John  Eldridge. 

"  I  reside  in  Yarmouth  in  the  county  of  Barnstable.  I  have  been  the  master 
of  a  vessel  about  seventeen  years,  within  the  last  twenty -four  years ;  and  hav« 
had  on  board  my  vessels  from  seven  to  sixteen  men  j  on  an  average  about  eight 
or  nine.  About  the  year  1803,  while  I  was  lying  at  Trinidad,  in  the  sloop 
Stork,  one  of  my  men,  while  on  shore,  had  quitted  his  boat,  and  was  taken  up 
by  the  press  gang.  His  name  was  William  Boynton,  and  he  was,  as  he  told  me, 
an  American.  1  ne  next  day  I  was  informed  oy  the  officer  of  the  press  gang, 
that  the  man  was  taken,  and  immediately  upon  my  application  on  board  tlie 
ship  where  he  was  placed,  he  was  returned  to  me,  with  some  money  he  had 
about  him.  He  had  left  Ids  protection  on  board  the  vessel  at  the  tune  when  he 
was  taken. 

"  In  1810,  while  I  was  at  Martinique,  a  Portuguese  boy  named  Joseph  Friay, 
belonging  to  my  vessel,  was  impressed  from  the  vessel ;  he  was  detamed  two 
days  :  out  upon  my  application  he  was  discharged ;  he  had  no  protection,  nor 
any  indenture  of  apprenticeship  :  he  was  a  servant  to  my  mate. 

"  Extract  from  the  deposition  of  William  J^arsons. 
"  I  reside  in  Boston,  and  have  been  engaged  in  commerce  and  navigation 
about  thirty  years.    I  have  employed  in  my  vessels,  annually,  upon  an  average, 
about  fifty  seamen,  until  the  time  of  tlic  embargo.     /  have  no  recollection  of  any 
of  my  seamen  being  impressed  for  the  lust  twenty  years,  except  in  one  instance." 

Extract  from  the  deposition  of  Caleb  Loring. 

"  I  reside  in  Boston.  1  have  been  ongaged  in  commerce  and  navigation  be- 
tween eighteen  and  nineteen  years.  1  Iiave  employed  upon  an  average,  annu- 
ally, about  forty  seamen  in  foreign  trade. 

"  I  recollect,  at  present,  but  one  instance  of  any  qfmy  seamen  being  impressed 
by  the  British,-  in  July,  1809,  two  seamen,  belonging  to  the  ship  Hugh  John- 
son, while  she  was  lying  at  Palermo,  were  taken  from  her  by  a  British  man  of 
war;  I  do  not  knuwtheir  names — one  of  Uicmwas  an  Knglishman,  the  otlier  was 
an  American." 

Extract  from  the  deposition  of  Moses  Townsetid,  esq. 

"  I,  Moses  Townscnd,  of  Sulcm,  in  the  county  of  F^sst-x,  escjuirc,  do  depose 
Mid  say — that  I  have  been  engaged  in  commerce  and  navigation  for  about  tliir- 
ly  years,  and  was  master  of  a  ship  about  twenty  years.  I  have  usually  liud  crews 
of  ten  and  twelve  men,  upon  an  average.  I  never  hud  any  men  imp'resstd  f'nim 
any  of  tlie  vessels  under  my  command,  except  oiicu  while  I  was  at  Uristol,  in 
England.  On  that  occasion,  I  luid  lliree  or  four  men  impressed,  belonging  to 
the  sliip  Liglit  Horse,  under  my  command;  they  were  tiken  in  tin-  evening, 
and  upon  nly  appU(!ution  through  the  American  consul,  they  were  released  tho 
next  Jay." 

Evlrart  ffotn  the  defiusUiiin  of  Joseph  J\fiiilp-r. 

"  I,  Joseph  Miiilge,  of  Lynn,  in  the  couiily  «)f  Kssex,  nmrlnor,  do  depose  and 
any — ^tliat  I  have  followed  tlie  (leeiiputioii  of  u  iiiiunner  fui'  uhovit  tweitf x  ycaw, 
and  have  been  muster  from  tin-  first  of.laiuiary  1S(H)  (except  uhout  ('(mrnioiiths 
«f  the  year  IHl'J,  while  I  was  mate  of  a  vessel,  in  order  to  get  a  passage  to 
the  Ihiited  States  from  uliroiul) 

••  I  have  had  seaineii  Iretjiii  ntly  taken  from  uie  by  llritisli  eniizersi  l)Ut  ne- 
ver had  any  man  that  I  knew  to  i)c  iiii  AuieriLun,  taken  from  me,  (liat  was  not 
released  upon  my  applicalioii." 

•  Uoad  lo  Muin,  Na  4,  ft-om  Uiu  Qvntoa  (JcaVuigl.  S«ftLJUunmw,  vol  1.  p.  10. 


2J^ 


POLITICAL  OUVE  BRANCH, 


[CBAP.  38. 


Extract  from  the  deporition  of  .Andrew  Harraden. 
**  I,  Andrew  Harraden,  of  Salem,  in  the  county  of  Essex,  mariner,  depose  anEl 
say — tliat  i  have  followed  the  occupation  of  a  mariner  about  tliirty-two  years, 
of  which  1  have  been  master  from  the  year  1791  to  this  time,  excepting  two 
voyages  performed  during  that  period.  /  luive  never  had  any  seamen  impressed 
from  my  vessels,  except  in  one  ittstance.  In  the  year  1802,  while  at  Cape  Francois, 
in  tlie  month  of  August,  a  man  by  the  name  of  George  Uandall,  of  Boston,  was 
taken  from  my  vessel  by  a  French  press-master  and  his  gang,  and  earned  on 
board  a  French  frigate  lying  at  tliat  port.  On  application  to  the  commandant  of 
tile  port,  he  was  released  the  next  morning.  J\rone  of  my  men  -were  ever  taken 
or  detained  by  the  English." 

Deposition  ofMthum  Mitchell.  ■     " 

I,  Nahum  Mitchell,  of  Bridgewater,  in  the  county  of  Plymouth,  depose  and 
say — that  I  was  bom,  and  have  always  lived,  in  Bridgewater.  I  have  never  heard 
of  any  cases  of  persons  impressed  from  that  town.  There  never  was  any  man  of 
tile  name  of  WiUiam  Robinson  within  my  knowledge  impressed  from  that  place. 
I  have  been  a  selectman  five  yeara ;  but  not  within  ten  years  pa.st. 

Feb.  16,  1813.  Suffolk,  ss.  NAHUM  MITCHELL. 

Sworn  before  me,  Alexander  Townsettd,  justice  of  the  peace. 

Deposition  of  William  Orne. 

I,  William  Orne,  of  Salem,  in  the  county  of  Essex,  merchant,  depose  and 
say, 

_  That  during  the  last  twenty  years,  I  have  employed,  upon  an  averag^e,  about 
sixty  men  annually,  in  my  vessels.  The  only  cases  of  impressment  from  my 
vessels,  thai  I  know  of,  are  the  following : 

111  18()3,  the  ship  Essex,  Joseph  Orne,  master,  being  bound  from  Salem  to 
Amsterdam,  had  a  man,  by  the  name  of  Jsuncs  Ncwhall,  on  boai-d,  who  was 
impressed  on  the  passage.  Newhall  said  he  was  born  in  Windsor,  in  Connecti- 
cut -,  and  at  the  time  of  his  being  taken,  told  the  captain  of  my  ship,  that  he 
had  forgotten  to  take  out  his  protection  from  America :  and  the  captai%dc> 
sired  me  to  send  it  out  to  the  consul,  in  London. 

I  wrote  to  the  selectmen  of  Windsor,  who  answered  me,  that  there  was  no 
such  man  belonged  to  eitlier  of  tlie  towns  of  Windsor  or  East  Windsor.  Not 
long  after,  the  man  returned  to  Salem,  and  was  found  to  be  a  British  subject. 

In  1810,  John  Hanson,  a  Swede,  was  taken  out  of  my  brig  Industry  ;  he  had 
no  Anieri'^an  |)rottctioii,  but  liiwl  a  Swedish  document.  He  soon  after  returned 
to  Salem,  and  1  have  paid  him  oft".  WILLIAM  OUNE. 


St  FFOLK,  SS. 


Boston,  Febniarii  19,  1813. 


Sworn  to  before  me. 


Ja.mks  S a vaok,  justice  of  the  peace. 


Dcponition  of  John  Tiichtr. 

I,  John  Tucker,  of  Gloucester,  in  the  county  of  Essex,  do  depose  and  say, 

That  I  have  been  master  of  a  vessel  for  about  forty-seven  years,  and  until  the 
last  seven  years.  I  never  had  unv  men  impressed  from  any  of  my  vessels. 
About  the  year  1796,  while  I  was  lying  at  St.  Pierre's,  Martiniiiue,  an  English 
olRccr  from  one  of  the  frigates  there,  demanded  a  sight  of  the  protections  of 
iny  men  ;  as  the  laws  of  my  country,  as  he  said,  made  it  necessary  that  my  men 
•hould  have  them.  I  told  him,  I  knew  of  no  such  law,  having  been  absent 
■bout  twelve  months  from  my  coiuitry.  He  told  me,  he  should  take  my  men 
on  board  for  exuiuination.  I  followed  them  on  board ;  they  were  detained 
about  an  hour,  and  then  discliarged. 

I  know  of  no  case  of  impressnu  nt  from  the  town  of  Gloucester,  except  llm 
following : 

A  relation  of  mine,  by  the  name  «)f  Aaron  Biirnlium,  has  been  in  the  Briiisli 
•ervice  about  two  years,  and  says  he  was  impressed  on  shore  in  a  British  poii ; 
ln'  has  written  home  fre»jiirntly,  but  has  never  exjiressi-d  any  tlesirc!  to  be  dis. 
charged,  that  I  liavc  heard  of  Ilis  father  and  I  are  \«'ry  ruar  n(  inliliours  ;  und 
i  havi-  fri'(|iiently  eonversed  with  him,  when  he  has  informed  im;  of  re ceivinf'- 
his  son's  letters.   Hut  he  never  staled  that  his  son  wu;  desirous  of  returning. 

Daniel  Parsons  and  Igniitins  I'arsons,  I  have  hea?'d,  were  on  board  the  Brlli.sii 
navy  ;  but  I  have  no  knowlciigc  of  their  baviinj-  been  iinpvcsicd. 


cflAP.  38.] 


JDAPRESSIAENT. 


2i; 


About  the  ymt  1796  (it  was  before  our  seamen  took  protections)  while  I  was 
at  Amsterdam,  three  of  my  men,  viz.  Jonathan  Cook,  John  Medley,  and  Jolin 

,  an  Englishman,  requested  a  discharge  from  my  vessel,  and  entered  on 

board  an  English  merchant  ship,  at  that  place.  They  went  to  Lisbon ;  and 
while  there,  were  impressed  on  shore  by  some  British  ship.  Cook  has  since 
been  home,  and  is  now  again  in  the  British  merchant  service.  I  have  never 
heard  of  Medley  since.  He  has  left  a  family  in  Gloucester :  but  they  have  nev- 
er  applied,  to  my  knowledge,  for  a  discharge.  Cook  and  Medley  were  both 
of  Gloucester. 

Benjamin  Oakes,  of  Gloucester,  was  taken  about  two  years  ago,  as  I  have  un- 
derstood, and  that  it  was  for  the  want  of  a  protection ;  a  protection  lias  been 
sent  out  to  him,  at  Halifax :  and  he  has  not  yet  returned. 

Nathaniel  Riggs,  of  Gloucester,  was  on  board  a  British  ship,  into  which  he 
had  entered  and  served,  and  received  his  wages  and  prize  money.  He  has  been 
at  home  four  or  five  years.  JOHN  TUCKER. 

Boston,  Febiniary  18,  1813. 

Deposition  of  Israel  Thomdike. 

I,  Israel  Thomdike,  of  Boston,  in  the  county  of  Suffolk,  esquire,  despose  and 
say. 

That  I  have  for  a  considerable  part  of  the  time,  for  ten  or  twelve  years  past, 
(excepting  the  time  of  the  embargo)  usually  employed,  on  an  average,  more 
than  two  hundred  seamen  annually,  on  board  my  own  vessels,  and  those  which 
I  have  had  under  freight  and  charter.  The  average  of  the  length  of  the  voy- 
ages, I  should  think,  was  about  six  to  eight  months ;  not  exceeding  eight 
months. 

I  have  not  had  more  than  six  or  seven  men,  to  my  recollection,  impressed 
from  my  vessels,  and  those  vessels  employed  by  me,  during  that  period.  I  can- 
not now  recollect  the  names  of  the  men  ;  from  the  ship  Alcxantlcr  Hodgdon, 
two  or  three  men  were  taken  about  the  year  1805  or  1 806.  They  were,  as  I  un- 
derstood from  the  captain,  all  foreigners.  1  think  they  were  shipped  in  Leg- 
horn ;  and  I  think  they  were  impressed  on  a  v«)yugc  from  that  place  to  tlie  East 
Indies.  I  do  not  know  whether  they  had  any  protections  or  documents,  or  not; 
and  have  not  since  heard  of  them. 

The  brig  Hector  had  one  man  impressed  from  her,  off  the  isle  x)f  Prance, 
about  1803  or  1804.  He  was,  as  I  was  informed  by  the  captain,  a  Frenchman ; 
and  I  am  inclined  to  believe,  he  was  shipped  at  Beverly ;  but  do  not  know 
whether  he  had  a  protection  or  not,  nor  have  I  heard  of  him  since. 

The  brig  — — ,  Swanzey,  master,  IcmI  one  man  in  Liverpool,  abotit  1809.  His 
name  was  Neptune,  an  African,  and  he  had  there  entered  into  the  British  str- 
vice,  while  .u  a  state  of  intoxication,  as  I  was  informed  by  the  supercargo.  The 
man  hadfoimerly  been  a  servant  in  my  family.  1  have  not  since  heard  of  liim. 
The  brig  Gilpin  had  two  men  taken  fVom  her,  while  on  her  voyage  to  Russia,  in 
1811,  as  I  was  informed  by  my  clerks,  who  had  tiieir  information  from  the  cup- 
tain.  These  two  men  were  both  foreigners,  as  I  have  been  informed.  I  have 
heard  nothing  of  them  since  ;  nor  do  1  know  whether  they  had  any  protections 
or  not. 

Daniel  Parker,  a  pritish  subject,  who  had  a  wife  and  family  in  Beverly,  was 
impressed  from  one  of  my  vessels,  about  twenty  years  since,  in  the  Downs,  or 
•onic  other  port  of  England.  He  was,  as  I  was  informed,  requested  by  an  ofli- 
cer  of  my  vessel,  at  tiie  time  wiien  he  was  taken,  to  tieclare  that  he  was  an 
American ;  l)ut  said  lie  would  not  deny  his  country,  and  sunvndered  himself. 
This  inf'ornmtion  1  had  from  the  captain  of  my  vessel,  the  Kabius.  He  has  since 
returned  to  his  family  in  Beverly.  I  tliink  he  returned  al)out  twelve,  or  fifteen 
years  since.  I  have  no  recollection  of  any  other  cases  of  impressment  from  any 
other  vessel  in  wliich  I  had  a  concern. 

ISRAEL  THORNDIKE. 

The  ilffiosition  t{f  P.tlwanl  Ltimlvr. 
I,  Edwaril  Lander,  of  Salem,  in  the  county  of  Essex,  mciThant,  depose  and 
say, 

That  while  I  was  in  l.elth,  in  the  vear  IHU,  in  October,  two  men  belonging 
to  the  Hariicl,  owned  by  the  honoura\}le  William  Ciray,  were  taken  from  the  ves 
O.  H.  529 


2U 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[CHAF-S^ 


sel  by  an  English  boat.  Their  names  were  Israel  Foster  and— —Tuck,  of  Be- 
verly, in  Massachusetts.  Foster  w;as  released  the  next  day,  or  the  day  after, 
and  returned  home  in  the  same  vessel.  The  other  was  put  on  board  the  Dia- 
dem, sixty  four,  which  went  to  sea  before  the  application  reached  her.  At  the 
request  of  the  captain  of  the  Itaciiel,  I  wrote  a  letter  to  the  American  consul  at 
London  (Mr.  Lyman)  which  captain  Mattinly  (master  of  the  RacheH  signed  and 
forwarded.  Tiie  letter  was  written  the  day  after  the  men  were  taken,  but  be- 
fore the  return  oftlie  man  who  was  released,  as  I  have  stated  above. 

I  have  understood,  since  my  return  to  this  country,  that  Tuck  effected  his 
escape  at  Spithcad,  by  means  of  a  waterman,  in  about  one  month  after  his  im- 
pressment.   They  were  both  Aftiericans,  and  had  protections. 

EDWARD  LANDER, 
^  February  18,  1S15. 

The  (lef)osition  of  Asa  T.  A'hiihall. 

I,  Asa  T.  Newhall,  of  Lynntield,  in  the  county  of  Essex,  esquire,  depose  and 
tay, 

That  I  know  of  no  cases  of  impressed  seamen  belonging  to  Lynnfield,  except 
tlie  following :  Andrew  .Mansfield,  of  Lynnfield,  sailed  from  Boston  about  four- 
teen veal's  ago ;  and  was  impressed  (on  his  first  voyage)  and  detained  onboard  a 
British  man  of  war.-  His  brother,  Isaac,  being  on  board  the  same  vessel  from 
which  he  was  impressed,  gave  the  information  to  his  mother  on  his  return. 
Soon  after  which,  his  mother  forwarded  documents  for  his  release.  He  told  me 
tliat  he  was  shifted  into  several  ditt'erent  vessels,  which,  he  said,  he  supposed 
was  the  reason  wiiy  he  did  not  receive  his  documents  sooner. 

After  being  some  time  under  impressment,  and  in  order  to  obtain  better  treat- 
ment, he  entered ;  not  having  any  prospect  of  being  soon  released ;  after  he 
had  entered,  and  two  or  tliree  jears  after  his  im])ressment,  evidence  of  his  be- 
ing an  American  reached  the  ship  he  was  in.  His  rele.-ise  was  refused,  on  ac- 
count of  bis  having  entered.  He  remained  in  the  British  service  about  seven 
years;  at  the  end  of  which  time  he  was  discharged,  and  received  his  wages; 
4ie  returned  home  soon  atXvr. 

Amos  Newhall,  of  Lynnfield,  sailed  from  Boston,  about  nine  years  since,  and 
has  since  been  seen  on  board  a  British  man  of  war,  as  I  have  understood  from 
liis  brother ;  but  whether  he  was  impressed  or  not,  his  friends  do    jt  know. 

SiFFOLK,  «.«.  ASA  T.  NEWHALL. 

Boston,  February  27,  1813. 

Krlract  from  the  deltnsiiion  of  Jusiah  Orne. 

"I,  Josiah  Orne,  of  sialein,  in  tlie  county  of  Essex,  mariner,  depose  and  say- 
that  i  iiave  been  muster  of  a  vessel  about  twenty-seven  years. 

«*  I  never  hud  any  men  im/tressnd  from  the  I'e.isels  unikr  my  command  by  the  Eng- 
lish-—^^c^^X^t  in  one  instance — that  was  in  1801." 


Extract  from  A'uthanie.l  Ifoofwr's  deposition. 


m 


«•  1,  Xatlianiel  Hooper,  of  Marbleliead,  merchant,  do  depose  and  say — that  1 
have  been  engaged  in  rommcrce  and  navigation  with  my  father  and  brothers 
for  about  nineteen  years  past  ;  and  for  al)oiit  Seven  >'ears  previous  to  the  em- 
bapjro,  we  employed  usually  upon  an  average  about  fifty  seamen  in  our  vessels, 
IVc  have  never  had  any  iwn  imjirensedfrom  any  (four  vesnels,  that  ive  know  of." 

Ertrartfrom  Henjamin  T,  IteeiCstkposilion. 

"I,  Benjamin  T.  Keed,  (tf  Mart)lelu'a(l,  in  tlii' county  of  Essex,  merchant,  de- 
pose and  Hay — that  I  liavc,  with  my  brother,  beLMi  engaged  in  trade  and  naviga- 
tion f(U' about  eigliteen  years  past.  Heiore  liie  embargo,  we  usually  employed 
two  vessels  aiunially,  the  rreusof  wliiih  would  be  from  twelve  to  fifteen  men 
—we  never  bad  any  lueii  impressed  from  our  vessels  previous  to  the  embargo, 
to  my  rccoUeclioii." 

'riicrc  luv  various  other  {k'positiun.s  annexed  to  the  Report, 
the  tenor  anil  tendency  whereof  are  generally  of  a  similar  cha- 
racter to  the  above. 


era.  38.] 


MPRESSM£5IT. 


BIS 


and 


The  contradiction  and  inconsistency  between  these  documents, 
and  those  1  have  produced  in  the  preceding  tiu.pie.rs,  are  so 
strong,  so  striking,  and  so  utterly  unaccountaijit ,  as  to  make  us 
stand  aghast  with  astonishment.  To  reconcile  them  in  any  sh'pe 
or  mode  is  totally  impossible.  Were  we  to  place  full  ana  im- 
plicit reliance  upon  the  depositions  just  quoted,  it  would  almost 
appear  that  impressment  had  been  a  matter  oi  little  or  no  con- 
sequence ;  and  that  it  had  been  most  extravagantly  exaggerated, 
to  delude  and  deceive  the  public  mmd.  But  then  what  becomes 
of  the  strong  and  precise  statements  of  Silas  Talbot,*  of  Rufus 
King,!  of  Timothy  Pickering,:}:  of  judge  Marshall,^  of  commo- 
dore Rodgers,^  &c;  witnesses  who  cannot  possibly  be  suspected 
of  anti- Anglican  partialities,  views,  or  prejudices  ? 

If  the  prevailing  opinions  of  the  great  extent  of  impressment 
be  unfounded,  and  if  deception  or  delusion  have  been  attempted, 
these  gentlemen 'must  have  concurred  in  it,  as  well  as  their  poli- 
tical antagonists  ;  for  their  testimony  is  among  the  most  conclu. 
sive  that  has  been  produced  on  the  subject. 

The  statement  of  commodore  Rodgcrs,  respecting  the  muster 
books  of  the  Moselle  and  Sappho,  is  the  most  recent  document 
on  the  subject,  and  is  beyond  the  reach  of  suspicion. 

To  the  reader  I  unhesitatingly  submit  the  subject.  Let  him, 
whether  Federalist  or  Democrat,  honestly  raise  the  scales  of 
truth  and  justice — ^let  him  impartially  weigh  the  evidence  on 
both  sides  :  and  let  him  decide  according  to  the  credibility  of 
these  warring  and  irreconcilable  documents. 

In  addition  to  the  information  contained  in  the  preceding 
pages,  I  have  now  before  me  a  most  powerful  document  on  the 
subject  of  impressment.     It  is 

"  A  statement  of  applications  made  to  the  British  povemmcnt  on  1538  cases 
of  impressed  seamen,  claiming^  to  be  citizens  of  tlic  llnitcd  States,  from  the  ele- 
venth of  March,  1803,  till  the  tiiirty-first  of  Angiist,  1804  ;  by  (iiorge  F.rving-, 
agent  of  the  United  States  for  the  relief  and  jirotection  of  their  seamen." 

I  subjoin  an  abstract : 
Number  of  applications,  .  -  -  1538 

Of  which  are  duplicates  of  former  ones,       -  306 

Original  applications,        -        -  -  f      1232 

1538 


Refused  to  be  discharged,  having  no  documents, 
Ordered  to  be  discharged,         .  -  . 

Said  not  to  be  on  board  the  ships  specified, 
Refused  to  be  discharged,  said  to  have  taken  the 

bounty,  and  entered,     -  .  - 

Said  to  be  married  in  England,        ^ 


383 
4S7 
105 

120 
17 


wh 


1062 
•^eepaj?clfl7.  f  See pnjfc  188.  tS.eepajc.lOO.  ^Seepage  191.  iScepag-eSOl. 


t  1 11 


216 


POLITICAL  OLTVE  BRANCH. 


[eBAT.  38. 


**.- 


Brought  forward,        -            -            .           -  io62 

Said  to  have  deserted,    -           -            -            -  13 

Said  to  have  been  drowned,  or  died,           -             -  2 

Ships,  on  board  of  which  stated  not  in  commission,  3 

Refused  to  be  discharged,  said  to  be  British  subjects,  49 

Refused  to  be  discharged,  said  to  be  prisoners  of  war,  2 

Do  not  appear  to  have  been  impressed,         -          -  6 

On  board  ships  stated  to  be  on  a  foreign  station,  22 

Ships  lost,  on  board  of  which  were  stated  to  be       -  6 

Refused  to  he  discharged^  documents  being  insufficient^  viz, 

1 .  Protections  from  consuls  and  vice-consuls,          -  88 

2.  Notarial  affidavits  made  in  the  United  States,  15 

3.  Notarial  affidavits  made  in  £ngland,        -          -  27 

4.  Collectors'  protections,         -             -            .  41 

5.  Discharges  granted  from  King's  ships,  tfeey  being 
American  citizens,         ....  4 

6.  Of  different  descriptions,  and  which  were  kept  by 

the  impress  officers,             ...  35 

7.  Applications  yet  unanswered,                -             -  163 


1538 

This  abstract  deserves  to  be  read  and  examined  over  and  over. 
Every  line  of  it  claims  the  deepest  and  most  serious  considera- 
tion. It  appears  that  in  less  than  eighteen  months,  twelve  hun- 
dred and  thirty-two  persons  were  impressed  out  of  American 
vessels,  exclusive  of  the  very  great  number,  who,  we  may  rea- 
sonably conclude,  had  no  means  of  conveying  their  applications 
for  redress  to  the  proper  organ.  An  entire  volume  might  be 
written  as  a  commentary  on  this  memorial  of  British  outrage 
and  injustice,  and  of  American  disgrace  and  dishonour. 

The  first  item  is  hideous.  Three  hundred  and  eighty-three 
impressed  Americans  were  doomed  to  remediless  slavery,  be- 
cause  they  were  not  branded  with  the  mark  U.  S.  01  provided 
with  a  badge,  a  pass,  a  license,  or  certificate  !  Suppose  commo- 
dore Perry,  or  commodore  Macdonough,  or  commodore  Por- 
ter, had  impressed  three  hundred  and  eighty-three  men  from  on 
board  of  British  vessels,  under  pretence  of  their  being  Ameri- 
cans— (and  has  the  Almighty  given  any  right  to  a  British  cap- 
tain or  commodore  beyond  what  he  has  vested  in  an  American 
captain  or  commodore  ?)  and  suppose  Mr.  Merry,  Mr.  Liston, 
Francis  James  Jackson,  Mr.  Rose,  or  Mr.  Foster,  had  demand- 
ed them — and  that  our  secretary  of  state  had  peremptorily  re- 
fused to  surrender  them,  because  they  had  not  the  regular  brand 
of  G.  R.  or  a  pro])er  certificate  or  protection,  would  (ireat  Bri- 
tain have  submitted  to  the  slow  process  of  further  demanding 
and  waiting  for  redress  ?   Indubitably  not. 

One  hundred  and  five  were  doomed  to  slavery,  by  a  removal 
from  the  vessels  by  which  they  were  impressed,  to  others.     An 


CHAP.  39.] 


WAR  PREPARATIONS. 


easy  and  summary  process,  by  which  the  doors  of  redress  are 
eternally  barred  with  adamantine  fastenings. 

One  hundred  anc  venty  of  these  sufferers  were  withheld 
because  they  had  taken  the  bounty,  or  voluntarily  entered  !  In 
forming  an  estimate  of  the  justice  of  this  plea,  we  jnust  not  lose 
sight  of  the  subsequent  cruel  tragedy  acted  by  order  of  commo- 
dore Berkley,  on  board  the  Chesapeake,  in  order  to  seize  men 
who  had  voluntarily  entered  on  board  that  vessel.  If  this  be 
not — give  no  right — take  no  wrong — I  cannot  divine  what  der 
serves  the  title. 

I  am  tired  of  this  vile,  this  odious,this  detestable  subject.  It 
excites  to  loathing  and  abhorrence.  I  must  draw  to  a  close. 
But  there  is  one  more  point  that  I  must  touch  upon — and  that 
is,  that  of  the  whole  number  of  fifteen  hundred  and  thirty -eight, 
there  are  only  forty-nine  asserted  to  be  British  subjects  !  The 
American,  who,  after  these  statements,  can  advocate  the  atro- 
cious practice  of  impressment,  must  be  utterly  lost  to  a  sense  of 
justice  for  his  countrymen,  or  regard  to  the  national  rights  or 
national  honour. 

CHAPTER  XXXIX.  ' 

An  apology  for  an  egregious  error  committed  by  the  writer^  on 
the  subject  of  preparation  for  war.  The  whole  session  one 
continued  series  of  preparations.  Nineteen  acts  bearing 
strong  notes  of  martial  arrangement, 

I  DEEM  it  indispensably  necessary  to  correct  a  most  egregious 
error  into  which  I  was  betrayed  by  the  haste  in  which  my  first 
edition  was  compiled  and  written.  I  therein  enumerated,  among 
the  errors  of  Mr.  Madison's  administration,  the  neglect  to  make 
due  preparation  for  the  war,  "  previous  to  the  commencement 
of  hostilities.''  I  deeply  regret  to  have  cast  such  a  superficial 
glance  at  the  subject ;  to  have  allowed  myself  to  be  so  grossly 
deceived ;  and  to  have  contributed  to  lead  my  reader  astray. 
There  were  ample  preparations  made,  as  may  be  seen  by  the 
following  list  of  acts  passed  during  that  session  of  congress,  to- 
wards the  close  of  which  war  was  declared. 

Previous  to  the  declaration  of  war. 

1.  An  act  for  completing  the  existing  military  establishment. 
December  24,  1811. 

2.  An  act  to  raise  an  additional  military  force.  This  act  pro- 
vided for  raising  ten  regiments  of  infantry,  two  regiments  of 
artillery,  and  one  regiment  of  dragoons,  to  be  enlisted  for  five 
years,  unless  sooner  discharged.  The  infantry  amounted  to 
about  20,000  men — the  artillery  to  4000 — and  the  cavalry  to 
1000.     Jan.  11,  1812. 

3.  An  act  authorising  the  purchase  of  ordnance  and  ordnance 
stores,  camp  equipage,  and  other  quarter-master's  stores  and 
small  arms.    Jan.  11,1812. 


m 


m 


POLITICAL  OllVE  BRANCft. 


[CIAT.  39. 


;^1 


4.  An  act  authorising  the  president  of  the  United  States  to 
accept  and  authorise  certain  volunteer  militia  corps,  not  to  ex- 
ceed 50,000  men.  For  this  purpose  there  was  an  appropriation 
of  1,000,000  dollars.     Feb.  6,  1812. 

5'.  An  act  sqipropriating  108,772  dollars  for  the  expenses  inci- 
dent to  six  companies  of  mounted  rangers.     Feb.  20, 1812. 

6,  An  act  making  appropriations  for  the  support  of  the  mili- 
tary establishment  of  the  United  States  for  1812,  viz. 


For  the  pay  of  the  army 

Forage        -  -  -  - 

Subsistence       -  -  -     ■<■ 

Clothing      -  -  .,  - 

Bounties  and  premiums  *■ 

Medical  department 
Ordnance  and  ordnance  stores 
Fortifications  -  -  - 

For  the  quarter-master's  department 
For  the  purchase  ol  horses  - 
Contingencies   -  -  - 

Indian  department  -  -  - 

Militia  of  Louisiana,  &c. 


869,968 
104,624 
685,000 
293,804 

70,000 

50,000 

1,135,000 

296,049 

735,000 

150,000 

50,000 
164,000 

32,000 


Passed  February  21,  1812. 

'  -       n. 

84,635,445 

7.  An  act  making  appropriations 

for  the 

support 

of  an  addi- 

ienal  military  force : 

For  i-v'v            -            -             . 

- 

1,406,857 

Forage        _            -            - 

- 

- 

154,435 

Subsistence 

• 

1,074,097 

Clothing       -            -            - 

- 

- 

863,244 

Bounties  and  premiums 

- 

442,260 

Horses  for  dragoons 

. 

1* 

282,000 

Quarter-master's  deparlment    - 

- 

408,760 

Medical  department, 

• 

- 

125,000 

Contingencies   .            .            - 

" 

355,911 

Passed  February  21,  1812. 

8.  An  act  making  appropriations  for  the 
of  the  United  States,  for  1812. 

Pay  and  subsistence       -  -  - 

Provisions  -  .  -  • 

Medicines  -  -  -  - 

Repairs  of  vessels     -  -  - 

Freight,  store-rent,  &c. 

Navy  yards,  &c.       -  -  . 

Ordnance  and  ordnance  stores  - 

Saltpetre,  sulphur,  &c. 

Pay  and  subsistence  of  marine  corps 


85,112,564 
support  of  the  n* vy 

-    $1,123,341 

.  S59,75T 

40,000 

315,000 

115,000 

60,000 

280,000 

180,000 

154,34« 


CBAF.  39.] 


WARP 


},760 
),000 
f,911 


tiPARAT' 

Mm. 

219 

* 

• 

• 
• 

« 

4.),281 
-       1,777 

- 

- 

• 

3,501 

♦ 

-      20,000 

Clothing  for  marine  corps 
Military  stores  for  do. 
Medicines,  &c. 
Quarter-master's  stores 


Passed  February  24, 1812.  2,902,003 

9.  An  act  maJcing  a  further  appropriation  for  the  defence  of 
our  maritime  frontier.  This  act  appropriated  for  the  purpose 
8500,000.     Passed  March  10,  1812. 

10.  An  act  for  a  loan  of  |Sl  1,000,000  for  defraying  the  above 
expenses.    Passed  March  14,  IS  12. 

11.  An  act  concerning  the  naval  establishment,  for  repairing 
the  frigates  Constellation,  Chesapeake,  and  Adams.  For  this 
purpose  there  was  appropriated  §300,000. 

By  this  act  there  was  an  appropriation  made  of  §200,000  an- 
nually, for  three  years,  for  the  purchase  of  a  stock  of  timber  for 
ship-building.  The  first  appropriation  was  for  rebuilding  the 
frigates  Philadelphia,  General  Green,  New-York,  and  Boston. 
Passed  March  30,  1812. 

12.  An  act  in  addition  to  the  act  to  raise  an  additional  mili- 
tary force.     Passed  March  30,  1812. 

13.  An  act  to  authorise  a  detachment  from  the  militia  of  the 
United  States,  to  the  amount  of  100,000  men.  This  act  con- 
tained a  clause  appropriating  one  million  of  dollars  towards  de- 
fraying the  expenses  to  accrue  under  it.     Passed  April  10, 1812. 

14.  An  act  for  the  organization  of  a  corps  of  artificers.  Pas- 
sed April  23,  1812. 

15.  An  act  for  the  better  regulation  of  the  ordnance.  Passed 
May  14,  1812. 

Subsequent  to  the  declaration  of  war. 

16.  An  act  for  the  more  perfect  organization  of  the  army  of 
the  United  States.     Passed  June  26, 1812.  , 

17.  An  act  making  a  further  appropriation  for  the  defence  of 
the  maritime  frontier,  and  for  the  support  of  the  army  of  the 
United  States.     Passed  July  5,  1812. 

18.  An  act  making  additional  appropriations  for  the  military 
establishment,  and  for  the  Indian  department.  Passed  July  6, 
1842. 

19.  An  act  making  further  provision  for  the  army  of  the  Uni- 
ted States.     Passed  July  6,  1812. 

It  therefore  appears,  that  nearly  the  whole  session  was  spent 
in  makiag  preparation  for  hostility — for  offensive  and  defensive 
operations,  I  shall  not  easily  forgive  myself  the  vt-r)'  extraor- 
dinary error,  of  which  I  have  acknowledged  myself  guilty  on 
this  subject,  I  shall  regard  it  as  a  monition  as  long  :\s  I  live, 
against  precipitate  decision.  And  may  I  taki-  the  liberty  of 
hinting  to  the  reader,  whoever  he  be,  that  he  may  derive  a  use* 


220 


POLITICAL  OLTVE  BRANCH. 


[CBAP.  40. 


ful  lesson  from  the  fact  i  If,  vrith  the  attention  I  have  been  in 
the  habit  of  paying  to  public  affairs — ^reiading  two  or  three  news- 
papers every  day — and  perfectly  convinced  of  the  justice  of  the 
war — I  have  nevertheless  fallen  into  such  a  palpable,  such  a 
monstrous  error,  on  so  plain  a  point — if  I  have  brought  so  un- 
just an  accusation  against  the  congress  which  declared  war — 
how  difficult  may  it  be  for  persons  remote  from  opportunities  of 
judging  correctly,  and  liable  to  be  misled  by  interested  or  fac- 
tious men,  to  form  accurate  opinions  i 

A  further  and  most  convincing  proof  of  the  magnitude  of  the 
error  which  I  committed,  is  to  be  found  in  the  circumstance, 
that  on  the  12th  of  July,  1812,  only  twenty -four  days  after  the 
declaration  of  war,  general  Hull,  at  the  head  of  two  thousand 
five  hundred  men,  well  appointed, had  penetrated  into  Canada: 
and,  had  the  same  talents  and  bravery  that  displayed  themselves 
at  Yorktown,  Chippewa,  Biidgewater,  the  Sarenac,  New- 
Orleans,  and  other  places,  presided  over  their  movements,  there 
is  no  doubt  that  in  the  first  campaign,  the  whole  of  Upper  Can- 
ada, and  perhaps  Lower  Canada,  with  the  exception  of  Quebec, 
miijht  have  been  subdued.  This  army  had  3750  muskets,  36 
pieces  of  cannon,  1080  rounds  of  fixed  ammunition  for  the  can- 
non, 200  tons  of  cannon  ball,  150  tons  of  lead,  75,000  musket 
cartridges  made  up,  &c.  &c.  Sec* 

CHAPTER  XL. 

Reproaches  of  the  minontif  against  the  imbecility  of  the  majority. 
Pernicious  consequences  of  newspaper  misrepresentation.  Bri- 
tish deceived  by  tJieir  friends. 

While  the  st-rious  preparations  detailed  in  the  preceding 
chapter  were  going  forward,  the  federal  printers  throughout  the 
union  were  pretty  generally  and  zealously  employed  in  ridicul- 
ing the  idea  of  war — persuading  the  public  that  all  these  mea- 
sures were  illusory,  and  intended  to  intimidate  the  British  i  min- 
istry— and  that  our  government  possessed  neither  the  courage 
nor  the  means  to  venture  on  hostility. 

I  have  already  quoted  the  notorious  declaration  made  by  se- 
veral members  of  congress,  particularly  Mr,  Josiah  Quincy,that 
'*  the  majority  could  not  he  kicked  into  xoar.^"* 

This  course  of  proceeding  is  not  easily  accounted  for.  It 
must  have  had  some  motive.  And  it  requires  an  extraordinary 
degree  of  charity  to  ascribe  it  to  a  motive  either  laudable,  or  in 
fact  not  highly  sinister  or  patriotic. 

Suppose,  for  a  monent,  that  our  rulers  did  not  really  mean 
war — di;it  they  were  actually  destitute  of  the  means  of  canying 
it  on — that  they  were  "  too  cowardly  to  he  kicked  into  it''"' — was  it 

••  •  See  Weekly  Register,  vol.  3.  page  93i 


CHAP.  40.] 


NEWSPAPER  MISREPRESENTATION. 


221 


wise,  was  it  prudent,  was  it  honourable,  was  it  politic,  to  blazon 
our  deficiencies  to  the  world — to  assure  England  that  she  might 
safely,  and  with  impunity,  continue  the  perpetration  of  her  out- 
rages on  an  unoffending  neutral,  because  that  neutral  could  not 
be  kicked  into  war  to  rest.st  those  outrages  ?  Surely  not. 

In  pursuance  of  the  plan  I  have  followed  throughout  this 
work,  of  establishing  all  points  of  importance  by  indisputable 
evidence,  I  subjoin  a  few  of  the  paragraphs  to  which  I  refer. 
The  two  first  are  of  a  date  much  earlier  than  the  declaration  of 
war — and  prove  how  long  this  system  had  been  pursued.  They 
will  satisfy  the  most  incredulous  reader.  ' 


36 


Smoke  /  Smoke  ! 

"  Our  correspondent  suggests,  in  the  event  of  certain  measures     iroaJy 
taken  by  the  executive  failing,  then  to  augment  tlie  force  by  new  iei'- :     -or by 
forming  ten  corps  of  1200  men  each,  to  be  selected  froni  the  milio 
age  of  the  several  states,  who  may  volunteer  for  such  corps  f'  luar  -  >^  ■: 

is  to  us  a  most  astonishing  and  inconceivable  thing,  that  (  aftc.^  .i  ■  .a'C, 
any  man  should  be  alarmed,  and  think  our  government  ar  j  ul  'V.t  v  *x\  l>.d- 
aive  steps.    Will  our  administration  never  be  understood  ?  'a'     '  '     *  '^^ 

the  dupes  of  a  contemptible  farce,    which  has  been  exh'bi     ■'•■  >n 
make  people  wonder  and  stare  P  My  life  on  it,  our  execut  >  idea 

of  declaring  war  than  my  grandmother."  Boston  Kepertor  ,        ..ary  9,  1810. 

"  Our  governnmit  will  not  make  war  on  Great  Britain ;  but  will  keep  up  a 
constant  irritation  <m  somepretence  or  other,  for  the  sake  of  maintaining  their 
influence  as  a  party.  The  more  the  public  sufter,  the  more  irritable  they  will 
be  ;  and  government  will  trust  to  their  address  to  direct  that  irritability<igainst 
Great  Britain."  Boston  Repertory,  April  17,  1810. 

"  The  25,000  men  bill  passed  congress — and  in  this  city  [New  York]  the 
sensation  produced  by  it  was  not  lialf  equal  to  that  which  was  caused  by  the 
govcrnoi-'s  notice  of  banks.  Mr.  Gidlatin  recommended  a  whiskey  tax,  &c.  and 
every  body  laughed  to  think  what  a  queer  tiling  it  was  for  a  man,  who  had 
figured  so  mucli  in  the  whiskey  insurrection,  to  be  the  author  of  such  a  mea- 
sure. The  New  York  Gazette,  however,  still  graced  its  columns,  and  we  too 
sometimes,  with  "for  Liverpool — for  London,"  &c  8ic.  The  committee  of  ways 
and  means  at  last  come  out  with  their  Pandora's  box  of  taxes.  Yet  nobody  dreams 
ofimr.  The  mechanics,  the  hanks,  nay  the  insurance  offices  go  on  as  usual. 
Last  of  all  the  loan  for  11,000,000  of  dollars — Still  no  alteration  of  the  public  pulse 
— no  concern  by  friend  or  foe  of  administration.  All  is  well !  In  the  name  of 
wonder,  how  or  why  is  all  this !  Exposed  as  the  city  of  New  Y'ork  is,  why  this 
security,  this  apathy  ?  Are  all  the  proceedings  of  go7>ernment  a  farce,  and  that 
so  palpable  a  one,  as  to  be  undei-stood  by  the  most  stupid  ?  Or  what  is  the  rea- 
son that  not  the  slightest  anxiety  is  felt  by  ourselves  r  if  government  is  in  ear- 
nest, why  have  they  not,  why  do  they  not  proceed  more  rapidly  ?  fVhy  is  our 
shifiping  permitted  to  iim  into  certain  capture?  Either  the  government  is  m  st  false 
imd  hi/pocritical,  or  the  people  out  of  their  senses?"  New  York  Evening  Post, 
Feb.  1812. 

"  When  I  see  such  a  palpable  failure  in  all  the  means,  natural  and  necessary, 
for  caiTying  on  the  war — when  I  see  the  exposure  of  your  sea-board — when  I 
see  the  actual  military  force,  instead  of  being  increased  in  efficiency,  in  faat 
reducing,  neither  promises,  nnr  nsseverafimis,nor  oaths,  shall  make  me  believe  that 
yon  mil  go  to  war  at  llie  end  of  ninety  days.  Opposuit  na'ura.  Nature  has  de- 
cided against  you.  Insteatl  of  that  feast  of  war,  to  which  we  were  invited,  at 
the  begmning  of  the  session,  we  have  served  up  to  us  the  old  dish  of  rcstrictiona 
There  is  no  need  of  projihecy  to  tell  the  result.  At  the  end  of  ninety  days,  you 
will  find  that  your  preparation  is  not  sufficient.  The  horrors  of  war  will  be 
preached  up  very  assiduously  during  our  recess.  Familiarity  with  embargo  will 
iliniinish  its  dread.  The  restrictive  system  becomes  identified  with  sonic  per- 
O.  B.  30 


M8 


fOUTICAL  OLIVR  URANCII 


[mkr.  40. 


m\\«i,  InrkI,  pitltry  intcifNt.  'I'lir  imvigKlinif  Hlulrn  hit  McrifirctI  i  niitl  llin 
•pirll  Miitl  t-liitrHvtri'  of  tin-  ctnintry  nrr  |inw(fnlr«i  li>  tlic  <1<inI,  l»y  lour  or  by 
nVHru'o  "     Mr  Uunu-i-v'N  «|)(*t<«-li  on  tlic  ntilmrH-o,  April  •')■  IHt'J. 

**  Tlir  {intji r(  orMtlmkiiiu; ('unmlH  im  how  Kivt'ii  up.  Soiiio  ollirr  plan  in  t» 
b«  ilrvimtl."'    riiilMlrlpItU iiH«('(U',  JuDimrv  Mi,  IHI'J. 

"  'I'liry  Itlic  Umlriii  orvoiiKi**'"*)  Imvr  ulivmiy  ((oiir  lUr  oitouifli  in  wur.  'I'lioy 
•n"  t  (mi«o,io»i»  (licy  rtm«iw(  i«mmf»Mr,  (irmmitr,  ttnil  tfrtmtiiilr  n  MUir ,-  lliut  Ili«i 
Iui>iIh  w  liiil!  Iirjfln  will  never  (IiiihIi  i«.  W.v  »hiiukfvnm  it.  Theii  »lit<mhi  »liiif 
jfn-  iimtrv  Ihf  uiHtrht. 

"'  /'Acy  uif /iKrhtfWit  II*  »Af  »w/>r<<  Art-«mi*«  a  lilllr  n>Hnu»,  mid  winli  t«»  jfo  lionui 
wul  (liiiikot  It"  l'lulM«|i-l|)lim  tiiui'tlf,  .luiitiury  'JO,  IHl'J. 

"  H'utii  (Itntk  H  votf  to  ruiKf '.\VHKJ  iiicii,  litokii  Uk«'  wur,  (luicl  f/om' iif>f)tv- 
ht»mi>ii».  You  tlo  not  uu<li>rNluiiil  wlinl  in  hni'  culli'il  niuun>(ruirnt.  'I'llKUK 
tVll.l..  AH  I  lir.i  ir.Vr,,  m\  no  >VAU.  I'hf  mir  whnop,  Mc  ofihii  in  oiMiwil, 
thf  nnH  HHtiiiftiitiiiii,  iiuii  fttmhlfttliitl  vmuuiinq'  will  vumnh  htjiiir  mwimn'." — 
Huliiuiorf  Vrdrrnl  On/cttf,  un  (|uu(tMt  in  (lu<  lMulnil('l|ihiu  (iMxcttt*,  Jummry  l.'i. 
iHtJ. 

"  I  tell  you  .IniurN  MmliNon  will  no(  iIhiv  to  lunnli  h  nmn  to  ('nnuilii  with  thr 
tvowoti  apint  ttl  x\  tti'<i«r«'--»t>l  »  mini,  nir^ — no — iu»l  our — in  our  j»r<nrnt  (Uttiicr- 
leiw  Ktutc.     .Vi>  fill  iHiiir  nf'thi*  ii>v»m."     IMuluilclpliiM  <iu/.i*tt(\  ,iiui   'J7,  IHI'i. 

"  \\f  nrr  tiriul\  |irrNiiml«-«l.  tliut   tlir  nmjonty  in  couu;rri(N  i/n  »nt  mrnn  loilr- 
c/iiir  ii<<ii'  11/  f»f»riii  i    I'll  AT  TIIKY  UAKK  NO'P  i   HntI  tliut  nil  tlirir  tliri'utN  iirc 
hut  {•untrmfuthli' iiif>uui'tHn,  wliirli  will  tlir  uwny  like  the  vu|Hiuriii)(Not'n  dnink 
rn  nmn,  Itcl'on*  tlu'\  nsr."  lloNton  Uciirrtory,  Dct'.  'J4,  IHtl. 

"Thort'  will  lie  mvu:h  talk  nml  little  ImiiineNN  tliiii  iteNmon.  W  Alt  IH  OUT 
OF  rilK  QliKSTION.  Hut  it  wun  determinrd  in  ciuu'un  IhsI  Siinduy  eveitinir, 
III  l»»k-  b4if,  and  hrp  II  »lnfi' iiftftcf  hp."  IMiiUdeliiliiu  (tuaielte,  Nuvt-iiihcr  V, 
1811. 

*'  It  iit  Hintkninaly  niid>«propoii,  nnd  ntoreover  very  vexiitioui,  tliut  while  our 
erntinelMolpulilie  liherty  nrt-  lepNlutiiig;  iiwuy  in  "'I'he  full  title  of  Nueei'HHt'ul 
i»*pennK'nt'  «t  >\'<«aliin)(ton,   lAiir  «■»•// /iW  /»/iiii»  hit  jUiliujf  n<rrf/  whetr  i  thr 
hr«i  wiMfi  »»«<*M>.«  «/"  tSdv  lUtfHit^-,  will',  itpfH^ir  tn  (»•  mo»l  miH'niMv  tfltixril.     NKI 
rHK.M  MKN  .\UK  TV>  UK  IIAI>— NOK  MONKY    i'O  I'AV  TIIKM,"     Alei 
KiidrtM  (;»/ette,  lui  tpioted  in  the  rhilktleiphiu  liu/ettr,  Mny  14,  IHI'2. 

This  pun^giiiph  >v»s  pultliHhoil  only  tivi'  wrckH  hrloro  thr  <U'- 
cUirutionof  wiu*.  It  was,  with  hvitulrcdH  oC  othci'H  of  siinihir 
ihtmutiM-,  caKulatt-il  to  keep  up  the  dcluHion  to  the  laHt, at  honu- 
and  abn>ud. 


our 


Diu'iiig  the  period  when  those  paragraphs  weir  puhlixhing  in 
(ia/.etteH,  I  teh  the  moat  MeriouH  uneaainesH  on  the  suhjert. 


I  iK'lieved  their  ettVct  would  he  to  produce  war.  I  repeatedly 
exprewed  my  learn  on  the  suliject,  and  was  eonvinced  that  they 
would  delude  Kngland  into  a  \)elirf,  that  Hhc  might  laugh  our 
efforts  to  aconv— smd  that  she  woidd  nersevere  in  her  obnoxious 
course  till  we  were  finally  "  kivktu/  tnto  iivjr."  Among  other 
grntlemen  to  whom  I  coinmunieated  my  apprehensions  on  this 
subject,  were  James  Milnor,  Adam  Seybert,  and  Williatu  An- 
derson, esqrs.  then  representatives  in  Congress  Irom  this  state. 
It  was  m  thi  g;dKry  ol"  the  house  ol"  representatives,  and,  as  far 
as  I  neoUect,  early  in  May,  IHl'i. 

Hu*  efforts  to  spread  this  delusion  were  not  ronhned  to  this 
side  of  the  Atlantic.  No,  The  same  ittdustry  was  employed 
in  letters  to  correspondents  in  Kngland  and  Ireland,  which  nuide 
their  appearance  in  the  public  papers  in  those  kingdoms.  Never 
w?s  moiv  ipplication  employed  tm  any  subject — antl  never  wn^ 
application  more  unholy  or  pcrniciuuH. 


iihI  Ihn 
r  «r  l»y 

an  U  l«> 

p.  'I'liry 
tliut  ilir 

riiKiiK 

•• 

imirr.  — 

umry  l^'. 

with  thr 

IHli. 
run  tu  dr- 
irt'tttM  «rr 
'  u  «ln»>k, 

IH  OUT 

(<vcitiiiHr« 

whilr  our 

Mllfl-CHHtlll 

vhrtr  I   thr 
r,i.     NKI 
."     AKx 


the  (U>- 

s'uuilur 

lit  hoiiu* 

ishing  in 
subject. 
•ni'ati'cUy 
miU  they 
kuigh  ouv 
hnt)xious 
•ng  other 
»s  on  this 
liiMu  An- 
ihis  Htate. 
nd,  as  fur 

(I  to  thi» 

mployed 

lit  h  made 

Never 

never  wn^ 


tiiup.  40.1 


NEWSPAPRR  MlflnRPURRP-NTATIOK. 


223 


I  Huliinit  to  the  reader,  an  extract  I'rom  one  of  thone  lettero, 
ItiHatair  Npcf  iinerwil"  hundredn  whiih  ntally  appear  to  hflve 
been  dietated  l»y  tfir  most  urnoufi  a/t/trthrmioufi  lent  the  Jiritish 
ssfiouU  rr/ax,  and  i.iur  wk  MHiirr  i  hub  khcaim;  wAHt 

ritiiii  the  l.«niil()ii(lnTv  Joiinml,  .lunr  16, 1812. 

F,.i'tvnvt  of  H  Irllfi-  to  a  ifrntlrmitn  in  thin  /ilitir,  iluleil 

l'iiii.Aitiii.i'NiA,  May  R,  IRI'i. 
"  You  will  prnu-ive  Ity  llic  copy  of  »  hill  whirh  I  ctirloNc,  thiit  wi-  Auk-I'iiudm 
«rc  "  at  our  iltrti/  worh  iiqiiin  "  llol  /  niMnr  i/on  nut  to  hr  ulmtnril  at  thr  vinlrucr 
nfmir  l>viterriUui(»  ll'r  iihiill  vnntiniir  In  hlmlrr.  'I'hih  i«  ««»'  rhnvurtrriHlit:.  Jlnd 
■H>r  wiiulil  tin  murr,  if  wr  vitnlil.  lint  it  in  not  in  tiuv  /iinvrr.  tVr  hnvr  not  ii  iM- 
Inv  in  Itw  Ivniiuvy — •««  armi/  ilrirminif  thr  nnmu  nj'  uiw—und  nrr  artnnUi/  wiihont 
a  nnvi/.  AUiU'd  to  tiiin,  not  a  nmetij  of  tin-  loun  of  rlmirn  nUUiirtu  will  mrr  lir  pro- 
cutrd." 

I  wish  the  reader,  before  he  eloHeH  thm  chapter,  to  weigh  well 
its  contentH.  Let  him  dive  into  the  nioHt  proloimd  rcceHseHof  the 
hiiinan  heart.  J^'t  him  try  to  diheov*  r  the  main  Hpring  that 
dictated  |)aragraphH  and  U'ttern,  fraught  with  such  riiUiouH  ton- 
fteqneiieeH  to  both  nalioiiH. 

'I'h<'  effect  of  thiH  vile  course  of  proceeding  was  higldy  ner- 
niciouH  in  (wo  poititH  of  view,  widely  chiferent  from  each  olner. 
It  fatally  lu-ld  out  every  poHHibU*  encouragement  to  the  liiitish 
roiiUHtry  to  persevere  in  tne  career  f>f  depredation  on  Ainiiican 
commerce,  and  in  their  utter  diHregard  to,  and  violaticm  ol,  the 
rights  and  the  sovereignty  of  the  United  States.  It  was,  more- 
over, cahuhited  to  goad,  and  i  have  no  doubt  did  contribute  to 
goad,  our  ruhrs  into  war. 

Hiuider,  let  me  illustrate  this  point  by  a  plain  case  which  or* 
cms  iu  <mr  stn^ets  every  day.  Two  boys  have  a  tjuarrel — but 
are  not  very  willing  to  come  to  an  open  rupture,  lest  their  eyes, 
and  noses,  and  mouths,  should  suffer  violence  in  the  atiray. 
Some  of  the  hmnime  spectators  pat  them  on  the  backs,  and  try 
to  persuade  each  that  his  antagonist  "  cannot  be  kicied  into  war** 
— at  the  satne  time  appealing  to  his  pride  to  resent  the  insult. 
This  laudnhlr  course  seldom  fails  of  success.  I'hu  united  in« 
fluence  of  regard  for  his  own  honour,  and  reliance  on  his  an- 
tagonist's cowardice,  excites  the  courage  of  one  or  both  just  to 
the  point  of  aggression.  This  was  the  horrible  result  between 
the  United  States  and  Kngland,  of  a  procedure  which  never  can 
be  too  highly  censured. 

I  could  pursue  this  subject  to  a  very  great  extent.  It  admits 
of  a  wide  field  of  investigatitm :  but  I  leave  it  with  the  reader. 
I  have  barely  erected  a  finger  post  to  direct  his  career. 

I  am  fully  persuaded  that  (>reat  Hritain  did  not  desire  actual 
war  withtho  United  States.  Had  her  ministers  really  believed 
the  alternative  to  be,  war,  or  a  repeal  of  the  ordt  rs  in  council, 
they  would,  in  all  probability, have  repealed  them  in  season.  But 
their  friends  on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic  most  cruellv  deceived 


i 


"4i 


^.;i-i'^ 


;■  r 


^m 


I 


I: 


'\-\\t 


:l 


224 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[chap.  41. 


them.  Every  day's  experience  proves  that  one  indiscreet,  im- 
prudent^ or  injudicious  friend  does  more  injury  than  three  erie" 
mies.  The  friends  of  Enghind  in  this  country  have  aiforded 
undeniable  proofs  of  the  correctness  of  the  maxim.  The  writers 
whom  I  have  quoted  above,  and  others  of  simihir  character,  have 
inflicted  on  her  more  injury  than  ten  times  the  number  of  the 
most  violent  anti-Anglicans  in  the  country. 

CHAPTER  XH. 

U^ar  proceed! nq-s  in  cong'ress,  Teasandnays,  Inexplicable  conduct. 

Tins,  reader,  is  a  dry  and  dull  chapter.  It  is  little  more  than 
reiterated  lists  of  names.  It  cannot  afford  much  entertainment. 
But  if  you  have  fairly  travelled  with  me  thus  far,  I  deprecate 
your  passing  over  these  few  pages.  What  they  may  want  in 
entertainment,  I  hope  they  will  compensate  in  instruction. 

Whi'U  the  vote  was  finally  taken  on  the  declaration  of  war, 
there  were  forty-nine  members  in  the  negative,  whose  names 
are  subjoined — 

Nays — Messrs.  linker,  Rartlctt,  Ulcccki-r,  Boyd,  Brcrkenridg'c,  Brijj^ham, 
Cliampion,  Dhitteiulrn,  Tookc,  Davenport,  F.ly,  Kmott,  Fitcli,  (iold,  (it)l(lsl)o- 
roujji'li,  lliif'ty,  .lackson,  Key,  Law,  Lewis,  IVIaxwell,  M'Brydc,  Metcalf,  Milnor, 
Miuliill,  Mostly,  Ncwhold,  Pearson,  Pitkin,  Potter,  Qiiiticy,  Bandolpli,  Heed, 
Ridjfely,  Rodman,  Sanimons,  Stantbnl,  Stewart,  Stow,  Sturpes,  Sidlivan,  'I'ag- 
yart,  Talniailgc,  'rallnian,  Trac}',  Van  Cortlandt.  Wlieaton,  Wliite,  Wilson. — 49. 

I  annex  a  statement  of  the  votes  on  various  measures  prepa- 
ratory to  war.  The  names  of  those  who  finally  voted  against 
the  wai*,  are  in  Italic. 

Decemfu-r,  16, 1811. 

"  The  fmc«tion  was  taken  on  the  followinp;  rcsohition  : 

••  Tliat  It  is  exi)edieiit  to  auliiori»e  tlie  President,  under  proper  rejjfidations, 
to  aereplthe  service  of  any  number  of  volunteers,  not  exceedinjc  fitty  thousand; 
to  he  or)raiii/.ed,  trained,  and  held  in  rcadincs»  tu  act  on  8uch  service  as  the 
cxififeneiesof  f(overi\nient  may  retpiirc  i 

"  And  decided  thus  : 

"Yea* — Alston,  \rchcr,  Avery,  Bacon,  llaki";  Bard,  IttifileU,  Bnssett,  Bihb, 
Blacklciljfe,  H/firkrr,  BloiMit,  Hotnl,  Hivckrnridifr,  Brown,  Burwell  Butler, 
Calhoim,  ('liecves,  Vhithmhu,  t;«pelirnn,  rionton,  (''mkr,  (lendit,  Crawford, 
Davis.  DiLvsim,  Desha,  Dinsmoor,  Hiwili,  rindlcy,  Fisk,  hich,  Franklin,  <iho|. 
5on,  fiitlil,  (iiildnhoroutrh,  tloodwyn,  tirren,  (inindy,  B.  Hall,  ().  Ilall,  llawes. 
Harp  t,  1/ <f)ii,  lluieinan,  .lohnsiin,  Kent,  Kinn',  Laeoek,  Lefevre, Little,  l.ivinjf- 
Htoii,  |o\viid<H,  Lyle,  Maeon,  .Miuwi-H,  Moo,«',  M'Hrinl,,  M'<'oy,  IM'Kee, 
M'Kini,  ,Urtiii'f,,yt<iint;^Mitchil/,  Mor(;an,  Morr«iw,  Afim-lti,  Nelson,  »\Vi(/W//, 
Newtnii,  Ornisliy.  Pauldinjf,  i'misnn,  Pickens,  Piper,  I'ilkin,  Pond,  Porter, 
(Jiiliirii,  Hiril,  /tiiliffhi,  U\t\^^!;^}\^\,  Klit  a,  Koanc,  Uohcrts,  liailmiiti,  Sajje.  .S'l/m- 
miniH,  Scavtr.  Sevier,  St  \lurt,  Sliaw,  Sliefliy,  SmJie,  <i.  Sinilli,  .SV«it',  Stronjf, 
Sulliviiu,  'l\>'>iuiili"',  'i'lilhu'di,  'I'liiiii,  'I'roup,  Turner,  I'lw  f'mllnnilt,  It /liti; 
Whilehdl    Udl'     •H,\Vitl^'er\,  lli'xoii,  >\  iiui.  M  rlKln.— H.l. 

"  Na\s — Mi'ss!'  "i;:e!ow,  Jtriif/utm,  <7i(/h;/i/««,  tlinriifimt,  Eltj,  (Iray,  .lark- 
»nn,  /aiw,  lifwh,  t'otiei;  Hamhiph,  J.  Smith,  Htunjortt,  Stur^'ca,  Tuifgiirf, 
W/itu/((>»— 16. 


i 


CBAP.  41.] 


WAR  PROCEEDINGS. 


225 


Same  day. 

••  The  question  was  next  taken  on  the  fourth  resolution  of  the  committee  on 
foreign  relations,  in  the  following  woi"ds  : 

"  'i'liat  the  IM'csident  be  authorised  to  order  out  from  time  to  time,  such  de- 
tachments of  the  militia,  as  in  his  opinion  the  public  service  may  require  ; 

"  And  decided  as  follows : 

"  Yeas — Messrs,  Alston,  Anderson,  Arciier,  Avery,  Racon,  Baker,  Bard, 
Jfavttett,  Basset,  iVibb,  Blackledge,  Bleecker,  Blount,  lioyd,  Hveckenndge, 
Brown,  Burwell,  Butler,  Calhoun,  Cheeves,  (Jliitlenden,  (Jochran,  Clopton, 
Cooke,  Condit,  Ch-awford,  Davis,  Uawson,  Desha,  Dinsmoor,  Karle,  Emotl, 
I-'indley,  Fisk,  Fitch,  FrankUn,  (iholson,  Gold,  Goldsborough,  Goodwin,  Gray, 
Green,  Grundy,  B.  Hall,  ().  Hall,  Harper,  Hawes,  Hufty,  Hynenian,  Johnson, 
Kent,  King,  Lacock,  Lefevre,  l^ivis,  I/ittle,  lavingstoii,  Lowndes,  I.yle,  Ma- 
con, Ma-i-Tivell,  Moore,  jW Bride,  M'{>oy,  M'Kee,  M'Kim,  Jfctculf,  JMHnor,  Mit- 
chill,  Mor^n,  Morrow,  Monely,  Nelson,  J^Tewbold,  Newton,  Ormsby,  Paulding, 
JPearson,  Pickens,  Piper,  Pitkin,  Pond,  Porter,  Potter,  Qw'ncy,  Handolfdi,  Itecd, 
Jtidgeley,  Kinggold,  Khea,  Hoane,  Uoberts,  Hodman,  G.  Smith,  J.  Smith,  Stan- 
ford, Strong,  Sullivan,  Talmadge,  Tallman,  Tracy,  Troup,  Turner,  Van  C'orl- 
lundt,  IFheaton,  IVliite,  Whitehill,  Williams,  Widgery,  Wilno7i,  Winn,  Wright. 
—120. 

"  Nays.  Messi-s.  Bigelow,  Brigham,  Champion,  JJavmpevt,  Jackson,  Law, 
Sturgea,  Taggart, — 8. 

Same  day. 

"  The  question  was  taken  on  the  fifth  resolution,  in  the  words  following : 

'♦  That  all  the  vessels  not  now  in  service  belonging  to  the  navy,  and  worthy 
of  repair,  be  immediately  fitted  up  and  put  in  commission, 

"  And  carried  as  follows : 

"  Yeas.  Messrs.  Alston,  Amlcrson,  Archer,  Avery,  Bacon,  Baker,  Bunl^ 
Bartlctt,  Basset,  Bigelow,  Blackledge,  Ulecvkrr,  Blount,  tircckeitiidge,  Urig- 
ham,  llnrwell,  Butler,  ('alhoini,  Champion,  Ohceves,  Chittmdan,  Cochran,  Clop- 
ton, Coiike,  Condit,  (Jrawford,  Davis,  Dawson,  Disha,  Diinmoor,  Karlf,  Kly, 
Emott,  Kindley,  Fitch,  Franklin,  Gholson,  Gold,  Gtildnliorough,  Goodwyn,  tireeii, 
(inuuly,  B.  Hall,  ().  Hall,  Harper,  Hawes,  Hynenian,  Jackson,  Johnson,  Kent, 
King,  I-acoek,  Law,  I.efevre,  Little,  Livingston,  Lowndes,  I-yle,  Ma.nvcll, 
Moore,  M'  Hryde,  M'('oy,  M'Kim,  Metcalf,  Minor,  Mitchill,  Morgan,  Morrow, 
MiKirly,  Nelson,  JVeiulmlil,  Newton,  Ormsby,  Paulding,  Pearson,  Pickens,  Piper, 
Pitkin,  I'ond,  Porter,  (^nncy,  Jteed,  Hidgeley,  Uinggold,  Hliea,  Hoane,  Roberts, 
Sage,  Summons,  Seaver,  Sevier,  Seybert,  Shaw,  (i.  Smith,  Strong,  Siurges,  SuU 
livaii,  Tuggart,  Talmadge,  TalltKan,  Tracy,  Troup,  lurner.  Van  Vorllandl, 
ty/ieaton,  WViiVf,  Widgery,  U ihmi,  WUm,  Wriglit. — 111. 

"  Nays.  Messi-s,  Bibli,  Hcyil,  livutm,  Ciray,  Hufty,  Lntris,  Macon,  Potter, 
Hundofph,  Hodman,  SheH'ey,  bmilie,  Stanford,  Whitehill,  Williams,— 15. 

livcrmbvv  19,  1811. 

"  The  rjuestion  was  taken  on  the  following  resolution,  and  carried. 

"  That  It  is  expedient  ♦()  pirmit  our  mercliunt  vessels,  owned  exclusively  by 
resident  citizens,  and  coinmundcd  and  navigated  solely  by  citizens,  to  arm  un- 
der proper  regulations  to  be  prescribed  by  law,  in  s'-lf-defence  against  all  un- 
lawful proceedings  towaids  tlum  on  the  high  seas. 

"Yeas,  Messrs.  Alston,  Anderson,  A\erv,  Bacon,  liaker,  Biissel  nil)b, 
Bigelow,  lllaekleilge,  Ith-vkfi;  Hirvk'-ii<ii'lgr,  Hiiuliam,  Bu'ler,  •ullioun, 
CV*(/m/«'«(i,  riieeves,  Chittemhii,  Clopton,  <'«oAr,  Condit,  ('rawford,  ltiirri<l<»ft, 
Davis,  Dawson,  Dcsiia,  Dinsmeor,  ^,Vl^  Findley,  Filch,  l''i')inkliii,  Giiclso.,,  f. -//(/, 
fio/(/«ii')//)H'/i;7i,(;oodwyn,  Green, Grundy,  B,  llaP.O.  Hall,  Harper,  Hawes.  Hjuc. 
im\\\,  Jiiikxon,  J«)hiis()n,  King  Laeoek,  l.mv,  I  i  Cevre,  Little,  Liv'iun-sloii  L\  le, 
.Ma.i-nvll,  Moore,  JW Itvitdr,  M't'ov,  .Mttrnlf\  .Mi/nur,  Morgan,  .l/'/vc///,  Ni'lson, 
M-.vhofd,  Newton,  Ormsby,  Paulding.  Pi-t'irsnn,  j'iekeus.  I'iper,  Pitkin.  Plea- 
siuils,  P«)nd,  Porter,  /'ni'rson,  V"'"(."i  tfeid,  ///. 'rc/c//,  l»in;;g(ilc|,  Ubia,  Itounc, 
huge.  .SV(i/im'(/(,v,  Seaver,  Sevier,  Si'uw,  Smlli.  ,J.  Smitii,  .SV./ir,  S'tinfrs,  'I'litft-nrt, 
'.'al'iiiiin,  7'/(/(i/,  Troup,  Turner,  Tn/t  CuvtUmdl,  llhcalu,;,  H  late,  Widgery,  If'i?. 
««»,  BuitlctI,  Putter.—'^?. 


>^^ 


i 


i 


% 
il 


I 


1 


326 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRAKCH. 


(OHAP.  41. 


"  Nays.  Messrs.  Archer,  Bard,  Blount,  Soyd,  Brown,  Cochran,  Hujly,  Kent, 
Lowndes,  Macon,  M'Kee,  M*Kim,  MitchiU,  Morrow,  Roberts,  Rothnan,  ShefTey, 
Stanford,  Stewart,  Whitehill,  Williams,  Wright— 22." 

"January  6, 1812. 

"  The  house  took  up  the  bill  for  rainng^  an  additional  military  force,  which 
finally  passed,  94  to  34.    The  yeas  and  nays  were  as  foUuws : 

"  Yeas.  Messrs.  Alston,  Anderson,  Archer,  Aveiy,  Bacon,  Bard,  Bartleti, 
Basset,  Bibb,  Blackludge,  Bleesker,  Blount,  Brown,  Burwell,  Butler,  Calhoun, 
Cheeves,  Clay,  Cochran,  Clopton,  Condit,  Crawford,  Davis,  Dawson,  Desht^, 
Dinsmoor,  Earle,  Emott,  Findley,  Fisk,  Franklin,  Gholson,  OoUl,  Green,  Grundy, 
B.  Hall,  O.  Hall,  Harper,  Hawes,  Hyneman,  Johnson,  Kent,  Kin^,  Lacock,  Le- 
fevre.  Little,  Livingston,  Lowndes,  Lyle,  Mtunoell,  Moore,  M'Coy,  M'Kee, 
M'Kim,  Metcalf,  Mtlnor,  J£tc/uU,  Morgan,  Morrow,  Nelson,  New,  Newton, 
Ormsby,  Faulding,  Pickens,  Piper,  Pond,  Porter,  Quitwy,  Seed,  Ringgold,  Rhea, 
Roane,  Roberts,  Sage,  Sammotu,  Seavei-,  Sevier,  Seybert,  Shaw,  G.  Smith,  J. 
Smith,  Strong,  Sullivan,  Tallman,  Talliaferro,  Tracy,  Troup,  Turner,  Van  Cort- 
landt,  Wilbams,  Widgery,  Winn,  Wright— 94. 

"  Nays.  Messrs.  Bigelow,  Boyd,  Breckenridge,  Brigham,  Champion,  Chitten- 
tlen,  Daroenjiort,  Ely,  Fitch,  Hufty,  Jackaon,  Key,  Law,  Lewis,  Macon,  M'Bryde, 
Motely,  ^ewbold,  Pearton,  Pitkin,  Potter,  Rtmdolph,  Rodman,  ShefTey,  Smilie, 
Stanford,  Stenoart,  Stow,  Sturget,  Taggart,  TaUmadge,  fVheaton,  White,  Wilton 
—34. 

«'/ont«iry20, 1812. 

"  The  eng^ssed  bill  concerning  the  naval  establishment  was  read  the  third 
time  and  passed.    The  yeas  and  nays  on  its  passage  were  as  follows : 

<'  Yeas.  Messrs.  Alston,  Anderson,  Basset,  BiMkledge,  Brecjcenridge,  Bur- 
well,  Butler,  Calhoun,  Cheeves,  Chittenden,  Condit,  Davenport,  Davis,  Dins« 
moor,  £Iy,  Emott,  Findley,  Fisk,  Fitch,  Franklin,  Gholson,  Goodwin,  tireen. 
Harper,  Hawes,  Hyneman,  King,  Little,  Livingston,  Lowndes,  Maxwell,  Moore, 
M'Bryde,  M'Coy,  M'Kim,  Milnor,.Mitchtll,  Nelson,  Newton,  Pitkin,  Pleasants, 
Pond,  Potter,  Richardson,  Rinnruld,  Riiea,  Seybert,  Bheifey,  G.  Smith,  J. 
Smith,  Stewart,  Slow,  Sturget,  Taggart,  Talliaferro,  Tracy,  Troup,  Turner, 
Van  Corllandt,.  Wheatim,  White,  Wilton,  Winn,  Wright— 65. 

"  Nays.  Messrs.  Bacon,  Bibb,  Boyd,  Brown,  Cochran,  Crawfoi^d,  Desha,  O. 
Hall,  attfiy,  Johnson,  Lacock,  Lyle,  Macon,  M'Kee,  Metcalf,  Morgan,  MitchiU, 
New,  JVVwWfi;  Piper,  Roane,  Roberts,  Rodman,  Sage,  Seaver,  Shaw,  Smilie, 
Saiford,  Strong,  Williams— 30. 

«•  February  19,  1812. 

*'  The  engrossed  bill  for  authorising  a  loan  of  eleven  millions  p1  dollars,  was 
read  the  third  time,  and  the  question  ^»as  put  "  shall  the  bill  pass  its  tliird 
reading." 

"  Yeas.  McHsrs.  Alston,  Anderson,  Archer,  Bacon,  Bard,  Basset,  Bibb, 
Bleecker,  Boyd,  Brown,  Burwell,  Butler,  Callioun,  Cheeves,  Clay,  Cochran, 
Condit,  Crawford,  Davis,  Dawson,  Desha,  Dinsmoori  Earl,  Emott,  Findley,  Fisk, 
Frankiiii,  Gholson,  Gold,  Goodwyn,  Green,  Grundy,  B.  Hall,  O.  Hall,  Harper, 
Hawes,  Hifiy,  Johnson,  Kent,  King,  Lacock,  Lefevre,  little,  Livingston, 
Lowndes,  Lyle,  Macon,  Maxwell,  Moore,  M'Coy,  M'Kim,  Metcalf,  Aute/uU, 
Morgan,  Morrow,  Nelson,  New,  Newbold,  Newton,  Ormsby,  Pickens,  Piper, 
Pleasants,  Pond,  Porter,  Potter,  Qititicy,  Reed,  Richardson.  Ringgold,  Rhea, 
Roane,  Roberts,  Sage,  Sammona,  Seaver,  Sevier,  Sevbert,  Shaw,  Smilie,  G. 
Smith,  J.  Smith,  Stow,  Stn>ng,  Tracy,  Troup,  Turner,  Fiun  Cortiandt,  Whitehill, 
Wldgcry,  Winn,  Wright— 92. 

"  Nays.  Messrs.  Baker,  Rigclow,  Breckenri(lge,  Brigham,  Champion,  Chitten- 
den, navenporl.  Fitch,  Goldibovough,  Gray,  Juckion,  Jaiw,  I^vih,  Milnor,  Mote- 
ty,  Peurt'in,  Pitkiti,  Randolph,  Ridifrley,  Rodmin,  Shcfl'cy,  Stewart,  Sturget,  Tag- 
fflrt,  TaUmadge,  Wheaton,  White,  Ifi/ion— 29." 


'! 

; 


CHAT.  43.] 


DECLARATION  OF  WAR. 


22^ 


ri 


I  hope  the  reader  has  fully  examined  those  dry  lists,  and  has 
his  mind  prepared  for  the  reflections  I  have  to  submit  upon 
them. 

No  man  will  deny  that  a  public  functionary  who  atcts  with 
gross  and  manifest  inconsistency  in  his  political  career,  especially 
in  matters  of  the  highest  possible  importance  to  his  constituents, 
forfeits  their  confidence.  Of  course  it  is  extremely  dangerous 
to  submit  to  his  guidance. 

The  war  was  either  just  or  unjust. 

Every  man  who  believed  it  unjust,  and  who  voted  for  a  seriea 
of  measures  leading  to  it,  betrayed  his  trust. 

Every  man  who  voted  for  the  measures  leading  to  war ;  who 
opposed  it  after  it  was  declared ;  and  who,  as  far  as  in  his  power, 
thwarted  the  measures  adopted  to  carry  it  on,  was  guilty  of  a 
gross,  manifest,  and  palpable  inconsistency— and  in  either  one  or 
other  course  betrayed  his  trust. 

That  these  positions  are  correct  cannot  be  denied.  I  proceed 
to  &pply  them — and  shall  single  out  an  individual  to  make  the 
case  more  striking. 

Josiah  Quincy  voted,  as  we  have  seen,  ybr  a  set  of  measures , 
all  predicated  upon  an  approaching  war^  He  voted  for  the  loan 
to  raise  the  money  necessary  to  give  ejfect  to  those  measures,  /Te, 
and  forty -eight  other  members^  who  had  generally  voted  "with  him 
for  all  these  preparatory  measures^  voted  against  the  war  itself. 
And  further^  they  did  not  merely  vote  against  the  war,  but  thirty- 
four  of  them  published  a  most  inflammatory  protest,  addressed  to 
their  constituents,  to  excite  them  to  oppose  it.  This  protest,  and 
other  violent  measures,  were  fatally  but  too  successful. 

I  annex  the  names  of  the  protestors. 

Mesin.  Briebam,  Bigelow,  M'Bride,  Breckenridgre,  Baker,  BVecker,  Cham* 
pion,  Chittenden,  Davenport,  Emett,  Ely,  Fitch,  Gold,  Goldsborou^h,  Jackaon, 
Kev,  I^ewia,  Law,  Mosely,  Milnor,  Potter,  Pearson,  Pitkin,  Quincy,  Reed, 
Ridgeley,  Sullivan,  Stewart,  Sturgea,  Tallmadge,  Taggart,  White,  Wilson, 
Wheaton. 

The  whole  of  the  annals  of  legislation,  from  the  first  organiza- 
tion of  deliberative  bodies  to  this  hour,  cannot  produce  a  more 
sinister,  dark,  or  mysterious  policy,  Thes*;  gentlemen,  particu- 
larly Mr.  Quincy,  M'ho  has  been  so  conspicuous  in  his  opposition 
to  the  war,  are  most  solemnly  cited  before  the  bar  of  the  public, 
and  called  upon  to  explain  the  motives  of  their  conduct  to  that 
country,  which  was  brought  to  the  jaws  of  perdition  by  the  op- 
position which  they  excited  against  a  war  that  they  countenanc- 
ed in  almost  every  stage  but  the  last. 

CHAPTER  XLII. 

Declaration  of  war.     Violently  opposed,  '^^ 

At  length,  on  the  18th  of  June,  1H12,  war  was  declared 
against  (ireat  Britain  in  due  form,  after  a  session  of  above  seven 


328 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BBAlJCH. 


[fBAF.  43, 


months,  and  the  most  ardent  debates.  The  final  vote  was  carried 
in  the  senate  by  19  to  13 — and  in  the  house  of  representatives  by 
79  to  49 :  affirmatives  in  both  houses  98,  negatives  62 }  that  is, 
more  than  three  to  two,  in  both  houses  united.* 

War  then  became  the  law  of  the  land.  It  was  the  paramount 
duty  of  all  good  citizens  to  submit  to  it.  Even  those  who  doubt- 
ed its  justice  or  expediency,  and  who  had  opposed  its  adoption, 
were  bound  to  acquiesce  :  for  the  first  principle  of  all  republican 
government, — and  of  all  government  founded  on  reason  and  jus- 
tice, is,  that  the  will  of  the  majority,  fairly  and  constitutionally 
expressed,  is  the  supreme  law.  To  this  supreme  law  the  minori- 
ty is  sacredly  bound  to  submit.  Any  other  doctrine  is  Jacobin- 
ical, and  disorganizing,  and  seditious.  It  has  a  direct  tendency 
to  overthrow  all  government,  and  introduce  anarchy  and  civil 
war.  If  it  were  lawful  for  the  minority,  in  the  unparalleled  mode 
they  adopted,  to  oppose  or  paralize  the  government,  and  defeat 
its  measures,  on  the  pretext  that  they  were  unjust,  such  pre- 
texts can  never  be  wanting.  And  I  aver,  that  it  would  be  full  as 
jufit^  as  righteous^  as  legal^  and  as  constitutional^  for  Mr.  Holmes^ 
at  the  head  of  the  minority  in  Massachusetts^  to  besiege  governor 
Strongs  in  his  hoiise^  and  coerce  him  to  retire  from  office^  as  it 
was  for  the  Kings^  the  Websters^  the  Hansons^  and  the  Gores,  to 
besiege  president  Madison  at  Washington, 

While  the  federalists  held  the  reins  of  government,  they  in- 
culcated these  maxims  with  great  energy  and  eflFect.  The  least 
opposition  to  law  excited  their  utmost  indignation  and  abhor- 
rence. The  vocabulary  of  vituperation  was  exhausted  to  brand 
it  and  its  perpetrators  with  infamy.  But  to  enforce  rules  which 
operate  to  our  advantage,  when  we  have  power,  and  to  submit 
to  those  rules,  when  they  operate  against  us,  are  widely  different. 
And  the  federalists,  as  I  have  already  remarked,  abandoned, 
when  in  the  minority,  the  wise  and  salutary  maxims  of  political 
economy  which  they  had  so  eloquently  preached  when  they  were 
the  majority. 

And  they  were  not  satisfied  with  mere  preaching.  They  had 
occasional  recourse  to  violence.  A  band  of  Philadelphia  volun- 
teers, during  the  western  insurrection,  seized  a  printer  at  Head- 
ing in  his  own  house,  by  force  and  violence,  and  scourged  him 
in  the  market-place  for  a  libel,  not  the  twentieth  part  as  virulent 
as  those  that  are  at  present  daily  published  with  impunity. 

War  is  undoubtedly  a  tremendous  evil.  It  can  never  be  suf- 
ficiently deplored.  It  ought  to  be  avoided  by  all  honourable 
means.     And  the  four  successive  administrations  of  the  United 


•  A  very  erroneous  idea  lias  been  promiilg'atcd,  and  found  a  too  easy  belief, 
that  the  war  wascarriect  by  a  small  and  c.ontem|)tible  majority.  How  utterly 
nnfouiided  it  iit,  appears  by  the  ubovc  statement  Measures  of  great  importance 
ace  rarely  carried  by  large  mnjoritisa,. 


OBAP.  43.] 


PEACE  PARTY. 


229 


States  government,  from  the  commencement  of  the  French  re- 
volution, till  1812,  deserve  great  credit  for  the  laudable  efforts 
they  made  to  avoid  war,  amidst  such  a  variety  of  provocations. 
But  there  are  situations  which  present  greater  evils  than  war  as 
an  alternative.  This  nation  was  precisely  in  such  a  situation. 
We  had  borne  almost  every  species  of  outrage,  insult,  and  de- 
predation. All  our  efforts  to  procure  redress  or  justice  had 
been  in  vain.  And  the  uniform  voice  of  history  proves  that  the 
base  submission  of  nations  to  such  atrocities  as  were  perpetrated 
upon  us,  inevitably  produces  a  loss  of  national  character,  as  well 
as  of  the  respect  and  esteem  of  other  nations — and  invites  to 
further  outrages  and  depredation,  till  the  alternative  finally  be- 
comes, a  loss  of  independence,  or  resistance  with  means  and  con- 
fidence impaired.  The  questions  respecting  the  late  war  with 
Great  Britain  are,  whether  it  was  warranted  by  the  conduct  of 
that  nation — and  whether,  after  having  been  duly  declared  by 
the  constituted  authorities,  it  was  not  the  incumbent  duty  of  the 
whole  nation  to  have  united  in  support  of  it.  The  first  of  these 
questions  is  of  so  much  importance  that  I  shall  devote  to  it  the 
44th,  45th  and  46th  chapters  entire.  I  have  already  sufficiently 
discussed  the  second  in  the  beginning  of  the  present  chapter. 

From  the  hour  of  the  declaration  of  war,  a  steady,  systemati- 
cal, and  energetical  opposition  was  regularly  organized  against 
it.  The  measure  itself,  and  its  authors  and  abettors,  were  de- 
nounced with  the  utmost  virulence  and  intemperance.  The  war 
waii,  however,  at  first  opposed  almost  altogether  on  the  ground 
of  inexpediency,  and  the  want  of  preparation.  Afterwards  its 
opposers  rose  in  their  denunciations.  They  asserted  it  was  un- 
holy— wicked — base — perfidious — unjust — cruel — and  corv  upt. 
Every  man  who  in  any  degree  co-operated  in  it,  or  gave  aid  to 
carry  it  on—was  loaded  with  execration.  It  was  pronounced  in 
one  of  our  daily  papers  to  be  "  the  most  wicked  and  unjust  war 
that  ever  was  waged."  The  utter  disregard  of  truth  and  of  the 
moral  sense  of  the  reader,  which  such  a  declaration  betrays,  is 
calculated  to  excite  the  utmost  astonishment.  Can  this  war  for 
an  instant  be  compared  to  the  atrocious  and  perfidious  war 
waged  by  Bonaparte  against  Spain — to  the  treacherous  war  of 
England  against  Denmark,  begun  by  a  most  lawless  and  unpre- 
cedented attack  upon  the  shipping  and  capital  of  an  unoffending 
neutral  ?  I  pass  over  thousands  of  other  instances.  And  the 
assertion  just  quoted  is  so  far  from  being  true,  that  it  is  the  very 
reverse  ot  truth  ;  for  probably  no  nation  ever  bore  injustice  and 
depredation  so  long  without  resistance. 

CHAPTER  XLIII. 

Peace  party.    Composed  of  warlike  materials.   Repeated  clamour 

for  war. 
Immediately  after  the  declaration  of  war,  there  was  a  party 
formed,  called  th;  "Peace  Party,"  which  combined  nearly  the 
O.  B.  31 


i 


230 


POUTICAL  Of.tVE  BRANCH. 


[CHAF.  43. 


whole  of  the  federalists  throughout  the  union.  Their  object 
was,  to  expose  the  war — ^the  administration — the  congress  who 
declared  it — and  all  who  supported  it,  to  reprobation — and  to 
force  the  government  to  make  peace. 

This  party  embraced  various  descriptions  of  persons,  all  en- 
listed under  the  banners  of  federalism,  whdm  it  may  not  be  im- 
proper to  enumerate. 

First,  those  who  were  clamorous  for  war  with  England  in 
1 793,  for  her  depredations  on  our  commerce. 

Secondly,  those  who  declared  and  supported  the  war  against 
France  in  1798. 

Thirdly,  those  who  were  vociferous  for  war  against  Spain  in 
1803,  when  she  interdicted  us  from  the  right  of  deposit  at  New- 
Orleans. 

Fourthly,  those  who  in  1805-6,  urged  the  government  to  re- 
sist the  aggressions  of  England,  and  to  make  the  alternative — 
redress  ofrvrongs^  or  WAR. 

Fifthly,  those  who,  after  the  attack  upon  the  C  hesapeake  in 
1807,  were  clamorous  for  war,  as  the  only  mode  in  which  satis- 
faction could  be  had  for  such  an  outrageous  insult. 

To  enable  the  reader  to  make  a  fair  comparison  of  the  several 
degrees  of  complaint  at  these  several  periods  of  time,  I  annex  a 
synoptical  view  of  them. 

1812 


1793 

1798 

1803 

1806 

1807 

Clunour 

War 

Clamour 

Clamour 

Clamour 

for  war 

with 

for  war 

for  war 

for  war 

with 

France. 

with 

with  G. 

with  G. 

England. 

Spain. 

Britmn. 

Britain. 

Cause. 

Came. 

Came. 

Came. 

Cause. 

Depre- 
dations 

Depre- 

Prohibi- 

Enforce- 

Attack 

dations 

tion  of 

ment  of 

on  the 

on  com- 

on com- 

the right 

tlie  rule 

Chesa- 

merce. 

merce. 

of  depo- 

of 1756. 

peake. 

Ambas- 

sit at  New 

Impress- 

Impress- 

sadors 

Orleans. 

ment. 

ment. 

4 

insulted. 

Vile  at- 

terapt 

to  extort 

money. 

r 

1 

' 

J 

War  witli  Great  Britain. 


CausA:  * 

Impressment. 

AMKRIfAW  VESSEtS,  OWITED 
BT  AMKHICAir  CITIZKNS,  LADEN 
WITH  AMKRICAN  PIIODUCTIO'HH, 
AXn  NAVIGATED  BY  AMERICAN 
SEAMEN,  LIABLE  TO  SEIZITHE 
A\D  CONDEMN ATION,»/'Ao«n</ /or 

France,  IhUand,  or  the  north  of 
fltifif.  fn  other  words,  the  trade 
of  the  United  States  -with  ffti) 
millions  of  the  people  of  Europe 
interdicted. 


I  hope  the  reader  will  pay  particular  attention  to  this  table. 
Let  him  for  a  moment,  whether  federalist  or  democrat,  divest 
himself  of  all  prejudice  on  this  subject.  Let  him  suppose  him- 
self called  to  decide  upon  events  of  a  former  age  or  a  distant 
country.  Let  him  compare  the  different  grievances  together, 
and  I  trust  he  must  acknowledge  that  those  of  1812,  very  far 
outweighed  all  the  others  combined. 


CHAP.  43.] 


CLAMOUR  FOR  WAR. 


231 


Let  us  first  consider  the  case  of  the  suspension  of  the  right 
of  deposit  at  New  Orleans.  On  that  occasion  the  federal  party 
in  congress  and  out  of  doors  were  loud  in  their  clamour  for  war, 
without  even  allowing  time  for  making"  an  attempt  to  procure 
redress  by  negociation,  A  motion  was  made  in  congress  for  rais- 
ing 50,000  men  to  sail  down  the  Mississippi,  in  order  to  chastise 
the  insolence  of  the  Spaniards.  The  government  was  upbraided 
for  its  pusillanimity  in  not  vindicating  the  national  honour.  The 
cry  then  was — "  millions  for  defence^  not  a  cent  for  tribute," 

Extract  of  a  letter  from  the  seat  of  governtnent  to  afnend  in  Maasachusetts. 

"  Mississippi  river  is  the  common  highway  to  the  people  of  the  western 
country,  on  which  tliey  must  pass  with  their  produce  to  market.  T/wy  never 
will  suffer  this  Idghioay  to  be  obstructed  or  shut  up.  The  free  navigation  of  thin 
river  must  be  preserved  to  that  portion  oftlte  American  people,  or  THE  AMERI- 
CAN EMPIRE  MUST  BE  DISMEMBERED.  If  we  had  a  Washington  at  the 
head  of  our  government,  I  should  expect  firm,  decisive  measures  v  ould  upon  thii 
occasion  be  pursued ;  tliat  a  military  force  sufficient  to  take  JWiw  Orleans,  would 
immediately  and  without  delay  be  assembled  at  the  J^''atches,  in  the  Mississippi 
territory ;  that  upon  the  refusal  of  the  Spanish  government,  upon  demand,  to 
mlfil  the  treaty,  that  army,  thus  assembled,  should  immediately  proceed  down 
the  river,  and  take  possession  of  A*ew  Orleans.  But  I  apprelwnd  no  such  vigor- 
ous measures  will  be  adopted  by  our  present  executive.  From  the  reduction  of 
the  army  last  year,  what  regular  troops  have  we  remaining  to  be  employed  in 
that  service  ?"    Boston  Centinel,  January  19,  1803. 

"  Notwithstanding  the  milkandwater  measures  the  administration  has  thought 
proper  to  adopt  respecting  the  "  Occlusion"  of  the  port  of  J\  ew  Orleans  ,•  the 
languaf^d  of  the  people  on  tlie  occlusion  is  directly  the  reverse,"  Boston  Cen* 
tinel,  February  16, 1803. 

Extract  of  a  letter  from  Washington. 

"  We  disapprove  the  timid  and  time-sei'ving  measures  which  our  government 
has  adopted  relative  to  the  violation  of  our  treaty  with  Spain.  The  states 
which  border  on  the  Oltio  and  JilississipJ/i  are  most  immediately  interested  in 
what  the  president  calls  the  "  occlusion"  of  the  port  of  New  Orleans.  On  the 
fourteenth,  Mr.  Ross,  of  Pennsylvania,  made  a  most  able  and  animated  speech 
in  the  senate,  in  which  he  described  in  striking  colours,  the  situation  of  the 
western  country,  and  urged  the  necessity  of  taking  effectual  measures  fan  their  re- 
lief, and  in  support  of  national  honour.  After  having  spoken  more  tlian  an  hour, 
]Vir.  lioss  informed  the  senate,  that  he  had  prepared  several  resolutions  on  the 
subject,  which  he  asked  leave  to  submit.  The  democrats  immediately  moved 
tliat  the  galleries  should  be  cleared.  Mr.  Ross  then  declared,  that  if  the  dis- 
cussion was  to  be  secret,  he  should  not  offer  tits  resolutions,  or  make  any  furtlar 
ubaervatiors  on  the  subject.  Tiie  galleries  were,  liowever,  cleared,  by  the  ma- 
jority, and  the  senate  soon  adjourned.  It  is  understood  that  a  grand  caucus 
"was  held  that  evening :  and  the  majority  dreading  the  effect  such  proceedings 
might  have  on  the  public  mind,  the  next  morning  it  was  determined  in  senate, 
that  the  discussion  should  be  public."     Boston  Centinel,  March  2,  1803. 

"  Nolliing  is  more  contagious  than  example.  The  meeh  and  lowly  spirit 
which  influences  the  conduct  of  the  executive  towards  Spain,  has  infected  even 
the  armed  force  on  the  frontier;  and  the  pioneei-s  of  their  country,  WHOSE 
SSVOI{nS(MJ(;HTTO  LEAP  FROM  THEIR  SCABBARDS  TO  RESENT 
ITS  IN.IURIES,  are  now  seen  to  catch  at  every  appearance,  however  evanes- 
cent, to  jiromote  tiie  reign  of  humility.  Even  general  Wilkinson,  who,  one 
would  suppose,  wovdd  be  tremblingly  alive  to  his  country's  honour,  and  proiut 
of  an  opportunity  to  stimulate  it  to  spirited  measures ;  assumes  the  dulcet  note, 
and  with  avidity  dispatclies  an  express  to  inform  governor  Claiborne,  not  that 
the  Spanisli  government  had  restored  the  United  States  to  their  right  by  treaty: 
but  truly  "  that  tlie  govenuncnt  has  given  permission  for  the  depot  of  aU 


232 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[CUAF.   43. 


kinds  of  provisions  in  New  Orleans,  on  paying  six  per  cent  duty  ! .'"  And  this 
information,  says  the  able  and  indefatigable  editor  of  the  Evening  Post,  is  intro- 
duced by  the  words,  THE  PORT  OF  NEW  ORLEANS  OPEN,  in  large  capitals, 
by  way  of  exiUtation  at  this  joyous  event."  Boston  Centinel,  April  13,  1803. 

"  The  president  of  the  United  States,  in  his  late  letters  to  the  executives  of 
the  individual  states,  on  the  subject  of  the  organization  of  the  miUtia;  speaking 
of  the  Spanisli  conduct  at  New  Orleans,  says,  "  Rights  the  most  essential  to  our 
welfare  /lave  been  violated,  and  an  infraction  of  treaty  committed  without  colour  or 
pretext."  Tliis  being  the  acknowledged  state  of  things,  let  the  world  judge, 
whether  the  national  honour  will  be  more  justly  vindicateil,  ami  violated  rights  re- 
dressed, by  the  mawkish  appeal  which  has  been  made  to  Spanish  faith  and  justice, 
and  French  generosity  and  management ;  by  the  degrading  solicitation  for 
purchiised  justice,  or  the  disgraceful  proffer  of  a  bribe  :  or  whether  these  ends 
wouUi  Hot  move  readily  be  obtained  by  the  execution  of  the  manly  and  spirited  mea- 
sures recommended  by  tfie  eloquence  of  Morris,  and  t/ie  patriotism  and  sound  under- 
standintr  of  Boss  and  the  ot/ier  federalists  in  congress  ;  posterity  will  judge." 
Boston  Centinel,  April  13,  1803. 

"  IV/tile  we  deplore  the  weakness  and  pusillanimity  of  our  government,  we  sin- 
cerely congratulate  our  western  brethren  on  the  favourable  change  in  their  situa- 
tion ;  and  fervently  priiy  for  its  long  continuance.  How  far  we  may  attribute 
this  change  to  the  spirited  conduct  of  the  federal  members  in  congress,  cannot  at 
present  be  fully  ascertained.  We  have  no  hesitation,  however,  in  believing 
that  it  has  at  least  persuaded,  if  not  entirely  originated  tliese  measures."  Cen- 
tinel, April  27,  1«03. 

"  Since  the  adoption  of  the  federal  constitution,  no  subject  has  more  forcibly 
affected  flie  feelings  of  the  citizens  of  the  United  States,  than  the  *'  occlusion" 
of  the  port  of  JVenv  Orleans  by  the  Spanish  [or  French]  government.  It  is  a 
subject  to  which  the  attention  of  the  reader  cannot  too  frequently  be  called. 
The  president  of  the  United  States  has  not  hesitated  officially  to  declare,  that 
by  this  measure  "rights  the  most  essential  to  the  welfare  of  t/ie  American  people 
have  been  violated,  and  an  infraction  of  the  treaty  committed  withiivt  colour  or  pre- 
text" The  spirit  of  the  people  has  been  alive  to  the  injury;  and  was  ready  to 
make  any  sacrifice  to  redress  the  wrong :  but  because  the  federalists  in  congress 
felt  the  full  glow  of  this  spirit,  and  took  the  lead  iti  proposing  the  necessary  measures 
to  give  it  efficacy ;  rather  than  they  should  derive  any  honour  from  their  success, 
the  administration  ha\ing  the  power,  substituted  A  PUSILLANIMOUS  NE- 
GOCIATION,  and  degrading  entreaty,  for  that  spirit  of  action  which  manly 
resentment  for  violated  rights  and  broken  faith,  so  loudly  and  so  justly  called 
for."    Boston  Centinel,  June  15, 1803. 

Louisiana  purchased- 

"  The  question  will  ever  be,  was  the  mode  of  getting  the  territory  the  best, 
the  cheapest,  the  most  honourable  for  our  nation  ?  Is  the  way  of  .aegociating  cash 
in  hand,  as  cheap  or  honourable  as  that  Mr.  Ross  recommended  ?  We  could  have 
had  it  for  nothing."     Centinel,  July  2, 1803. 

"  All  that  we  wanted  on  the  r\\eT  J\Sasissilipi  was  a  place  of  deposit ;  that  our 
treaty  with  Spain  gives.  It  was  basely  withdrawn  :  our  high-spirited  nders 
are  asked  to  assert  our  rights.  O,  no  ;  eighty  thousand  militia  are  to  be  held 
ready  to  defend  our  tuniips,  and  feed  the  pigs  and  cattle.  BUT  TO  TAKE 
OUR  RIGHT,  TO  SEIZE  WHAT  TREATIES  GIVE,  AND  FRAUD  WITH- 
HOLDS J  THIS  IS  NO  r  THEIR  FORTE. 

"  A  great  man  has  been  heard  to  say,  that  war  in  any  case  was  wrong  :  and  on 
the  question  being  put  whether  he  would  think  it  wrong  to  go  to  war  if  ovu- 
country  was  invaded  by  afoi-eign  army,  that  even  then  some  other  way  might  be 
found  out.  This  is  our  honour's  keeper,  whom  we  have  elected  in  the  strange 
hope  that  he  will  gu.ird  it  better  than  his  own. 

"  Certainly  the  Jacobins  do  not  need  a  conqueror  to  make  them  slaves.  They 
nre  slax<es  in  soul,  whom  even  our  liberty  cannot  raise  ;  slaves  more  fascinated 
with  a  master's  livery  than  tlicir  own  rights :  yet  they  expect  this  base  language 
will  make  them  popular."    Centinel,  July  9, 1803. 

"  AN  ADMINIS  TRATION  SO  FEEULE  AND  DESPICABLE,  by  what  it 
an  and  what  it  cannot  do,  would  have  sunk  under  the  competition  with  France  :■ 


43. 


CHAP.  43.] 


CLAMOUR  FOU  WAR. 


233 


and  a  hostile  neighbour  on  the  Mississippi  would  have  in  two  years  been  our 
master.  Conscious  of  their  poverty  of  spirit  and  of  means,  sucn  an  administra- 
tion would  have  resorted  to  the  ordinary  expedient  of  the  base,  to  yield  part  of 
their  wealth  to  save  the  remainder."    Centinel,  July  27,  1803. 

"  Like  true  Spaiiiels,  we  are  tlie  most  servile  to  those  viho  most  irmilt  us.  We 
receive  back  our  right  as  a  great  favour,  and  pay  tribute  for  that  which  the  des- 
poiler  could  no  longer  withhold.  The  free  navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  and 
a  place  of  deposit  on  its  shores,  was  our  right:  the  privation  of  which  a  wrong: 
and  A  FREE  AND  ENTIRE  RES  I'OUATION,  OR  A  FORCIBLE  RECOVE. 
RY  OF  IT  SHOULD  HAVE  BEEN  THE  REMEOY.  True  patriotism,  thank 
Gud,  stUl  glows,  still  blazes,  like  a  seraph  in  F.ngland.  Here  it  smells  of  alien. 
But  Great  Britain  must  save  the  unvnlUng  worid,  to  save  herself."  Centinel, 
Aug.  13,  1803. 

"  There  is  no  condition  of  disgrace  granted  below  ours.  In  the  lowest  deep 
there  is  a  lower  deep.  Our  nation  had  better  not  exist  at  all,  than  exist  by  suffer- 
ance  and  under  tribute."    Centinel,  Aug.  23,  1803. 

Who  could  possibly  suppose  that  the  preceding  extracts  are 
from  the  Boston  Centinel,  owned  and  edited  by  major  Benjamin 
Russell,  who  was  lately  so  ardent,  so  zealous,  so  benignant  a 
^^ friend  of  peace^^^  and  who  was  among  the  prime  leaders  of 
those  ^^ friends  ofpeace^**  whose  pacific  proceedings  nearly  over- 
turned the  government,  spread  bankruptcy  in  every  direction, 
ruined  thousands  and  tens  of  thousands  of  the  best  citizens  in 
the  country,  and  almost  laid  us  prostrate  at  the  feet  of  a  vindic- 
tive and  powerful  enemy  ?  The  expense  of  war  was  of  late  with 
major  Russell  one  of  its  chief  objections.  But  in  1803,  he  was 
so  heroically  disposed  that  he  urged  war  as  "'  the  cheapest  and 
most  honourable,"  mode  of  recovering  our  rights. 

Extradtfrom  Mr.  Ross's  speech,  delivered  in  the  Senate,  on  his  own  motion  to  take 
forcible  possession  of  JVew  Orleans.  February  16,  1803. 
"  Why  not  put  a  force  at  his  (the  president's)  dis|iosal,  with  which  he  can 
strike  ?  With  which  he  can  have  a  pledge  for  your  future  well-being  ?  When 
the  Atlantic  coast  is  willing,  shall  their  security  be  lost  by  your  votes  ?  Are  you 
sure  that  you  will  ever  agam  find  the  same  disposition  P  Can  you  recall  the  de- 
cisive moment  that  may  happen  in  a  month  after  your  adjournment  ?  Hereto- 
fore you  have  disti'usted  the  Atlantic  states  ;  now,  when  they  offer  to  pledge 
themselves,  meet  them,  and  close  with  the  proposal.  If  the  rcsohitions  are  too 
strong,  new  model  them ;  if  the  measures  are  not  adequate,  propose  other  and 
more  effectual  measures.  But  as  you  value  the  best  interests  of  tlie  Western 
country,  and  the  union  with  the  Atlantic,  seize  the  present  occasion  of  securing 
it  forever.  For  the  present  is  only  a  question  of  how  much  power  the  execu- 
tive shall  have  for  the  attainment  oftliis  great  end:  and  no  man  desirous  of  the 
end  ought  to  refuse  the  necessary  means  for  attaining  it.  Your  votes  decide 
the  direction  this  senate  will  take.  And  I  devoutly  wish  it  may  be  one  we  shall 
never  repent." 

Extract  from  the  speech  of  Gonverneur  Morris  in  the  Senate  the  same  day. 
"  Yes,  sir,  we  wish  for  peace  ;  but  ho\^  is  that  blessing  to  be  preserved  ?  t 
shall  repeat  here  a  sentiment  I  have  often  had  occasion  to  express :  In  my  opinionf 
there  is  nothing  worth  fighting  for  but  national  honour ;  for  in  the  national  honour 
is  mvolved  the  national  independence.  I  know  that  a  state  may  find  itself  in  such 
unpropitious  circumstances,  that  prudence  may  force  a  wise  government  to 
conceal  the  sense  of  indignity ;  but  the  insult  should  be  engraved  on  tables  of 
brass,  with  a  pencil  of  steel :  and  when  that  time  and  chance  which  happen  to 
all,  shall  bring  forward  the  favourable  moment,  then  let  the  avenging  arm 
strike  home.  It  is  by  avowing  and  maintaining  this  stern  principle  of  honour, 
that  peace  can  be  preHcrved.    H«  will  f(;el  vrith  me,  that  our  national  honour  ii 


r   '? 


IQ- 


m 


f': 


234 


POUTICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH, 


(.CHAP.  43. 


the  beat  security  for  our  peace  and  prosperity ;  that  it  involves  at  once  our  wealth 
and  our  power ;  and  in  this  view  of  the  subject  I  must  contradict  a  sehtiment 
which  fell  from  my  honourable  colleague  (Mr.  Clinton^.  He  tells  us,  that  the 
principle  of  this  country  is  peace  and  commerce.  Sir,  the  avowal  cf  such  a 
principle  will  leave  us  neither  commerce  nor  peace.  It  invites  others  to  prey 
on  that  commerce  which  we  will  not  protect,  and  share  the  wealth  we  dare  not 
defend.  But  let  it  be  known,  that  you  stand  \ready  to  aacrifice  the  last  man 
and  the  last  shilling'  in  defence  of  national  honour,  and  those  who  tvould  have  as- 
saultedit,  -will  beware  of  you." 

The  cause  of  complaint  in  1806,  was  much  greater  than  in 
1803.  But  it  bears  no  comparison  with  the  grievances  in  1812. 
In  1806,  besides  the  lawless  depredations  on  our  vessels  at  sea, 
without  notice,  we  were  interdicted  merely  from  trading  with 
the  colonies  of  the  French  and  Spaniards,  on  other  terms  than 
they  permitted  in  time  of  peace.  How  far  this  was  inferior  to 
the  grievances  that  led  to  war,  will  appear  in  the  next  chapter. 

Let  us  see  how  consistent  major  Russel  was  on  the  point  of 
peace  and  war  in  1806. 

"  The  disputes  between  this  country  and  England,  so  long  attended  with  ri- 
gour on  her  part,  and  injury  on  ours,  will  not  sldmit  of  much  longer  vain  com- 
plaints and  harsh  recriminations.  They  must  terminate  ahortly  in  the  silence  oftear^ 
or  peace. 

"  At  the  renewal  of  the  present  war,  we  Ijad  proceeded  for  some  time  with 
all  the  ardour  and  zeal  of  good  fortune.  We  have  been  stopped  again  in  our  ca- 
reer by  the  renewal  of  harsh  and  vexatious  restrictions  on  the  part  of  England. 
She  has  again  appealed  to  principles  which  we  cannot  admit,  and  claimed  as 
rights,  what  we  cannot  grant  her  even  as  an,  indulgence.  In  the  exercise  of 
these  assumed  rights,  we  find  a  serious  source  of  complaint ;  for  it  has  cost  us 
much.  It  is,  however,  notliing  novel.  It  is  but  a  renewal  of  the  injuries  we 
complained  of  in  1793."     Boston  Centinel,  Februaiy  15,  1806. 

"  They  [the  democrats  in  congress]  dare  not  resist  all  aggressions  alike,  and 
assume  tlie  part  of  spirited  impartiality  as  a  magnanimous  policy  requires,  if 
war  is  called  for  by  the  insulted  honour  of  our  country  ;  if  the  cup  of  concilia- 
tion is  drained  to  the  dregs,  as  they  declare  it  to  be,  LET  WAR  BE  DECLAU- 
ED ;  LET  AN  EMBAUGO  BE  LAID ;  adequate  funds  provided  ;  the  strong 
urm  of  defence  nerved  and  extended;  and  a  powerful  navy  ordered.  In  these 
measures  the  whole  country,  from  Georgia  to  Maine,  convinced  of  the  necessi- 
ty, will  be  united."    BostorrCentinel,  February  12,  1806. 

"  I  do  not  believe  we  shall  have  war  with  any  nation.  But  our  peace  will  be 
at  the  expense  of  our  spirit."     Boston  Centinel,  March  8,  1806. 

*'  Our  ministers  in  Europe  ;  may  they  never  hesitate  to  PllEFER  WAR  tp 
dishonour  and  tribute."  Toast  drank  at  the  artillery  election.  From  the  Bos- 
ton Centinel,  June  4,  1806. 

"  From  tVashington,  January  23,  1806. 

"  Fear,  prejudice,  or  some  other  dastardly  principle,  is  continually  crossing 
the  path  of  our  rulers  :  and  the  loud  call  of  our  country,  its  commerce,  and 
spoiled  merchants,  for  energetic  measures,  is  imheard,  or  disregarded.  My 
fears  are,  that  the  president's  message  ivill  only  be  supported  by  windy  debates,  or 
pen  and  ink  reports. 

"  Mr.  Randolph,  I  am  told,  has  very  much  injured  his  health  by  the  cxertionR 
he  is  said  here  to  have  made  during  the  time  the  house  was  in  conclave.  He  has 
not  attended  the  house  for  several  days,  and  is  sick.  From  one  quarter  or  an- 
other, tlie  proceedings  of  the  house,  when  in  secret  session,  are  leaking  out. 
My  inquiries  load  me  to  believe,  that,  in  the  spitited  measures  which  Randdph 
proposed  for  supporting  the  presiiknfs  confidgntial  message,  he  was  joined  by 


CHAP.  43.] 


CLAMOUR  FOR  WAlR. 


23f 


evert/ federalist  in  the  house ;  by  a  majority  of  the  Virginia  representation,  and 
some  others  ;  but  that  he  was  in  the  minority  ;  and  further,  that  he  was  opposed 
by  all  the  New  England  democrats  to  a  man ! !"  Boston  Centinel,  Feb.  5, 1806. 
"  Our  seamen  are  impressed ;  they  are  captured ;  they  are  imprisoned ;  they 
are  treated  with  almost  every  kind  of  indignity,  while  pursuing  their  lawful 
business  in  a  regular  manner.  How  long  must  this  be  borne  P  Has  our  govern- 
ment yet  to  learn,  that  no  nation  ever  -was  or  ever  -mil  be  respected  abroad,  but  in 
proportion  as  it  exacts  respect  by  punishiuff  -wanton  insults  upon  its  dignity,  and 
loanton  depredation  upon  the  property  of  its  citizens  ;  that  its  doing  justice  to 
other  nations  cannot  secure  it  respect,  unless  it  has  both  ability  and  disposi* 
tion  to  enforce  measures  of  justice  from  tliem  ;  and  that  constant  fii'mness  of 
national  attitude  and  conduct  prevents  insults,  while  pusillanimity  invites  them." 
New  Hampslure  Gazette,  July  31,  1805. 

"TO  WHOM  IT  SUITS. 

"Look  at  the  situation  of  our  sea-coast,  defenceless,  a  prey  to  picaroons,  pri- 
vateers, and  armed  vessels  of  all  nations.  Our  ports  blockaded,  our  coasters 
and  shipping  robbed,  our  forts  insulted,  our  harbours  converted  into  private 
depots,  where  the  very  vessels  which  rob  and  disgrace  us,  are  supplied  with 
provisions,  stores,  and  God  knows  what ;  and  where,  it  is  more  than  probable, 
they  have  their  agents,  confederates,  or  co-partners.  See  the  powers  of  Europe 
acting  towards  America,  as  if  it  were  meant  to  insult  her,  or  rather,  indeed, 
sporting  with  her  tameness  in  the  eyes  of  the  lookingf-on  world.  Disagreeing, 
fighting,  and  at  enmity  with  each  other,  in  eveiy  thing  else,  in  this  one  thing 
they  perfectly  agree,  in  treating  America  -with  indignity,  insult,  and  deriding 
contempt, 

"Are  you  yet  awAre,  sir,  when  it  will  end  ?  Are  yoa  sure  that,  if  neglected, 
it  will  not  amount  to  a  height  too  great  to  be  reached  without  strainings  that 
may  produce  fatal  convulsions  in  the  state  ?  For  God's  sake,  for  the  honour  of 
your  country,  for  your  own  credit,  rouse  .•  let  loose  the  spirit  of  the  country  ,•  let 
hose  its  money  bags  ;  and  save  its  honour ;  the  natio7i  viill  one  andallsupport  you.'* 
New  Hampshire  Gazette,  January  31,  1805. 

In  1 807,  the  cause  of  complaint  was  still  less  substantial  than 
in  either  of  the  other  instances. 

Not  to  tire  the  reader  with  proofs  of  the  public  clamours  for 
war  at  this  period,  I  deem  it  abundantly  sufficient  to  refer  him, 
to  the  twentieth  chapter  of  this  work,  wherein  he  will  find  evi- 
dence to  satisfy  the  most  incredulous. 

Any  man  who  was  a  partisan  of  war  in  the  above  cases,  and 
reprobates  the  late  war  as  unjust  and  unnecessary,  betrays  a  most 
awful  degree  of  inconsistency.  And  yet  it  is  an  indisputable 
fact,  that  the  most  violent,  the  most  clamorous,  the  most  Jaco- 
binical, and  the  most  seditious,  among  the  late  "  Friends  of 
Peace^''  were  among  the  most  strenuous  advocates  for^  and 
"  Friends  of  War"  on  the  former  occasions. 

The  Boston  Centinel,  after  the  declaration  of  hostilities,  re- 
garded war  as  the  most  frightful  of  all  possible  evils.  But  this 
was  not  always  its  view  of  the  subject.  Within  a  fortnight  after 
laying  the  embargo,  that  measure  was  pronounced  more  formi- 
dable than  war  itself. 

"  The  embargo,  which  the  government  has  just  laid,  is  of  a  new  and  alarming; 
nature.  fVar,  great  as  the  evil  is,  has  less  terror,  and -will  produce  less  misery  than 
an  embargo  on  such  principles.**    Boston  Centinel,  January  2,  1808. 


23S 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


{caxr.  44. 


CHAPTER  XLIV.       ' 

Inquiry  into  the  justice  of  the  War, 

Those  who  were  unacquainted  with  the  causes  that  led  to  the 
late  war,  might,  from  the  publications  that  have  appeared  against 
it,  believe  that  the  United  States  were  wholly  the  aggressors — 
that  England  had  been  a  tame  and  submissive  sufferer  oi  degra- 
dation, outrage,  and  insult — and  that  our  rulers  had  been  wan- 
tonly led,  by  inordinate  and  accursed  ambition,  to  engage  in  a 
ruinous  and  destructive  war,  in  order  to  enrich  themselves — 
squander  away  the  public  treasure — and  impoverish  the  nation. 
They  were,  it  would  appear,  actuated  by  as  unholy  motives  as 
ever  impelled  Attila,  Genghis  Khan,  or  Bonaparte,  to  perpetrate 
outrage  and  cruelty  to  the  utmost  extent  of  their  power. 

These  allegations  were  made  in  the  strongest  language  in  the 
public  papers  in  London.  The  prince  regent  appealed  to  the 
world,  that  Great  Britain  had  not  been  the  aggressor  in  the  war. 
And,  as  we  have  seen,  the  lords  of  the  admiralty  asserted  that 
war  was  declared  "  after  all  the  grievances  of  this  country  had 
been  removed,'''' 

The  federal  papers  re-echoed  and  magnified  the  accusations 
of  the  British  writers  ;  and  succeeded  so  far  as  to  inflame  a 
large  portion  of  the  public  with  the  most  frantic  exasperation 
against  the  rulers  of  their  choice,  whom  they  suspected  of  hav- 
ing abused  their  confidence. 

Ciovernors  of  states  in  their  addresses,  as  well  as  senates  and 
houses  of  representatives  in  their  replies,  took  the  same  ground ; 
and  assumed  it  as  incontrovertible  that  guilt,  and  profligacy,  and 
corruption,  were  the  parents  of  the  declaration  of  war. 

The  house  of  representatives  of  Massachusetts,  regardless  of 
the  holy  rule,  '■^  judge  not^  test  ye  be  judged^^  in  the  most  un- 
qualified manner,  with  an  utter  destitution  of  the  least  semblance 
of  charity,  asserted,  that 

"  The  real  cause  of  war  must  be  traced  to  the  fimt  syflteinatical  abandonment 
of  tlie  policy  of  Wasliiuf^ton,  and  the  friends  and  franiers  of  tlic  constitution  ; 
to  impliicabh-  animosity  a^^uinst  those  men,  ami  tlicir  universal  exclusion  from 
all  concern  in  the  {government  of  the  ccnmtry;  to  thl:  influence  of  W(n-thless 
foreiffners  over  the  press,  and  the  deliberations  of  the  ffovernment  in  all  \\a 
branches  :  to  Jralouny  «/  ///c  commercial  utatcs,*  frar  n/tkriv  pmvcr,  cotitrmfit  of  their 
pursuit*,  and  iifiiorauce  nftlwir  tnw  character  and  importancr ,•  to  the  cupidity  of 
certain  states  for  the  wilderness  reserved  for  the  ntiscrablc  aborigines  ;  to  a  vi- 
olent passion  for  conquest,"  8tc. 

With  equal  candour^  the  senate  of  the  state,  not  to  be  outdone 
by  the  other  legislative  brunch,  declared  that 

"  Ihe  tcnr  tvnn  founded  in  fahrhmd,  declared  ivithnut  nece»nil;i,  andifn 

nijuestf,  uiul  to  aid  tfui  late  tyrant 


nf> 


rope  in  fun  views  nf  agt^^amliaemvnt! 


«/ 


•  Tlie  absimlity  and  tolal  want  of  foundation  of  tbew  «llij,'ation9 1  sh  dl  fully 
Pitabliuh  in  »  «ubsc<iui:nt  thapttr 


OBAP.  44.] 


DEFENCE  OP  THE  WAR. 


23r 


In  these  awful  accusations,  there  is  no  allowance  for  human 
imperfection — or  error  in  judgment — or  difference  in  opinion. 
They  are  preferred  in  che  strongest  form  which  our  language 
admits,  and  involve  the  highest  possible  degree  of  turpitude. 

If  these  allegations  be  true,  the  president  who  recommended 
war,  and  the  legislature  of  the  United  States  which  declared  it, 
betrayed  their  trust,  and  are  base,  abandoned,  and  wicked.  If 
they  be  false,  the  legislature  of  Massachusetts  avc  base,  abandon- 
ed and  wicked.  There  is  no  alternative.  One  or  other  description 
of  persons  must  sink  in  the  estimation  of  contemporaries  and 
posterity. 

Let  us  examine  the  case.  Let  us  investigate  the  truth.  If 
our  rulers  be  thus  base — thus  abandoned— thus  wicked — thus 
corrupt — let  them  be  devoted  to  the  detestation  they  have  so 
richly  earned.  But  if  the  allegations  be  false — if  the  war  were 
just — if  the  nation  drank  the  chalice  of  outrage,  insult,  injury, 
and  depredation,  to  >*he  last  dregs,  before  she  had  recourse  to 
arms,  let  us,  at  every  hazard,  cling  to  our  rulers — to  our  form  of 
government — to  the  national  honour — to  the  national  interest. 

The  conduct  of  Great  Britain  to  this  country  for  a  series  of 
years,  had  been  a  constant  succession  of  insult,  aggression,  and 
depredation.  Our  harbours  had  been  insulted  and  outraged — 
our  commerce  had  been  most  wantonly  spoliated — our  citizens 
had  been  enslaved,  scourged,  and  slaughtered,  fighting  the  liat- 
tles  of  those  who  held  them  in  cruel  l)ondage.  We  had,  in  a 
word,  experienced  numberless  and  nu)st  wanton  injuries  and  out- 
rages of  various  kinds.  But  the  two  most  promment  causes  of 
war,  assigned  by  the  president  in  that  mess^  »e  which  recom- 
mended, and  by  the  committee  in  the  report  which  contained,  a 
declaration  of  hostilities,  were  imprtssment  and  the  orders  in 
council.  If  those  causes  really  existed,  the  war  could  not  hiive 
been  ^^  founded  in  falsehood,^''  I  shall  proceed  to  the  examination 
of  both  topics.  But  I  previously  c|uote  the  words  of  the  \nes- 
sage  and  of  the  report.  On  the  su'ijcct  of  impressment,  the  pre- 
sident declares. 


"  Tlie  practice  In  so  fur  from  ufTcctinK  nritinh  suhjccts  alone,  tliat,  under  tlio 
pretext  of  seareliiiijr  for  tliose,  THOUSANDS  OF  AMKHICAN  CniZKNS, 
under  tile  Hafejciiiinl  of  nuhlic  law,  and  their  national  Ha|if,  liave  been  torn  from 
ilieir  country,  and  every  tliinn'  clear  to  them ;  have  l)een  dmg'jfed  on  Ixiard 
Rhi|)i»  of  war  of  a  foreiffii  nation  ;  and  cxp(isc(l,  under  the  severities  of  their  dis- 
cipline, to  be  exiled  to  the  most  distant  and  deadly  climes ;  to  risk  their  lives 
in  the  battles  of  their  oiiprehsors  j  and  to  l)e  the  melancUuly  iiistruiP"nls  of  ta- 
kinjf  away  those  of  their  own  brethren." 

And  the  committee,  on  the  same  topic,  state, 

"  Wo  will  now  proceed  to  other  wnni|f«  wbicb  have  been  more  srvrrrly  frit 
\monjf  these  is  THK  IMI'HKHSMKNT  OP  OIK  SKAMKX,  a  practice  wliieh 
l)a»  been  niK-raBin)(ly  maintained  by  i'.wwX  Hrilain  in  the  wars  to  uhieh  she  bus 
been  a  party  %\\kv  our  revolution.     Jour  comiititlee  lannut  vnuvtv  i»  mUiiutiie 
O.  U.  32 


:^V 


■     ■  I. 


f  .: 


^  fff 


I 


2S9 


POLITICAL  OUVE  BRANCIb 


[ciup.  44. 


i 


terms  the  deep  sense  vihich  they  entertain  of  the  ityttstice  and  oppression  ^ftMs  pro- 
ceeding. Under  the  pretext  of  impressing  British  seamen,  our  fellow-citizens 
are  seized  in  British  ports,  on  the  high  seas,  and  in  every  other  (juarter  to  which 
the  British  pover  extends ;  are  taken  on  board  British  men  ot  war,  and  com. 
pclled  to  serve  there  as  British  subjects.  In  this  mode  our  citizens  are  wan- 
tonly snatched  from  tlieir  countn'  and  their  families ;  deprived  of  their  liberty ; 
doomed  to  an  ignominious  and  slavish  bondage ;  compelled  to  fight  the  battles 
of  a  foreign  country,  and  often  perish  in  them.  Our  flag  has  given  them  no  pro- 
tection :  it  has  been  unceasingly  violated,  and  our  vessels  exposed  to  danger  by 
the  loss  of  tlie  me'-,  taken  from  them.  Your  committee  need  not  remark,  that 
while  the  practice  is  continued,  IT  IS  IMPOSSIBLK  FOR  THE  UNITED 
STATES  TO  CONSIDER  THEMSELVES  AN  INDEPENDENT  NATION. 
Every  new  case  is  a  proof  of  their  degradation.  Its  continuance  is  the  more  un- 
jiistifia')li',  because  tfte  United  States  have  refteatedly  proposed  to  the  British  gov- 
ernnit'iit  an  arrgnff('ment  xvluch  would  secure  to  it  the  controul  of  its  own  people.  An 
exemption  of  the  citizens  of  tiie  United  States  from  this  degfrading  oppression, 
and  their  flag  from  violation,  is  all  that  they  have  sought." 

On  the  orders  in  council,  the  president  observes, 

"  Under  pretended  blockades,  without  the  presence  of  an  adequate  force,  and 
kometinies  without  tlie  practicability  of  applymg  one,  OUR  COMMERCE  HAS 
BEEN  PLUNDERED  IN  EVERY  SEA.  The  great  staples  of  our  country  have 
been  cut  ofl"  from  their  legitimate  markets  :  and  a  destructive  blow  aimed  at  our 
agrlcviltural  and  maritime  uiterests.  In  aggravation  of  these  predatory  measures, 
tlieit  hnvr"  been  considered  as  in  force  from  the  date  of  t/ieir  notification  ;  a  retro- 
spective eH'cct  being  thus  added,  us  has  been  done  in  other  important  cases,  to 
the  unlikwfulness  of  the  course  pursued.  And  to  rendei  the  outrage  the  more 
signal,  these  mock  blockades  have  been  reiterated  niv:  '  '"•^-ced  in  the  face  of 
ofRclal  comnmnications  from  the  British  governmem  -ing,  as  the  true 

definition  of  a  legal  lilockade,  "  that  particular  ports  i  ictually  invested^^ 

and  previous  warning  given  to  vessels  bound  to  them,  iu;i  m  enter. 

"  Not  content  with  tlicse  occasional  expctlients  for  laying  waste  our  ".eutral 
trade,  the  cabinet  of  (ireat  Britiin  resorted,  at  lenpftli,  to  the  sweeping  systen* 
of  blockades,  under  the  name  of  orders  in  council,  which  has  been  moulded 
and  managed,  as  might  best  suit  its  political  views,  its  commercial  jealousies, 
or  the  avidity  of  Uritlsii  cruisers." 

And  the  cointnittee  states, 

By  the  list  orders  in  council  of  the  11th  of  November,  i807, 
"  The  British  government  declared  direct  and  positive  'var  against  the  United 
Slates.  T/ie  dumininn  nfthe  ocean  was  completely  usurped  hy  it  ;  all  connneire  for- 
bidden ;  and  even  flag  driven  from  it,  or  subjected  to  capture  and  condemna- 
tion, wlilch  did  not  suliserve  the  policy  of  the  British  government,  by  payinif  it 
ti  tribute  nnd  sailing  under  its  mtnetion.  From  this  prriod  the  United  States  have 
incurred  the  heaviest  and  most  mortifyint^  hiinuliations.  They  have  borne  the  calami- 
ties of  war  ivithuut  retorting  them  on  its  authors." 

I  shall  discuss  each  item  separately. 

1.  Orders  in  CounciU 

To  repel  the  charge  that  the  "  war  was  founded  infalsehood^'*^ 
so  far  as  respects  this  item,  it  would  be  sufficient  to  establish 
their  existence  on  the  day  war  was  declared.  This  is  obvious. 
I'or  it  thi  y  existed,  then  the  war  coitld  not  ht'  *^ founded  in  fa/se- 
Itood.'"  Hut  I  shall  not  rest  satislied  with  this  alone. 

War  was  declareil  at  Washington  on  the  t8th  of  June,  1812. 
The  n  jxal,  as  it  is  called,  of  the  orders  in  council,  took  place 
on  the  li'id  of  that  month  in  London.  It  is  clear,  therefore,  that 
lilt  cliarge  of  '^fake/iQod^^  here  is  utterly  unfuiindedt 


fuxr.  44.] 


DEFENCE  OF  TKE  WA«. 


239 


By  an  official  statement  presented  to  congress  by  the  secretary 
of  state,  on  the  6th  of  July,  1812,  it  appears  that  the  British 
captures,  prior  to  the  orders  in  council,  >vere  528,  and  subse- 
quent thereto,  389. 

It  is  difficult  to  form  an  estimate  of  these  vessels.  I  am  no 
merchant,  and  have  no  adequate  data  to  guide  me.  I  have  en- 
quired of  mercantile  characters,  and  have  been  told,  that  from 
the  great  value  of  the  cottons,  tobaccoes,  &c.  of  the  outward  car- 
goes to  France,  and  the  silks,  brandies,  &c.  of  the  homeward 
cargoes,  30  or  40,000  dollars  would  be  a  fair  average.  But  I  will 
suppose  25,000  dollars  for  vessel  and  cargo,  which,  I  presume,  is 
moderate.  This  extends  to  the  enormous  amount  of 

13,200,OOC»  dollars, 
depre4ated  previous  to  the  orders  in  council ;  and 

9,725,000  dollars, 
during  the  existence  of  those  orders ;  for  the  latter  of  which 
there  is  not  the  least  chance  of  redress. 

But  the  sum,  of  which  our  citizens  were  despoiled,  by  no 
means  constitutes  the  whole  of  the  grievance.  The  enormous 
limitation  and  restriction  of  the  trade  of  a  sovereign  and  inde- 
pendent nation,  was  at  least  of  equal  magnitude,  in  point  of  out. 
rage,  with  the  pecuniary  loss ;  for  it  is  a  sacred  and  indisputable 
truth,  that  from  November  11,  1807,  till  the  day'war  was  de- 
clared, American  shipSy  owned  by  American  merchants^  navigat- 
ed by  American  seamen^  and  laden  xvith  American  productions^ 
were  liable  to  seizure  and  condem7iation,  if  bound  to  France^  Hoi- 
landy  or  the  northern  part  of  Italy :  and  for  about  twenty  months 
of  that  period^  they  were  subject  to  capture  and  condemnation  if 
bound  to  any  part  whatever  of  Europe  except  the  British  domi- 
nions. 

I  implore  the  reader  by  all  that  is  candid,  to  consider  this  sin. 
gle  sentence.  Let  him  read  it  once  more  carefully.  It  is  a  fair 
statement  of  the  relative  situation  of  the  two  countries.  The 
commerce  of  the  United  States  with  nearly  one-third  of  the  popu- 
lation of  Europe  was  subject  to  condemnation  !  Let  him  lay  his 
hand  on  his  heart,  and  answer  the  question,  was  not  this  ade- 
quate cause  for  war  ?  Was  not  this  a  greatc*  grievance  than  the 
sixpenny  tax  on  tea,  which  led  to  the  American  Revolution  ? 
Have  not  more  than  nine.tenths  of  all  the  wars  that  have  ever 
existed  been  declared  for  less  causes?  We  were  forbidden  by 
Great  Britain^  under  penalty  of  confiscation^  to  carry  on  trade 
xvith  about  fijly  millions  of  the  inhabitants  of  Europe.  And  yet, 
we  are  gravely  told,  that  "  the  war  was  founded  in  falsehood ! ! !" 
Wonderful,  wondtrful  delusion ! ! 

At  that  period  England  herself  carried  on  with  France  and  her 
dependencies^  under  licenses^  the  very  trade  which  she  rendered 
Pllegcd  xvhen  carried  on  by  the  United  States  ! ! !  And  several  Ame^ 


.?4! 


.'.  i 


.1    .,  "!.' 
sir. -it  ^   -^.™ 


^  ::| 


h:|' 


240 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[chap.  44' 


rica?i  vessels^  bound  for  France,  and  taken  by  British  cruizers^ 
ivere  actually  ^without  breaking  bulk^  taken  into 'French  ports  by 
the  captors^  or  those  xvho  purchased  from  them  I !  ! 

Having  presented  the  reader  with  a  short  specimen  of  the 
denunciations  of  the  war,  I  lay  before  him  some  opinions  of  a 
directly  contrary  tendency. 

The  first  authority  is  highly  exalted  and  respectable.  It  is  no 
less  than  the  emperor  Alexander.  This  monarch,  in  the  very 
commendable  offer  of  his  mediation,  declares,  that 

"  His  majesty  takes  pleasure  in  doing  justice  to  the  loisilom  of  the  United  States  ; 
and  is  convinced  that  it  has  done  all  that  it  could,  to  avoid  tliis  rupture." 

The  next  authority  is  governor  Plumer,  of  New-Hampshire, 
who  in  a  short  speech  to  the  legislature  of  that  state,  Nov.  18, 
1812,  states  that  Great  Britain 

"  Has  for  a  series  of  years  by  her  conduct  evinced  a  deadly  iK)StiIity  to  our 
national  rights,  to  our  commerce,  peace,  and  prosperity.  She  has  loantonhj  im- 
pressed thousands  of  our  unnjffendiuif  seamen  :  immured  them  wit/Un  the  walls  of 
her  ^floating  castles  ,■  held  them  in  sert'ilude  for  an  unlimited  period,. often  for  life  ,- 
and  compelled  them  to  fight,  not  only  with  nations  with  whom  we  are  at  peace, 
but  to  turn  their  arms  agi>inst  their  own  coiuitry.  She  has  violated  the  rights 
Olid  peace  of  our  coasts;  wunto7ihj  shed  the  blood  nf  our  citizens  in  our  harbours  ,• 
and  instead  of  punishing,  has  rewarded  her  guilty  oflicers.  Under  pretended 
blockades,  imacconipanied  by  the  presence  of  an  ade<iuate  force,  slie  has  un- 
justly deprived  us  of  a  market  for  the  products  of  our  ir''  istry ;  and,  by  her 
onlers  in  council,  has,  to  a  great  extent,  swept  our  commerce ,  rom  tlie  ocean ;  thus 
assuming  a  right  to  regulate  our  foreign  trade  in  war,  and  laying  a  foundation 
to  prescribe  law  for  us  m  time  of  peace.  She  has  pertnitted  her  subjects  puhlicli/  If 
forge  and  vend  our  ships'  papers,  to  caiTii  on  a  commerce  tvith  that  very  cnemu 
from  whose  ports  she  interdicted  our  trade.  'Whilst  her  accredited  minister,  un- 
der the  mask  of  friendship,  was  treatlnjj  with  our  government,  her  spies  were 
endeavouring  to  alienate  our  citizens,  subvert  our  government,  and  dismember 
the  union  of  the  stales." 

The  senate  of  Massachusetts,  June  26,  1812,  agreed  upon 
an  address  to  the  people  of  that  state,  of  which  I  3ul>join  three 
paragraphs — 

"We  will  not  enter  intr)  a  detail  of  the  injuries  inflicted  on  us,  nor  of  the 
flimsy  pretexts  by  which  lireat  Itritain  has  endeavoured  to  justify  her  outrages. 
It  is  sufficient  to  say,  that  slie  no  hmger  ])retends  to  disguise  her  iunbitious de- 
signs, luidcr  pretence  of  retaliation  on  her  enemv.  Slu-  asserts  her  right  to  un- 
bounded v'ominion,  only  because  she  assumes  unf)ounde<l  power.  She  aiuuxes 
conditions  to  the  repial  of  her  orders  in  council,  which  slic  knows  we  have  no 
right  to  reijuire  of  her  iiieniv!  which  she  knows  are  impossible;  thus  adding 
instilt  to  injury  ;  thus  adding  mockery  to  her  long  train  of  perpetrated  inju- 
ries. H'ilh  the  Imldness  of  the  hiq'hxrayman,  she  has,  at  last,  slrififieil  the  mush  from 
violence,  and  vindicates  her  aggressions  on  the  only  plea  of  tyrants,  that  of  whim 
and  convenience. 

•'  It  w;is  not  siiHicicnt  thai  we  were  remote  from  F..'.ropean  politics,  and 
courted pcuiT  uiKJer  every  siicrificc  ;  :n'(|uies  il  inminorinjuriesi  remonstrated 
:iguinst  tliosc  of  ii  dceprr  dve  ;  Jorhnrt-  until  fnhi arnnrr  became  pimlhmimity  / 
and  lin:»lly  retired  li'oni  llie  sceni;  of  e<nitroversy,  with  the  delusive  hope  that  a 
spirit  of  moderation  niiglil  sneceed  that  of  violence  and  ra|)ine.  H'eicrrr  hvnt- 
ed  fill  the  occii'i.  <)\u'  property  was  sci/.ed  upon  l>y  the  conulsive  gnisp  ((♦"  our 
now  o])f  n  and  ai'knowlfdncil  enem_\,  and  «-..  .•idnns  fmrnl  into  a  miel  .indig- 
iniminiiiiit  rnK.ialiige.  And  when  we  retired,  we  were  pnrsned  'o  tlie  ibresliolcl' 
of  our  territory;  otitragenof  an  enormous  cast,  |ierpetnitedin  our  bays  and  bar- 


CHAP.  44.] 


DEFENCE  OF  THE  WAR. 


.241 


hours  J  the  tomahawk  of  the  savage  uplifted  against  the  parent,  the  wife,  the 
infant,  on  our  frontiers ;  and  spi'  and  incendiaries  sent  into  tlie  bosom  of  our 
country,  to  plot  the  dismemberment  of  our  union,  aiid  involve  us  in  all  the  hor- 
rors of  a  civil  war. 

"  The  constituted  authorities  of  the  United  States  in  congress  assembled, 
submitting  the  jusvice  of  their  cause  to  the  Go4  of  battles,  liave  at  length  de- 
clared war  against  tliio  implacable  foe;  a  -war for  the  liberty  of  our  citizms ,•  a 
•war  for  our  national  sovereigiUy  andindependence  ;  a  viar  for  our  republican  form 
of  goveiitment  against  the  machinations  of  despotism," 

On  the  26th  of  December,  1811,  the  legislature  of  Ohio  pub- 
lished a  resolution  and  address  on  the  subject  of  our  foreign  re- 
lations, in  which  they  pledged  themselves  to  a  full  support  of 
the  government,  in  the  event  of  a  declaration  of  war.  This 
pledge  they  have  nobly  redeemed.  I  submit  one  paragraph  of 
the  address. 

"  The  conduct  of  Great  Britain  towards  this  countrj-  is  a  gross  departure  from' 
the  known  and  established  laws  of  nations.  Our  rights,  as  well  tliose  derived 
through  the  inimenionul  usages  of  nations,  as  those  secured  by  comi)act,  have 
been  outraged  without  acknowledgment;  even  without  remorse.  Solemn  sti- 
pulations by  treaty,  and  impUed  engagements,  have  given  place  to  views  of  an 
overreaching,  selfish,  and  depraved  policy.  Life,  liberty,  arid  property,  have  been 
the  sport  of  meamires,  unjust,  cruel,  and  without  a  parallel.  The  flag  of  freedom 
and  of  impartial  neutrality  has  been  wantonly  insulted.  Tears  of  the  vndonuia 
and  orphans  of  murdered  Amencans  have  Jotved  in  vain.  Our  countrymen  have 
been  torn  from  the  embrace  of  liberty  and  plenty.  The  cords  of  conjugal,  filial, 
fraternal,  and  paternal  affection,  have  been  broken.  Almost  every  sea  and  ocean 
buoys  upon  its  surface  the  victims  of  capture  and  impressment.  Vain  is  every  el'- 
fort  and  sacrifice  for  an  honourable  state  of  safety  and  tranquillity.  Mission 
has  followed  mission ;  remonstrance  has  succeeded  remonstrance  ;  forbearance 
has  stepped  on  the  heels  of  forbearance,  till  the  mind  revolts  at  the  thought  of 
a  prolonged  endurance." 

The  senate  of  Maryland,  on  the  22d  of  Dec.  1819,  passed  a 
set  of  resolutions,  approving  of  the  war,  from  which  I  subjoin  an 
extract. 

"  Whenever  the  pursuit  of  a  pacific  policy  is  rendered  utterly  inconsistent 
with  the  national  interest,  prosperity  and  happiness,  bv  the  unprovoked  in- 
juries and  lawless  outrages  of  foreign  power  /  whenever  those  rights  are  a.ssail- 
ed,  without  tlie  full  and  perfect  enjoyment  of  which  a  nation  can  no  longer 
claim  tlie  character  and  attributes  of  sovereignty  and  independence  ;  whenever 
♦he  riglit  of  a  free  people  to  navigate  the  common  highway  of  nations,  for  the 
purpose  of  transporting  to,  and  vending  the  surplus  products  of  tlieiv  soil  and 
industry  at,  a  foreign  market,  is  attempted  to  be  controlled  and  subjected  to 
such  aibitrary  nilos  and  regulations  as  the  jealousy  or  injustice  of  a  foreign 
power  may  think  proper  to  prescribe  ;  whenever  their  citizens,  in  the  c.vircisi- 
of  their  ordinary  occiipaliims,  and  labouring  to  obtain  the  means  of  subsistence  for 
themselves  and  their  families,  are  torn  by  the  ruthless  hand  ^f'  violence  fr'tm  their 
country,  their  connections,  and  their  home;  whenever  the  tender  ties  of  pinrnt  and 
child,  of  husband  and  wife,  arc  Wholly  disrcprdcd  by  the  inexorable  cruelty  o/' 
the  unfetling  .ippressor,  who,  usurping  the  high  prerogative  of  heaven,  and  auU- 
eipatingtite  dread  office  of  deatli,  converts  those  sacred  re'  tions  into  u  prenm- 
luie  orphanage  and  widowhood  ;  not  that  orphanage  ami  widowhood  which 
"spring  from  the  grave,"  uuWhs  the  foaling  dungeonH  into  which  they  urr  cast, 
and  cnm/ielled  to  fiif/it  the  battlen  of  their  u/i/iresnors,  may  be  coinf tared  to  thr  awful 
anil  gloomy  mansimis  of  the  tomb  ;  whonover  iiijuricH  and  oppressions,  such  us 
these,  are  iiiHicted  by  a  iorcign  power,  upon  the  persons  and  properties  (if  our 
CJtizeiiM,  and  an  aj>lwnl  to  the  justice  of  nuch  power  to  uhtnin  rriln.is,  /(iv*vc»  u'/i  ///■' 
usetem  and  unavwiing  ,•  in  such  cases,  as  it  is  the  dutv  of  those  to  whotn  the  su 


*frJi 


i  llvi 


i'bUTICAL  OLIVE  BBAMCH. 


fcUAF.  45. 


cred  trust  of  protecting  the  rights  of  the  citizens  and  the  honour  of  the  nation, 
is  conKded,  to  take  such  measures  as  the  exigency  of  the  case  may  require,  to 
protect  the  one,  and  vindicate  Uie  other :  Therefore 

"  Resolved,  that  the  war  loaged  by  the  Umted  States  against  Great  JBritain,  it 
just,  necessary,  and  politic  i  and  ought  to  be  supported  by  the  united  strength  and  re- 
Hources  of  the  nation,  until  the  gfond  object  is  obtained/or  tuhicJi  it  was  declared.** 

CHAPTER  XLV. 

Consideration  of  the  orders  in  Council  continued.    Strong  an4 
unequivocal  reprobation  of  them  by  James  Lloyd  and  James 
Bayard.,  Esqrs,  and  Governor  Griswold,    Extract  of  a  letter 
from  Harrison  Gray  Otis^  Esq, 

I  MIGHT  have  dismissed  this  part  of  my  subject  with  the  last 
chapter.  But  as  it  is  of  vital  importance — as  Great  Britain  and 
the  United  States  are  at  issue  on  it  in  the  face  of  an  anxious 
and  enquiring  world,  whose  judgment  we  await  on  the  subject — 
I  judge  it  advisable  to  enter  into  it  more  fully. 

The  only  defence  ever  attempted  of  these  outrageous  pro- 
ceedings is  on  the  principle  of  "  retaliation.''^  This  is  complete- 
ly invalidated  by  Mr.  Baring,  supra  page  117.  It  is  also  unequi- 
vocally abandoned  by  the  most  prominent  and  influential  leaders 
of  the  federal  party. 

James  Lloyd,  Esq.  senator  of  the  United  States  for  the  state 
of  Massachusetts,  a  most  decided  federalist,  a  steady,  undeviat- 
ing,  and  zealous  opposer  of  the  administration  and  of  all  its 
measures,  has  pronounc(.>d  sentence  of  condemnation  in  the  most 
unequivocal  terms,  upon  the  pretence  >f  retaliation,  in  a  speech 
delivered  in  senate  on  the  28th  of  February,  1812. 

"  JInd  how  is  it  possible,  t^-jt  a  third  and  neutral  party  can  make  itself  a  fair  ob- 
ject of  retaliation,  for  measures  which  it  did  not  counsel ;  which  it  did  not  apprcme  ,• 
which  militate  strongly  with  its  interests  ,•  wftich  it  is  and  ever  has  been  anxiously 
desirous  to  remove ;  which  it  has  resisted  by  every  means  in  its  poiver,  that  it 
thought  expedient  to  use,  and  of  these  means  the  government  of  the  neutral  country 
ought  to  be  sole  judge  ,•  which  it  has  endeavoured  to  get  rid  of  even  at  a  great 
sacrifice .'  how  is  it  possible  that  a  neutral  country,  thus  conducting,  can  make  itself 
a  fair  object  of  retaliation  for  measures  which  it  did  not  originate  ,•  wMch  it  could 
not  prevent,  anil  cannot  controul !  Tims,  sir,  to  my  view  the  UKDEUS  IN  COUN- 
CIL AliE  WHOLLY  UNJUSTIFIABLE,  LET  THEM  BE  BOTTOMED 
EirilElt  ON  THE  PUINCIPLE  OF  RETALIATION,  OH  OF  SELF-PRE- 
SEK     *TION." 

From  Mr.  Lloyd's  authority  on  this  topic  I  presume  there 
will  be  no  appeal.  There  cannot  be.  His  decision  is  final. 
But  I  am  not  confined  to  Mr.  Lloyd.  Mr.  Bayard,  a  gentleman 
of  equal  standing,  a  quondam  senator  of  the  United  States  from 
the  state  of  Delaware,  one  of  our  hte  commissioners  at  Ghent, 
also  a  decided  federalist,  pronounced  the  same  sentence  on 
them — in  a  speech  delivered  in  the  senate  of  the  United  States, 
October  31,1811. 

"Tiiey  were  adopted  ^%  n  measure  of  rrtarmtlon.tlionph  thry  nnter  descrjif/t 
/hat  character.    He  had  always  considered  the  Berlin  i^iil  Milan  decree*  used  att 


'^Is 


cflAP.  45.] 


OROetlS  IN  COUNCil^, 


Q4» 


u  mere  pretext.  Those  decrees  were  vain  and  empty  denunciations  in  relation 
to  England.  The  plain  design  of  the  British  government  vim  to  deprive  France  of" 
the  benefits  of  external  commerce,  UNLESS  THE  PROFITS  OF  IT  WERE  TO 
BE  DIVIDED  WITH  HERSELF.  TIda  it  fully  proved  by  the  license  trade. 
Britain  carries  on  the  very  trade  she  denies  to  netitrals,  and  having  engrossed  the 
whole  to  herself,  she  excludes  neutrals  from  a  participation. 

"  I  am  among  the  last  men  in  the  senate  who  would  justify  or  defend  the  or- 
ders in  council.  THEY  VIOLATE  THE  PLAINEST  RIGHTS  OF  THE  NA- 
TION. The  ground  of  retaliation  -was  never  more  than  a  pretext,  and  their  plain 
object  is  to  deprive  France  of  neutral  trade.  It  never  was  contended,  nor  does 
Britain  now  contend,  that  she  would  be  justified  by  the  laws  or  usages  of  na- 
tions, to  interact  our  commerce  with  her  enemy.  She  COVERS  HER  INJUS- 
TICE WITH  THE  CLOAK  OF  RETALIATION,  andinsists  that  she  has  a  right 
to  retort  upon  her  enemy  the  evils  of  his  own,  policy.  This  is  a  doctrine  to  which 
lam  not  disposed  to  agree.  IT  IS  DESTRUCTIVE  TO  NEUTRALS.  It  makes 
them  the  prey  of  the  belligerents. 

"IT  IS  A  DOCTRINE  WHICH  WE  MUST  RESIST." 

In  addition  to  the  authority  of  Messrs.  Lloyd  and  Bayard,  I 
beg  leave  to  adduce  Aat  of  the  late  governor  of  Connecticut, 
Roger  Grisvrold,  esq.  which,  though  not  quite  so  unequivocal, 
is  sufficiently  strong  to  satisfy  every  candid  reader. 

On  the  10th  of  October,  1811,  eight  months  previous  to  the 
declaration  of  war,  governor  Griswold,  in  an  address  to  the  le* 
gislature  of  the  state,  drew  a  strong  portrait  of  the  injustice  of 
die  belligerents  towards  us,  and  of  the  necessity  of  abandoning 
the  pacific  policy  which  our  government  had  pursued,  and 
adopting  vigorous  and  decisive  measures  to  enforce  respect  for 
our  rights. 

"  It  has  been  our  misfortune  to  pursue  a  policy,  which  has  rendered  us  con- 
temptible in  the  eves  of  foreign  nations ;  and  wc  are  treated  as  a  people,  who 
are  ready  to  submit  to  every  indignity,  which  interest  or  caprice  imposes  upon 
us.  It  cannot,  however,  be  too  late  to  retrieve  the  national  honour :  and  we 
pught  to  expect  that  our  public  councils  will  find,  that  a  manly,  impartial,  and 
decided  course  of  measures  has  now  become  indispensible  ;  such  a  course  as  shall 
satisfy  foreign  natiotis,  that  loMkt  we  desire  peace,  we  have  THE  MEANS  AND 
THE  SPIRIT  TO  REPEL  AGGRESSIONS.  The  interests  of  the  United 
States  undoubtedly  require  a  secure  and  honorable  peace.  But  the  only 
guarantee  which  ought  or  can  with  safety  be  relied  on  for  this  object,  is  a  suffi- 
cient organised  force,  and  SPIRIT  TO  USE  IT  WITH  EFFECT,  when  no  other 
honouraole  means  of  redress  can  be  .'csortcd  to.  Tlie  extensive  resources,  aid- 
ed by  the  gengrapliical  situation  of  our  country,  hare  furnished  every  necessary 
means  for  dc-fcndnig  our  territory  and  our  commerce  :  and  WE  ARE  FALSE 
TO  OURSELVES,  WHEN  EITHER  [i.  e.  our  territory  or  our  commerce]  IS 
INVADED  WITH  IMPUNITY." 

No  dispassionate  reader  can  deny  that  governor  Griswold  in 
this  speech  makes  very  strong  anl  unequivocal  declarations  of 
the  necessity  of  vigorous,  and  decisive,  that  is  to  say,  of  war- 
like measures.  It  is  impossible  otherwise  to  interpret  the  im- 
pressive style  in  which  he  invokes  the  "  tipirit  to  use  the  orffnn- 
ized  force  with  effecf'' — and  the  declaration  that  "ur  are  false 
to  our.sehes  rr/ien  roe  allow  our  commerce  or  our  territorij  to  be 
ivvaded  rrifh  im/wniti/.^'' 

On  the  12th  of  May,  1812,  only  five  weeks  before  the  declara- 
tion of  war,  the  legislature  of  Connecticut  met  again.  Governor 


I  "ill 


M 


•It      .  nl 


1     % 


■,«s3»-« 


244 


POUTICAL  OUVE  BRANCH. 


[chap.  45. 


Griswold  addressed  them  once  more  on  the  same  subject.    He 
explicitly  declared,  that 

"  Tlie  laat  six  montht  do  not  appear  to  have  prdduced  any  change  in  the  hostile 
aggi'easiona  of  foreign  nations  on  t/ie  commerce  of  the  United  States." 

And  after  referring  to,  and  justly  reprobating  the  burning  of 
our  vessels  by  the  French,  he  emphatically  adds, 

"  Such,  however,  has  been  the  character  of  both,  that  NO  CIRCUMSTANCE 
CAN  JUSTIFY  A  PREFERENCE  TO  EiTIIER." 

I  beg  the  reader  will  give  these  documents  a  due  degree  of 
consideration.  It  appears  that  governor  Griswold,  on  the  10th 
of  October,  1811,  unequivocally  pronounced  an  opinion,  that  the 
aggressions  of  Great  Britain  and  France  were  of  such  a  nature 
as  to  warrant  resistance  by  war.  He  denounced  the  pacific  poli- 
cy we  had  pursued,  as  rendering  us  "  contemptible  in  the  eyes  of 
foreign  nations,,''^  who,  'n  consequence,  regarded  us  **as  apeople 
ready  to  submit  to  every  indignity  which  interest  or  caprice 
jnight  impose  upon  tisJ'^  He  called  upon  the  government  to 
change  its  system,  and  to  convince,  foreign  nations,  that  "  we 
have  the  means  and  the  spirit  to  resent  foreign  aggressions  ;" — 
and  finally  declared  "  we  are  false  to  ourselves^  when  we  suffer 
our  commerce  or  our  territory  to  be  invaded  with  impunity.'*'' 
Seven  months  afterwards,  he  reviewed  these  declarations,  and 
stated  that  "  tio  circumstance  could  justify  u  preference  to  either^^ 
France  or  England,  both  had  so  grossly  outraged  our  rights. 
And  yet,  reader,  what  must  be  your  astonishment  to  be  told, 
that  this  same  governor  Griswold,  immediately  after  the  war 
was  declared,  which  his  speech  appears  to  have  urged,  arrayed 
himself  among,  and  was  a  leader  of,  the  *■*•  friends  ojpeace^''  who 
denounced  the  Avar  as  inexpedient,  and  wicked,  and  unjust,  and 
unholy  !  I ! 

I  might  have  rested  the  cause  on  the  united  testimony  of  Mr. 
Lloyd  and  Mr.  Bayard,  and  governor  Griswold.  They  are 
fully  sufficient  for  my  purpose.  No  candid  or  honest  man  can 
resist  them.  They,  with  concurring  voice,  establish  the 
strong,  the  decisive  fact,  that  there  was  ample  and  adequate  cause 
of  war.  But  regarding  the  subject  as  of  immense  and  vital  im- 
portance, I  am  determined  "  to  make  assurance  doubly  sure^"* 
I  therefore  solemnly  cite  before  the  public  another  evidence,  still 
more  powerful,  still  more  overwhelming,  to  prove  that  the  war 
was  not  founded  in  falsehood — that  it  was  both  just  and  righte- 
ous. 

This  evidence  is  the  honorable  Harrison  Gray  Otis,  esq. 
a  gentleman  of  considcrahli  talents,  great  wealth,  high  standing, 
and  most  powerful  iniluencc  in  the  state  of  Massachusetts,  who 
has  acted  a  very  conspicuous  and  important  part  in  the  extraor- 
dinary cv  nts  of  our  era.  He  was  formerly  a  senator  of  the 
United  States — recently  a  member  of  the  legislature  of  MasBa- 


CHAP.  45.3 


DEFENCE  OF  THE  WAR. 


245 


n 


we 


o 


») 


chusetts— -one  of  the  principal  movers  of  the  appointment  of,  and 
a  tlelegate  to,  the  Hartford  Convention ;  (which  legislature  and 
convention  denounced  the  war  as  unjust,  and  wicked,  and  profli- 
gate)— and  finally,  one  of  the  "  ambassadors^^  to  Washington,  to 
negociate  with  the  president  on  the  part  of  Massachusetts.  It  is 
hardly  necessary  to  add — but  I  shall  be  pardoned,  I  trust,  for 
adding,  that  there  is  not  in  the  United  States  a  more  uniform, 
iindeviating,  and  zealous  opposer  of  the  party  in  power — a  more 
decided  antigallican — or  a  citizen  less  disposed  to  censure  Eng- 
land or  her  measures  unjustly,  than  Mr.  Otis. 

This  gentleman,  on  the  14th  of  January,  1812,  addressed  to  a 
friend  in  London,  a  letter  en  the  relations  of  the  two  nations — 
which  displays  no  small  share  of  public  spirit,  and  breathes  a 
most  fervent  desire  for  the  repeal  of  the  orders  in  council,  in 
order  to  remove  the  indignation  and  abhorrence  they  excited  in 
the  United  States. 

This  letter  was  published  in  London  ;  and,  had  not  the  coun- 
sellors of  his  Britannic  majesty  been  most  fatally  and  egregious- 
ly  "misguided,  would  have  produced  an  immediate  and  decisive 
effect,  and  saved  the  two  countries  from  the  hv^rrors  of  warfare, 

..Extract  of  a  letter  from  llarrison  Gray  Otis,  esq.  to  a  fnend  in  London,  dated 

Uoxton,  January  14,  1812. 

"You  will  perceive  bytlie  p.ipcrs,  tliiit  our  govenimcnt  profess  the  intention 
to  assume  a  very  wurlike  attitude  ;  anil  that  tlie  sentiment  of  indie^nafiun  through- 
lint  the  country  at  the  c(nitinuation  of  the  orders  in  council,  IS  LOUD  AND  UNI- 
VER.SAL  FUO.M  BOTH  PAKTIKS  !  Tlie  motives  which  induce  your  govern- 
ment  to  conti.me  tliem,  are  (/uilc  inconiprehensihle  to  the  BBS  T  FRIENDS  uf 
Great  Britain  in  this  count r  1/ .■  and  THE  EFFECT  WILL  IIE  TO  MAKE 
EVERY  MAN  ODU)US  WHO  DARES  TO  EXPRESS  A  WISH  FOR  YOUR 
SUCCESS  AND  PROSPERITY;  a  sentiment  still  common  to  our  best  men,  but 
ivhich  an  adherence  to  this  system  wilt  impair  and  destroy. 

"  It  is  too  true,  tliat  the  repeal  of  tlie  Berlin  and  Milan  decr<  js  has  been  less 
formal  than  it  should  have  been ;  and  that  our  adminislration  have  become  wil- 
ling dupes  to  the  insidious  policy  of  Najioleon. 

"  But  why  shoidd  your  government  mind  that  ?  Why  should  they  not  embrace 
any  jiretence  for  restoring  hannony  l)etween  our  t'vo  countries,  especially  as  it 
will,  of  consequence,  be  followed  by  hostility  on  the  part  of  France  ?  Napoleon 
will  renew  his  outrages  the  moment  we  are  friends ;  and  the  natural  ties  which 
'.ement  Great  Uritain  and  .America,  will  be  draini  closer.  On  the  contrary,  the 
scrupulous  adherence  of  y<«ir  cabinet  to  an  emlity  punctilio,  will  too  j)robably 
unite  the  whole  country  in  opposition  to  your  nation,  and  sever,  for  generations, 
perliaps  for  ever,  interests  which  have  the  must  natural  acuity,  and  men  who 
ought  to  feel  and  love  like  l)rethren." 

Let  us  canvass  this  precious  document  attentively.  It  is 
fraught  with  meaning,  and  flashes  conviction.  Every  sentence 
is  of  vital  importance.  Mr.  Otis  states,  that  "  the  senlhmnt  of 
indignation  as^ainst  the  orders  in  eouneil  ivas  loud  and  universal 
from  both  partie.".^^  This  declaration  from  such  a  quarter  is 
overwhelming — it  is  irresistible.  It  proves  the  strong  sense 
universally  prevalent,  of  the  outrage  and  injustice  of  those  or- 
ders. The  concurrence  of  both  ])arties,  who  so  rarely  agree  in 
any  point,  demands  particular  attention.  And  surely  Mr.  Otis 
O.  B.  13 


r, 


^^••ffc 


■:  I 


POLITICAL  OLlVfi  BRANCH. 


[chap.  45. 


himself,  or  Mr.  Pickering,  or  Mr.  King,  will  not  deny  that  it  is 
fair  to  infer  that  he  must  have  regarded  the  orders  in  council  as 
unjust,  and  wicked,  and  oppressive,  and  piratical,  and  utterly  in- 
defensible, when  he  candidly  confesses,  that  a  continuance  of 
them  would  ^''produce  the  effect  to  render  every  man  odious  who 
dared  to  express  a  wish  for  the  success  a7id  prosperity''^  of  Great 
Britain. 

Mr.  Otis  deprecated  a  war  with  England  as  one  of  the 
mightiest  evils.  He  appears  to  have  regarded  these  orders  as  not 
merely  cause  of  war — but  as  likely  to  produce  war,  if  continued. 

"What  language  shall  I  use,  reader,  to  fix  your  attention  to  this 
most  solemn  part  of  my  subject  ?  Mr.  Otis  is  so  thoroughly 
impressed  with  a  conviction  of  the  injustice  of  the  orders  in 
council,  that  he  explicitly  states  to  his  correspondent,  that  the 
*'  sentiment  of  indignation  throiig-hout  the  country^''  at  their  con- 
tinuance, "  is  loud  and  universal  from  both  parties^"*  and  that 
"  the  effect  of  their  continuance  will  be  to  render  odious  every 
man  who  dares  to  express  a  wish  for  the  success  and  prosperity 
of  Eng-land^^ — and  further,  that  "  an  adherence  to  an  empty  punc- 
tilio will  sever  the  trvc  nations  perhaps  for  ever^  Let  it  be  ob- 
served that  these  declarations  were  made  January  14,  1812, 
onl)'  five  months  before  the  declaration  of  war — and  further,  that 
no  alteration  or  mitigation  of  the  rigour  or  injustice  of  those 
orders  had  taken  place  when  war  was  declared.  When  these 
points  are  duly  weighed,  let  the  reader  consider  that  this  same 
Harrison  Gray  Otis  was  one  of  the  prime  movers  of  a  seditious, 
I  might  say,  a  treasonable  opposition  to  the  war,  on  the  ground 
of  its  having  been  "  profligate  and  unjust."  It  is  impossible 
for  latiguage  to  do  justice  to  the  astonishment  these  reflections 
are  ciilciilated  to  excite.  Mr.  Otis  was  a  most  influential  mem- 
ber of  the  senate  of  Massachusetts,  in  Februaiy,  1814,  when  a 
report  of  both  houses  declared,  that  "  the  war,  so  fertile  in  ca- 
lamities, xvas  waged  with  the  worst  possible  views^  and  carried 
on  in  the  worst  possible  manner.,  forming  an  union  of  weakness 
and  rvickedncss.,  which  defies  for  a  parallel  the  annals  of  the 
world!  r 

Hf  re  I  close  this  part  of  the  discussion.  It  were  superfluous 
to  add  a  line.     The  reader  \\\\\  ha\e  no  difficulty  to  decide^ 

On  the  18th  of  December,  1808,  a  vote  was  taken  in  the 
house  of  representatives  of  the  United  States,  on  the  following 
resolution  : 

♦'  RcHolvfil,  That  the  United  Statos  cannot,  withoMt  a  sacrifice  of  their  riglits,, 
honour  and  iiidrpcndctiro.  s\il>niit  to  tlie  late  cdVis  ofdreat  Uritaln  and  France. 

"  And  decided  in  the  affiinuitivc  as  follows;  yeas,  one  liundrcd  and  eigh- 
teen, najs,  two. 

"  Yeas.  Ml  ssrs.  Alexander,  W.  .Mston,  !,.  Alston,  Bacon,  Hard,  Baker, 
Bassett,  Hlackled^e,  Ulukc,  Hlonnt  /hml,  Hoyle,  Hrown,  Hnrwel',  l?ntlcr,  Cal- 
houn,  Campbell,  Champion,  Cldltcuuen,  Clay,  Clopton,  Culpepper,  Cutts,  JJuvcii- 


'■^jfll 


CHAF.  45.] 


DEFENCE  OP  THE  WAR. 


24? 


;  r 


port,  Dawson,  Deane,  Desha,  Durell,  Elliott,  Ely,  Findley,  Fislc,  Franklin,  Gard- 
ner, Garnet,  Gholson,  Goodwyn,  Gray,  Green,  Harris,  Ueister,  Helms,  Holland, 
Holmes,  Howard,  llumplireys,  Isley.  J.  G.  Jackson,  K.  S.  Jackson,  Jenkins, 
Johnson,  Jones,  Kelly,  Kenan,  Key,  Kirkpatrick,  Lambert,  Lewis,  Lloyd,  Ma- 
con, Marion,  Masters,  M*Creery,  Milnor,  D.  Montgomery,  J.  Montgomery,  N. 
K.  Moore,  T.  Moore,  Jer.  Morrow,  Jno.  Morrow,  Moaely,  Mumtbrd,  Nelson, 
J\'eiobold,  Newton,  lilicholas,  Pitkin,  Porter,  Qidncy,  Randolph,  Rea,  Kiiea,  J. 
Richards,  M.  Richards,  Russcl,  Say,  Seaver,  Shaw,  Sloan,  Smelt,  Smilie,  J.  K. 
Smith,  J.  Smith,  Southard,  Stanford,  Stedman,  Storer,  Stvrges,  Taggart,  Tal- 
madge,  Taylor,  Thomson,  Trigg,  Troup,  Upham,  Van  Allen,  Van  Cortlandt, 
Van  Horn,  Van  Rensselaer,  Verplank,  Wharton,  Whitchill,  Wilbour,  Williams, 
A.  Wilson,  N.  Wilson,  Winn.— 118. 
"  Nays,  Messrs.  Gardenier,  Hoge. — 2."  '  ' 

This  is  a  vote  of  immense  importance  in  the  decision  of  the 
question  which  I  have  been  discussing.  One  hundred  and  eigh- 
teen members,  out  of  one  hundred  and  twenty,  have  recorded 
their  deliberate  opinion,  that  "  to  submit  to  the  edicts  of  Great 
Britain  and  France''''  would  be  "  a  sacrifice  of  the  rights^  honour y 
and  independence'''*  of  the  United  States. 

Our  government  had  used  every  peaceable  means  that  could  be 
devised,  to  induce  Great  Britain  to  revoke  her  orders  in  council, 
to  which,  according  to  those  gentlemen,  we  could  not  submit, 
without  "  rt  ^ac/v^cf  of  our  rights^  honour^  and  independence,'''* 
But  every  effort  had  been  in  vain.  The  orders  in  council  re- 
mained unrevoked. 

Yet  nineteen  of  these  gentlemen,  thus  solemnly  pledged,  and 
committed,  voted  against  the  war,  as  unjust  and  wicked ;  and 
spared  no  pains  to  excite  a  seditious,  a  treasonable  opposition  to 
it,  on  the  pretext  of  that  injustice  and  wickedness! 

Can  the  human  mind  conceive  a  stronger  and  more  indefen- 
sible contradiction  than  this  ?  It  is  impossible. 

The  war  was  in  resistance  of  the  orders  in  council,  and,  ac- 
cording to  these  gentlemen,  was,  of  coarse,  a  war  to  prevent  "  a 
sacrifice  of  the  rights,  honour,  and  independence  of  the  United 
Stiites."  And  if  ever  war  can  be  just  and  holy,  it  surely  is  then 
just  and  holy,  when  it  is  waged  in  defence  of  "the  rights,  ho- 
nour, and  independence  of  a  nation." 

I  cannot  allow  myself  to  believe,  that  I  shall  have  a  single 
reader  who  will  doubt  or  deny  the  correctness  of  this  inference. 
It  is  irresistible.  These  gentlemen  are  fairly  committed  in  the 
fixce  of  their  country  and  of  all  Christendom. 

It  may  be  said,  and  has  been  said  ten  thousand  times,  that 
the  same  pledge  was  given  on  the  subject  of  the  French  decrees ; 
and  that  war  ought  to  have  been  declared  against  one  nation  as 
well  as  the  other.  To  this  there  are  two  replies.  One,  that  the 
French  government  did  repeal  its  decrees,  although  in  a  very 
ungracious  and  uncourteous  manner.  But  ungracious,  and  un- 
courteous,  and  indecorous,  as  it  was,  thetj  were  repealed.  That 
this  was  the  {t\ct,  I  appeal  to  Mr.  Otis.  He  has  completely  set- 
tled this  point  for  ever.    Outhe  14th  of  January,  1812,  as  we 


s  ^>^4m 


S" 


■  I'i 


'^'"m 


\  .tte* 


u 


ii.ai 


248 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[chap.  45. 


have  seen,  m  a  confidential  letter  to  a  friend,  he  declared,  not 
that  the  decrees  were  unrepealed — but  that  "  the  repeal  was  less 
formal  than  it  should  have  becn,^  The  reader  who  does  not  find 
that  this  is  a  decisive  admission  that  they  were  actually  repeal- 
ed, must  be  wilfully  blind.  The  other  reply  embraces  an  impor- 
tant fact.  When  the  question  of  war  against  Great  Britain  was 
under  discussion  in  congress,  Mr.  M'Kee,  of  Kentucky,  moved 
for  a  declaration  of  war  against  France  as  well  as  her  enemy. 
This  motion,  on  a  division  of  the  house,  was  negatived  by  a 
very  large  majority.  Ten  members  only*  voted  in  the  affirma- 
tive, of  whom  seven  were  democrats,  and  but  three  federalists  ! 
All  the  other  feder<dists  voted  in  the  negative!  This  for  ever  closes 
the  clamour  on  the  subject  of  the  propriety  of  declaring  war 
against  France. 

Hfre  1  make  a  solemn  pause.  The  orders  in  council  were,  as 
we  have  seen,  one  of  the  most  prominent  grounds  of  war.  I  have 
established  their  existence  and  their  flagitious  injustice  at  the 
time  of  that  declaration.  Yet  the  senate  of  Massachusetts  has 
declared  that  "  the  war  rvas  founded  infalsehood  !  I  /" 

When  I  stated  the  enormous  transit  duty  the  British  minis- 
ters attempted  to  collect  for  permission  to  trade  with  France^  I 
mentioned,  that  to  such  an  extravagant  length  was  their  violation 
of  neutral  rights  and  of  our  independent  sovereignty  carried, 
that,  wonderful  to  tell,  they  affected  to  consider  the  permission 
to  trade  on  those  terms,  as  a  special  favour  !  Lest  the  reader 
might  doubt  or  disbelieve  this  astonishing,  this  monstrous,  this 
dishonourable,  this  unparalleled  fact,  I  give  him  the  most  un- 
equivocal authority ;  the  celebrated  Francis  James  Jackson. 
This  gentleman,  in  a  letter  to  the  secretary  of  state,  dated  Octo- 
ber 11,  1811,  expressly  states — 

"  Tlw  option  ffiven  to  neutrals  to  trade  luith  the  enemies  of  Great  Britain,  thrmiffh 
JBritish  ports,  ON  PAYMENT  OF  A  TRANSIT  DUTY,  was  originally  devised 
and  intended  as  a  MITIGATION  of  what  is  cei-tainly  more  correct,  but  more  rigid 
in  principle.-  TlIK  TOTAL  AND  UNQUAUFIED  INTERDICTION  OF  ALL 
TRADE  WITH  THE  ENEMY ! ! !" 

There  is  one  point  of  view  in  which  the  pretensions  of  Eng- 
land ought  to  be  considered,  to  show  their  palpable  and  shock- 
ing injustice,  their  utter  disregard  of  the  rights  of  this  nation, 
and  their  total  departure  from  the  most  solemn  professions  pre- 
viously made. 

By  these  professions,  England  had  pledged  herself  to  repeal 
the  orders  in  council  as  soon  as  the  Berlin  and  Milan  decrees 
were  repealed,  so  far  as  those  decrees  affected  our  intercourse 
with  England.  We  had  no  right  to  demand  of  France  to  go  fur- 


•  Sec  this  fact  slated  in  tlie  speech  of  Mr.  Clay,  speaker  of  tlie  house  of  re- 
presentatives of  the  United  States,  January  8,  1813.  Weekly  Register,  vol. 
iii.  page  372. 


CHAP.   45.] 


DEFENCE  OP  THE  WAR. 


249' 


ther  than  this  in  her  repeal.  It  would  have  been  the  most  arro- 
gant presumption  for  our  government  to  have  prescribed  to 
France  any  regulation  of  such  parts  of  her  trade  as  we  were  not 
intc  rested  in.  Yet  England  did  require  a  repeal  of  her  decrees 
afflicting  her  trade  with  other  nations,  as  a  sine  qua  non  to  the  re- 
peal of  the  orders  affecting  the  trade  of  the  United  States. 

This  has  been  repeatedly  denied,  and  with  the  utmost  confi- 
dence. But  denial  is  not  disproof.  And  unfortunately  for  the 
friends  of  England,  the  fact  has  become  a  matter  of  historical 
record.  It  is  to  be  found  in  a  document  of  the  most  indisputable 
authenticity.  On  the  10th  of  June,  1812,  only  eight  days  before 
the  declaration  of  war,  Mr.  Foster,  the  British  minister  at 
Washington,  wrote  a  letter  to  our  government,  in  which  this 
idea  is  distinctly  and  un?quivocally  avowed,  in  the  following 
words  : 

"  I  have  no  hesitation,  sir,  in  saying,  that  Great  Britain,  as  the  case  has  hi- 
therlo  stood,  never  did,  nor  ever  could  engage,  luiihout  the  grossest  injustice  to  Iter- 
eel/  and  /ler  allies,  as  ivell  as  to  other  neutral  nations,  to  repeal  her  orders,  as  af- 
fecting Amencn  alone,  leaving  them  in  force  against  other  states,  upon  a  condition 
that  France  wi  ild  excel ' ■  ^i^ff^H  or-'  apeciLd'y,  Amei'icafrom  the  operation  of  her 
decrees." 

Whatever  reprobation  C-m'.  system,  here  avowed,  loudly  calls 
for  on  the  ground  of  its  gross  and  flagrant  injustice,  we  must 
approve  the  canc^ ju)  of  Mr.  Post-;,  which  clothes  it  in  all  its 
genuine  and  intr  nsic  deformity,  and  holds  it  up  to  the  abhor- 
rence of  the  fair  and  upright  part  of  mankind  (if  all  nations. 

England  at  this  time  stood  pledged  to  this  country,  by  re- 
peated declarations,  promulgated  with  the  utmost  solemnity,  to 
proceed  pari  passu^  with  France.  But  notwithstanding  these 
solemn  pledges,  .o  often  reiterated,  she  at  last  fairly  comes  out 
with  an  explicit  declaration,  that  the  repeal  of  the  decrees,  as  af- 
fecting America,  was  to  produce  no  effect  on  the  orders  in  coun- 
cil, as  affecting  this  country.  That  is,  as  plainly  as  can  be,  that 
unless  we  could  prevail  on  France  to  cease  the  operation  of  her 
decrees  upon  British  trade  generally,  we  had  no  reason  to  hope 
for  ;i  relaxation  of  the  rigour  and  injustice  of  her  orders  in 
counrn.  This  is  a  new  explanation  of  sl  pari  fiassUy  and  would 
of  itself,  had  it  stood  alone,  have  afforded  a  full  justification  of 
the  declaration  of  hostilities. 

No  man  who  has  the  least  regard  to  his  character — who  is  not 
tleprived  by  faction  and  party  violence  of  the  moral  sense— can, 
after  a  perusal  of  the  preceding  observations  and  facts,  hesitate 
what  sentence  to  pronounce  on  the  accusation,  that  "  the  war 
was  founded  in  falsehood.^'' 


I; 


V 

1    si 

'  mi 


t  ! 


^  \h'i 


vol. 


I      i  I 


■^0 


POUTICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[chap.  46. 


^V,  '  CHAPTER  XLVI. 

'   ,     Enquiry  into  the  justice  of  the  xvar  continued. 

Impressment,     ' 

Of  the  enormity  of  this  horrible  grievance,  which  cries  to 
heaven  for  vengeance^  I  have  given  such  copious  details,  in 
chapters  3t  to  38,  that  I  need  not  enter  deeply  into  it  here. 

That  it  was  ample  and  adequate  cause  of  war,  no  man  can  de- 
ny, who  reads  the  lettv  r  from  commodore  Porter,  page  201— 
and  the  extract  from  the  log  book  of  the  Guerriere,  page  202 — 
whereby  it  is  indisputably  established  that  thi-re  was  no  less 
than  the  enormous  number  of  forty  five  American  impressed 
seamen  on  board  three  British  vessels. 

I  must  once  more  beg  leave  to  introduce  to  the  reader,  James 
Lloyd,  Esq.  When  I  shelter  myself  under  such  authority  as 
Messrs.  Otis,  Pickerings  Lloyd,  Griswold,  he.  I  deem  myself 
impregnable.  * 

Extract  of  a  letter  from  the  hononrnble  Jamea  TJoijil  to  the  hnnourabh'  JlTr.  Pci'Avns, 
"  ff  Great  Britain  did elaim  and  exeninr  the  tight  to  imliress  into  her  nciTici', 
the  real,  bona  fide,  native  citizens  of  the  United  Stolen,  an  interminable  -it'ttr  -ifith 
her,  or  with  all  the  iiatioim  of  the  earth  fif  it  could  not  he  otherivise  fnv^'enfr('J 
might  he  alike  Jtist,  necessari/,  and  commendable.  'I'lie  ocean,  for  the  use  of  the 
great  fuinily  of  mankind,  bIiouIcI  own  no  chtilcrcil  privilogcs.  In  a  time  of 
neutrality,  while  abstaining  Ivnm  injury  to  otlu-rs,  it  sliouUI  ne  as  free  as  air,  to 
all  who  navigate  it :  .ind  the  IMPRES.SMKVT  OF  A  NATIVE  AMERICAN 
CITIZEN,  »«noce>U  of  crime,  and  oxni/ig  ehetvhere  no  firimarit  or  fmramimnt  alle- 
ffiatice,  and  fn-osecuting  a  lawful  commerce,  in  n  vnsel  of  his  own  cuwitri/,  is,  as  it 
rcnf)ects  the  individual,  and  as  it  regardsan  infringement  of  r.glits,  AS  (;U()HS  A 
VIOLATION  AS  IF  ME  WERE  AKUEMTEl),  I'OltX  AND  TUANSPOUTEO 
INTO  SLAVERY  FROM  IIIS  PATERNAL  ROOF  OR  DOMESTIC  ALTAR." 
Boston  Ccntinel,  March  (5, 1813. 

The  mind  glows  with  animation  on  reading  these  noble,  these 
dignified,  these  manly  8cntiments,woithy  of  the  most  illustrious 
heroes  of  the  revolution  !  What  a  wonderful  contrast  l)etween 
them  and  the  groveling  report  of  the  connnittee  of  tin-  legisla- 
ture of  Massachusetts  !  This  single  extract  were  sufticiint  to 
justify  the  war,  had  there  been  no  other  ground  than  impress- 
ment alone. 

From  the  commencement  of  the  French  revolutionary  war, 
till  the  declaration  of  hostilities  took  place,  our  vessrls  were  ar- 
rested wherever  mi't  with  by  Hritish  vessels  of  war — the  mws 
overhauled, — and  the  British  captains  seized  and  enslaved  whom 
thev  pleasfd— as   thev  were,  in  the  strong  language  of  Colibett 

— 'i  cAPmus,    Accusers,     wrrNEssKs,   and 

JUDGES." 

England  would  have  made  war  against  all  the  nations  of  Eu- 
rope in  succession,  had  thev  (land  to  impriss  lu-r  scami-n.  \nd 
what  right  had  she  lo  claim  a  nligious  vem  rati'in  for  her  flag, 
whrn  slu-  was  in  the  daily  practice  of  violating  ourn  in  the  gros- 
sest manner  i 


cjiAT.  46.] 


DEFENCE  OF  THE  WAR. 


251 


:  I  request  the  reader's  attention  to  this  subject.  Mr.  Lloyd 
unites  "  the  claim"  and  "  the  exercise.''^  The  former  is  unim- 
portant in  itself,  and  does  not  affect  the  question.  Suppose 
England  were  to  "  claim  a  righf^  to  all  our  vessels — to  our  ter- 
ritory— to  our  persons — it  is  no  cause  of  war.  But  the  aoment 
she  attempts  "  to  exercise  the  right"  to  seize  any  of  them,  resis- 
tance becomes  a  duty. 

It  thus  appears,  that  the  expression  "  claim"  is  mere  verbiage. 
I  do  by  no  means  believe  it  was  employed  to  delude  the  reader. 
But  I  do  aver  that  such  is  its  eifect. 

"  The  exercise'^  then  "  by  Great  Britain^  of  the  right  to  im- 
press into  her  service  the  real  bona  fide  native  citizens  of  the 
United  States^  wouW  by  the  explicit  and  unexceptionable  de- 
claration of  James  Lloyd,  '■'"Justify  an  interminable  war  with 
her:' 

The  question,  reader,  is  thus  reduced  within  a  narrow  com- 
pass. It  only  remains  to  be  ascertained  whether  "  she  exerci- 
sed" the  execrable  '*  right  of  impressment"  of  "  real  bona  fide 
citizens"  or  not.  If  she  did,  the  war,  according  to  Mr.  Lloyd> 
was  just.  To  provi;  the  fact  beyond  the  possibility  of  doubt,  I 
call  in  very  high  authority.  I  will  give  up  for  a  moment  my 
own  calculation  of  TOOO — the  secretary's  statement  of  670(V— 
and  even  lord  Castlereagh's  admission  of  1600.*  I  will  rely 
upon  the  committee  of  the  legislature  of  Massachusetts,  and 
upon  the  reverend  M^r.  Taggart,  member  of  congress  from  that 
state. 

The  latter  admits  there  were  three  hundred  impressed  Amer- 
ican seamen  on  board  the  British  navy  on  the  declaration  of  war. 
And  a  committee  of  the  house  of  representatives  of  Massachu- 
setts, "  as  far  as  their  imjidrics  went'*''  admit  that  there  were 
eleven  impressed  natives  ot  the  state  on.  board  that  navy. 

I  proceed  logically.  As  "  the  exercise  of  the  right"  of  im- 
pressing the  "real  bona  fide  native  citizens  of  the  United  States 
into  the  service  of  Great  Britain,  would  justify  an  interminable 
war  with  her  or  all  the  notions  of  the  earthy'' — and  as  we  have 
clearly  established  that  there  were,  at  all  events,  3fX)  native  citi- 
zens of  the  United  States  so  impressed — it  fc^Uows  that  Mr. 
Lloyd  must  justify  the  late  war — and  will  not  dare  to  assert  that 
it  was  *'■  founded  in  falsehood:'^     Q.  E.  D. 

Before  I  close  the  subject,  I  beg  leave  to  introduce  higher 
personages  on  the  stage. 

rhe  prince  regent  has  publickly  declared,  that  "  it  is  known 
to  the  world  that  this  country,  [Great  Britain]  was  not  the  ag- 
gressor in  this  war :" 

•  I.onl  riiMlcrrnRli,  in  tlir  Ilrititih  pnvliumcnt,  I  nmii.i'iurcd  ami  confidently 
beliuvu  udiiattcJ  titis  minilH  r. 


*  ;••''; 


I  I 


4| 


« 


'-rtUl 


t'-      M» 


hf 


;, 


*       1 


343 


POUTICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[chap.  A6. 


ii 


And  the  lords  of  the  admiralty,  in  their  proclamation,  dated 
April,  1814,  (see  page  65,)  express  their  regret  on  the  subject  of 

the  unprovoked  aggression  of  the  American  government  in  de- 
claring war  after  all  the  causes  of  its  original  complaint  had  beeii 
removed^'' 

To  enter  the  lists  against  such  formidable  antagonists,  is 
really  bold  and  daring.  But  I  hope  I  have  proved,  that  the  war 
was  not  **  founded  in  falsehood ;" — that  Great  Britain  was  noto- 
riously "  the  aggressor ;"  and  that  none  of  "  the  original  causes 
of  complaint  had  been  removed"  previous  to  the  declaration  of 
war. 

Juj,t  as  this  page  was  going  to  press,  I  met  with  an  impor- 
tant document,  which  bears  powerfully  and  unanswerably  on  this 
topic.     It  is  entitled 

"  An  abstract  of  the  returns  or  lists  received  from  general  Lyman,  of  Ameri- 
can seamen  and  citizens,  who  have  been  impres9C«l  and  held  on  board  his  Uri- 
tannic  majesty's  ships  of  war,  from  the  first  of  October,  1807,  till  the  thirty- 
first  of  March,  1809." 

The  whole  number  of  impressed  men  included  in  these  re- 
turns, is  -  -  -  -  -  8r3 

Of  whom  were  discharged        -  -  -      1287 

Applications  unanswered         .  -         -         -     103 

.     In  ships  on  foreign  stations  -         .         -  48 

Deserted  -  -         •        -         -         -       32 

British  subjects         -         -  -       -         -         -    98 

Having  voluntarily  entered     -         -         -  -       34 

Married  in  England  or  Ireland  -         -         -     7 

The  remaining  264  were  refused  to  be  discharged  on  various 
grounds,  of  irregularity  of  documents,  &c.  &cc. — But  let  it  be 
borne  in  eternal  remembrance,  that  of  the  whole  numbir^  873, 
there  were  only  98  who  nvere  detained  as  British  subjects  !  / 

This  single  document  is  of  itself  abimdantly  sufficient  to  brand 
with  infamy,  beyond  the  power  of  appeal  or  justification,  the 
odious  practice  of  impressment.  Kight  hundred  and  seventy 
three  persoiis,  sailing  under  the  American  flag,  which  ought  to 
have  insured  them  full  and  complete  protection,  are  seized  with 
every  circumstance  of  outrage,  oppression,  injury,  and  injustice, 
as  British  subjects — are  torn  from  their  friends  and  families 
and  country — are  compelled  to  fight  the  battles  of  (ireat  Britain, 
at  the  risque  of  being  slaughtered  liy  her  enemies — they  arc  sub- 
ject to  the  most  ignominious  punishment,  if  they  dare  refuse  to 
serve ;  and  yet,  good  heavens  !  what  an  abomination  !  when 
their  cases  are  fully  investigatetl,  it  is  found  that  only  98  ol 
them  are  asserted  to  be — though  tlivij  were  all  stolen  under  pre. 
fence  that  theij  were — British  snbjtrts  !  ! 

I  make  a  solemn  appeal  on  this  subject—not  to  the  United 
States — not  to  the  British  nati<m — net  to  France — Imt  to  the 
wholi  world — and  boldly  aver,  and  dare  tuntraUittion,  that  no 


'^y. 


JtBAP.  47] 


TURBULENCE  OF  BOSTON. 


21^ 


n 


nation  ever  perpetrated  such  atrocious,  such  horrible,  such  law- 
less violence  on  another  nation,  in  a  state  of  pretended  peace 
and  friendship  ;  and  that  no  nation,  with  equal  means  of  defence 
and  oftence,  ever  before  submitted  to  such  humiliation,  such  de- 
gradation, as  Great  Britain  heaped  on  the  United  States. 

CHAPTER  XLVII. 

Turbulence  of  Boston,  Boston  acts  on  Massachusetts.  Massa- 
chusetts acts  on  the  other  eastern  states,  yeahusies  and  discord 
sedulously  excited.     Hatejul  picture  of  the  southern  states. 

Boston,  the  metropolis  of  Massachusetts,  has  been  for  a  long 
period,  and  more  particularly  since  the  close  of  the  reign  of  fe- 
"'.eralism,  the  seat  of  discontent,  complaint,  and  turbulence.  She 
l.i'.sljeen  herself  restless  and  uneasy— and  has  spread  restlessness 
and  uneasiness  throughout  the  union.  She  has  thwarted,  ha- 
rassed, and  embarrassed  the  general  government,  incomparably 
more  than  all  the  other  states  together. 

Whatever  difficulty  or  distress  arose  from  the  extraordinary 
circumstances  of  the  times — and  great  difficulty  and  distress 
were  inevitable — was  aggravated  and  magnified  to  the  highest 
degree,  for  the  purpose  of  inflaming  the  public  passions.  The 
leaders  in  tliis  business  were  clnmorous,  when  we  were  at  peace 
in  1793,  and  in  1806,  for  war  against  England,  on  account  of 
her  depredations  on  their  commerce,  and  in  1807,  on  account 
of  the  attack  on  the  Chesapeake.  They  were  equally  clamorous, 
as  we  have  seen,  in  1803,  for  war  against  Spain,  on  account  of 
th ;  interruption  of  the  right  of  deposit  at  New  Orleans,  and 
denounced,  in  the  most  virulent  style,  the  imbecility  and  cow- 
ardice of  the  government.  Yet  from  the  moment  when  war 
was  declared,  they  clamoured  for  peace,  and  reprobated  the  war 
as  wicked,  unjnst,  and  unnecessary,  although  the  causes  of  war 
were  incomparably  greater  in  1812,  than  in  1793,  or  1806,  or 
1807.*  They  made  every  possible  effort  to  raise  obstructions 
and  difficulties,  in  the  prosecution  of  the  war ;  and  yet  repro- 
bated  the  administration  for  their  imheciHtij  in  carrijinff  it  on. 
They  reduced  the  government  lo  bankruptcy,  as  I  trust  I  shall 
prove  ;  and  reprotuhdl  it  for  its  necessities  and  embarrassments. 
In  a  word,  all  their  movements  have  had  but  one  object,  to  en- 
feeble and  distract  the  goxernmint,  for  the  purj)ose  of  ngaining 
th«ir  lost  authority.  This  olyecl  has  been  too  successfully  at- 
tained. , 

With  a  population  of  only  33,000  inhabitants,  and  a  com- 
merce quite  insignificant,  compared  with  that  of  New  York, 
Philadelphia,  Baltimore,  or  Charleston.  Boston  has,  by, manage- 
ment and  address,  acquired  a  degree  of  influence  beyond  all 
proportion  greater  than  her  due  share — greater  in  fact  than  the 

•  See  cliMptcn  4.]  nnd  44- 

O.  B.  U 


m 


■        I'"    (t 


.k:'!! 


"iH 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[CBAF.  4!^- 


M 


above  four  cities  combined-- a  degree  of  influence  which  has 
been  exercised  in  such  a  manner  as  to  become  dangerous  to 
public  and  private  property  and  happiness,  and  to  the  peace  and 
permanence  of  the  union.  It  brought  us  to  the  very  verge  of 
Its  dissolution,  and  nearly  to  the  awful  consequence — a  civil 
war. 

The  movers  of  this  mighty  piece  of  machinerj'— this  lever 
that  puts  into  convulsive  motion  the  whole  of  our  political  fa- 
bric, are  few  in  number.  But  several  of  them  are  possessed  of 
inordinate  wealth—considerable  talents— great  energj- — and 
overgrown  influence.  They  aiford  a  signal  proof  how  much  a 
few  men  may  effect  by  energy  and  concert,  more  especially  wheu 
they  are  not  very  scrupulous  about  the  means  of  accomplishing 
their  ends.  A  northern  confederacy  has  been  the  object  for  a 
number  of  yearsr  They  have  repeatedly  advocated  in  the  pub- 
lic prints  a  separation  of  the  states,  on  account  of  a  pretended 
discordance  oi  views  and  interests  of  the  different  sections. 

This  project  of  separation  was  formed  shortly  after  the  adop- 
tion of  the  federal  constitution.  Whether  it  was  ventured  be- 
fore the  public,  earlier  than  1 796,  I  know  not.  But  of  its  pro- 
mulgation in  that  year,  there  is  the  most  indubitable  evidence. 
A  most  elaborate  set  of  papers,  under  the  signature  of  Pelham, 
was  then  published  in  the  city  of  Hartford,  m  Connecticut,  the 
joint  production  of  an  association  of  men  of  the  first  talents  and 
influence  in  the  state.  They  appeared  in  the  Connecticut  Cou- 
rant,  published  by  Hudson  and  Goodwin,  two  eminent  printers, 
of,  I  believe,  considerable  revolutionary  standing.  There  were 
then  none  of  the  long  catalogue  of  grievances,  which,  since  that 
period,  have  beci\  fabricated  to  justify  the  recent  attempts  to 
dissolve  the  union.  General  Washington  was  president ;  John 
Adams,  an  eastern  citizen,  vice-president.  There  was  no 
French  influence — no  Virginia  dynasty — no  embargo— no  non- 
intercourse — no  terrapin  policj' — no  democratic  madness — no 
war. — In  fine,  every  feature  in  the  affairs  of  the  country  was 
precisely  according  to  their  fondest  wishes. 

To  sow  discord,  jealousy,  and  hostility  between  the  diflTerent 
sections  of  the  union,  was  the  first  and  grand  step  in  their  ca- 
reer, in  order  to  accomplish  the  favourite  object  of  a  separation 
of  the  states. 

In  fact,  without  this  efficient  instrument,  all  their  effort  i  would 
have  been  utterly  unavailing.  It  would  have  been  imiossihle, 
had  the  honest  yeomanry  of  the  eastern  sta':cs  continued  to  re- 
gsird  their  southern  fellow  citizens  as  friends  and  brethren,  hav- 
ing one  common  interest  in  the  promotion  of  the  general  wel- 
fare, to  make  them  instruments  in  the  hands  of  those  who  in- 
tended to  (tmploy  them  to  operate  the  unholy  work  of  destroy- 
ing the  nolilc,  the  august,  the  splendid  fabric  of  our  union  and 
utiparalleled  form  of  government. 


CHAP. 


.  47.1 


ILLIBERALITY. 


85S 


,  would 
)ssil>lc. 


For  eighteen  years,  therefore,  the  most  unceasing  endeavours 
have  been  used  to  poison  the  minds  of  the  people  of  the  eastern 
states  towards,  and  to  alienate  them  from,  their  fellow  citizens 
of  the  southern.  The  people  of  the  latter  section  have  been 
pourtrayed  as  demons  incarnate,  destitute  of  all  the  good  quali- 
ties  that  dignify  or  adorn  human  nature — that  acquire  esteem  or 
regard — that  entitle  to  respect  and  veneration.  Nothing  can 
exceed  the  virulence  of  these  caricatures,  some  of  which  would 
have  suited  the  ferocious  inhabitants  of  New-Zealand,  rather 
than  a  civilized  or  polished  nation. 

To  illustrate,  and  remove  all  doubt  on,  this  subject,  I  subjoin 
an  extract  from  Pelham's  essays.  No.  I. 

""Ne^raes  are,  in  all  respects,  except  in  regard  to  life  and  death,  the  cattle 
•f  the  citizens  of  the  soutliern  states.  If  they  tuerc  good  for  food,  the  probability 
is,  that  even  the  power  of  destroying  their  lilies  would  be  enjoyed  by  tfteir  otimert, 
as  fully  as  it  is  over  the  lives  oftfieir  cattle.  It  cannot  be,  that  their  laws  prohibit 
the  owners  from  killing  their  slaves,  because  those  slaves  are  human  beings,  or  be- 
cause it  is  a  moral  evil  to  destroy  tliem.  If  that  were  the  case,  how  can  they  jus- 
tify their  being  treated,  in  all  other  resj)ects,  like  brutes  ?  for  it  in  in  this  point 
«f  view  alone,  that  negroes  in  the  southern  states  are  considered  in  fact  as  dif- 
ferent from  cattle.  They  are  bought  and  sold ;  they  are  fed  or  kept  hungry  ; 
they  are  clothed,  or  reduced  to  nakedness  ;  they  are  beaten,  turned  out  to  the 
fury  of  the  elements,  and  torn  from  tlicir  dearest  connections,  trith  as  Uttle  re- 
morse as  if  t/iey  were  beasts  oft/ie^eld." 

Never  was  there  a  more  infamous  or  unfounded  caricature 
than  this — never  one  more  disgraceful  to  its  author.  It  may 
not  be  amiss  to  state,  and  it  enhances  ten.fold  the  tiu'pitude  of 
the  writer,  that  at  the  period  when  it  was  written,  there  wertv 
many  slaves  in  Connecticut,  who  were  subject  to  every  one  of  the 
disadvantages  that  attended  the  southern  slaves. 

Its  vile  character  is  further  greatly  aggravated  by  the  con. 
bideration  that  a  large  portion  of  these  very  negroes,  and  their 
ancestors,  had  been  purchased,  and  rent  from  their  homes  and 
families,  by  citizens  of  the  eastern  states,  who  were  actually  at 
that  moment,  and  long  afterwards,  engaged  in  the  Slave  Trade* 

I  add  a  few  more  extracts  from  Pelham : — 

"  Wc  have  reached  a  critical  period  in  our  political  existence.  The  ques- 
tion must  soon  be  decided,  whether  we  shall  continue  a  nation,  at  the  expense 
tfven  of  our  union,  or  sink  with  the  present  mass  of  difficulty  into  confusion  and 
sh.ury. 

"  Many  oilvatitagcs  were  supposed  to  he  secured,  and  many  evils  avoided, 
by  an  union  of  the  states,  I  shall  not  deny  that  the  supposition  was  well 
foiuided.  Rut  at  tlibt  time  those  advantages  and  those  evils  were  magnified 
to  a  fur  greater  size,  than  cither  would  be  if  the  question  was  at  this  moment 
to  be  scttlod. 

"  The  northom  states  can  subsist  as  a  nation,  a  republic,  inthout  any  connec- 
tion wiV/»  the  southern.  It  cannot  be  conlcsted,  that  if  the  southern  states  were 
pnssessscd  of  the  same  political  ideas,  an  union  would  be  still  more  dcsirablo 
than  a  separation.  Hut  when  it  becomes  u  serious  question,  whether  we  shall 
give  up  our  government,  or  part  with  the  states  south  ef  the  Potomac,  no  man 
north  of  that  river,  whose  l.cart  is  not  thoroughly  deici/cratic,  can  hesitate  what 
decision  to  make. 

"  I  shall  in  the  future  papers  consider  some  of  the  great  events  which  will 
lead  to  a  stparut      of  the  l/mtrd  Utatesi  show  the  inportuice  of  retainLng 


I 


256 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[chap.  47. 


their  present  constitution,  even  at  the  expense  of  a  separation ;  endeavour  to 
prove  t/u'  impossibility  of  an  union  for  any  long  period  in  future,  both  from  the 
mora]  and  political  habits  of  the  citizens  of  the  southern  stntcn  ;  and  finally  ex- 
amine carefully  to  see  whetlier  we  have  not  already  approached  to  tlut  era  when 
t/tey  must  be  divided." 

It  is  impossible  for  a  man  of  intelligence  and  candour  to  read 
these  extvacifi  wilhviat  f<'«.'ling  a  decided  conviction  that  the 
writer  and  his  friends  were  determined  to  use  all  their  endea. 
vours  to  dr..s  he  tht;  union,  and  endanger  civil  war  and  all  its 
horrors,  m  order  to  promuf  ;1  eir  personal  views.  This  affords 
i\  compl  tc  chit  io  ^ii  ihe  sc'.'dous  proceedings  that  have  occur- 
red since  that  period — the  unceasing  efforts  to  excite  the  public 
miad  to  th.it  feverish  state  of  discord,  jealousy,  and  exaspera- 
tion, which  was  necessary  to  prepare  it  for  convulsion.  The 
parties  intereisted  would,  on  \hc  stage  of  a  separate  confederacy, 
ptrforn:  the  brilliant  parts  of  kings  and  princes,  generals,  and 
generalissimos — whereah  on  the  grand  stage  of  a  general  union, 
embracing  all  th<  Mtes,  they  are  obliged  to  sustain  characters 
of  perhaps  a  ^.econd  or  third  rate.  "  Better  to  rule  in  hell,  than 
obey  hi  heaven.^'' 

The  unholy  spirit  that  inspired  the  writer  of  the  above  ex- 
tracts has  been,  from  that  hour  to  the  present,  incessantly  em- 
ployed to  excite  hostility  between  the  different  sections  of  the 
union.  To  such  horrible  lengths  has  this  spirit  been  carried, 
that  many  paragraphs  have  occasionally  appeared  in  the  Boston 
papersk,  intended,  and  well  calculated  to  excite  the  negroes  of 
the  soutliern  states  to  rise  and  massacre  their  masters.  This 
will  imdoiibtedly  appear  incredible  to  the  reader.  It  is  never- 
theless sacredly  true.  It  is  a  species  of  turpitude  and  baseness, 
of  which  the  world  has  produced  few  examples. 

Thus  some  progress  was  made.  But  it  was  inconsiderable. 
While  the  yeomanry  of  the  eastern  states  were  enriched  by  a 
beneficial  commerce  with  the  southern,  they  did  not  feel  dis. 
posed  to  quarrel  with  them  for  their  supposed  want  of  a  due 
degree  of  piety  or  morality. 

A  deeper  game  was  requisite  to  be  played,  or  all  the  pains 
taken  so  far,  would  have  been  wholly  fruitless.  This  was  sedu- 
lously undertaken.  The  press  literally  groaned  with  efforts  to 
prove  five  points,  wholly  destitute  of  foundation. 

First,  that  the  eastern  states  werr  supereminently  commcrciitl. 

Secondly,  That  the  states  south  of  tlie  Susquehanna  were 
wholly  agricultural. 

Thu'dly,  That  there  is  a  natural  and   inevitable  hostility  be- 
tween qommereial  and  auricultural  states. 
^  Fourthly,  That  this   hostility   has   uniformly  pervaded   th< 
whole  southern  section  of  tlie  union.     And 

Fifthly,  That  all  the  measures  of  congress  were  dictated  by 
this  hostility  ;  and  were  a(  tualiy  intended  to  ruin  the  commer- 
cial, meaning  the  eastern  states. 


CHAP.   47.3 


DELUSION. 


m 


I  do  not  assert  that  these  miserable,  contemptible,  and  decep- 
tions positions  were  ever  laid  down  in  regular  form,  as  theses  to 
argue  upon.  But  I  do  aver,  that  they  form  the  basis  of  thrte 
fourths  of  all  the  essays,  paragraphs,  squibs,  and  crackers,  that 
have  appeared  in  the  Boston  papers  against  the  administration  for 
many  years  past,  "  The  Road  to  Ruin,"  ascribed  to  John 
Lowell,  now  before  me,  is  remarkable  for  its  virulence,  its  acri. 
mony,  its  intemperance,  and  for  the  talents  of  the  writer.  He 
undoubtedly  places  his  subject  in  the  strongest  point  of  light  pos- 
sible for  such  a  subject.  But  if  you  extract  from  his  essays, 
the  assumption  of  these  positions,  all  the  rest  is  a  me.re  caput 
mortuum— all  "  sound  and  fury."  On  these  topics  the  changes 
are  rung  in  endless  succession.  The  same  observation  will  ap- 
ply, and  with  equal  force,  to  hundreds,  perhaps  thousands  of  es- 
says and  paragraphs,  written  on  the  same  topic. 

Never  was  the — gutta  non  wi,  sed  saepe  cadendo— more  com- 
pletely verified.  These  positions,  however  absurd,  however  ex- 
travagant, however  ridiculous  they  appear  in  their  naked  form, 
have,  by  dint  of  incessant  repetition,  made  such  an  impression 
upon  the  minds  of  a  large  portion  of  the  people  of  the  eastern 
states,  that  they  are  as  thoroughly  convince^'  ^f  their  truth,  as  of 
any  problem  in  Euclid. 

Boston  having  acted  upon  and  inflamed  Massachusetts,  that 
state  acted  upon,  and  put  in  movement  the  rest  of  the  eastern 
states,  more  particularly  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island.  New 
Hampshire  and  Vermont  are  but  partially  infected  with  the  tur- 
bul(  nt  and  Jacobinical  spirit  that  predominates  in  Massachusetts. 

It  tl  s  happens,  that  a  people  proverbially  orderly,  quiet,  so- 
ber, and  rational,  were  actually  so  highly  excited  as  to  be  ripe 
for  revolution,  and  ready  to  overturn  the  whole  system  of  social 
order.  A  conspiracy  was  formed,  which,  as  I  have  stated,  and 
as  cannot  be  too  often  repeated,  promised  fair  to  produce  a  con- 
vulsion— a  dissolution  of  the  union — and  a  civil  war,  unless  the 
seduced  people  of  that  section  of  the  union  could  be  recovered 
from  the  fatal  delusion  they  laboured  under,  and  restored  to  their 
reason. 

I  shall  very  briefly,  and  without  much  attention  to  order  or 
regularity,  consider  these  positions.  They  are  not  entitled  to  a 
serious  refutation,  but  merely  as  they  have  been  made  the  in- 
struments of  producing  so  much  mischief. 

Before  I  touch  upon  the  commercial  points,  I  shall  offer  a  few 
observations  on  the  high  and  exalted  pretensions  of  the  people  of 
the  eastern  states,  to  superior  morality  and  religion,  over  the  rest 
of  the  union.  There  has  not  been,  it  is  true,  quite  so  much  pa- 
rade with  these  exclusive  claims  as  on  the  subject  of  commerce. 
Perhaps  the  reason  is  that  there  was  no  political  purpose  to  be 
answered  by  them.    But  that  the  people  of  that  section  of  the 


4  If .« j<j 


'     'III 


y\    ' 


358 


POLITICAL  OUVE  BRANCH. 


[oiAP.4r> 


union  are  in  general  thoroughly  persuaded  that  they  very  far 
excel  the  rest  of  the  nation  in  both  religion  and  morals,  no  man 
vrho  has  been  conversant  with  them  can  deny.  This  folly  of 
self  righteousness,  of  exalting  ourselves  above  others,  is  too  ge- 
neral all  over  the  world ;  but  no  where  more  prevalent,  or  to 
greater  extent,  than  in  the  eastern  states.  To  pretend  to  insti- 
tute a  comparison  between  the  religion  and  morals  of  the  people 
of  Boston  and  those  of  Philadelphia,  New  York,  or  Baltimore, 
would  be  considered  as  extravagant  and  absurd,  as  a  comparison 
of  the  most  licentious  votary  of  Venus,  with  a  spotless  vestal.— 
The  Rev.  Jedidiah  Morse  has  in  some  degree  devoted  his  geo- 
graphy to,  and  disgraced  it  by,  the  perpetuation  of  this  vile  pre- 
judice. Almost  every  page  that  respects  his  own  section  of  the 
union  is  highly  encomiastic.  He  colours  with  the  flattering 
tints  of  a  partial  and  enamoured  friend.  But  when  once  he  pas- 
ses the  Susquehannah,  what  a  hideous  reverse  !— Almost  every 
thing  is  there  frightful  caricature.  Society  is  at  a  low  and  me- 
lancholy ebb,  and  all  his  most  sombre  tints  are  employed  in  the 
description,  in  order  to  elevate,  by  the  contrast,  his  favourite 
Elysium,  the  eastern  states.  He  dips  his  pen  in  gall  when  he 
has  to  pourtray  the  manners,  or  habits,  or  religion,  of  Virginia 
or  Maryland,  either  of  the  Carolinas  or  Georgia,  or  the  western 
country. 

I  should  enter  far  into  the  consideration  of  this  procedure  of 
Mr.  Morse,  but  that  it  has  been  ally  discussed  by  a  superior 
pen.  The  editor  of  the  Port  Folio,  himself  a  decided  federalist, 
reprobates,  and  pronounces  a  just  and  eternal  condemnation  on 
the  illiberality  of  thus  making  a  school,  or  indeed  any  other  book, 
a  vehicle  to  excite  animosities  between  fellow  citizens  of  differ- 
ent portions  of  the  same  nation. 

The  character  of  the  eastern  states  for  morality  has  been  vari- 
ous at  various  times.  Not  long  since,  it  was  at  a  very  low  ebb 
indeed.  It  is  'vithin  the  memory  of  those  over  whose  chin  no 
razor  has  ever  mowed  a  harvest,  that  Yankee  and  sharper  were 
regarded  as  nearly  synonimous.  And  this  was  not  among  the 
low  and  illiberal,  the  base  and  vulgar.  It  pervaded  all  ranks  of 
society.  In  the  middle  and  southern  states,  traders  were  uni- 
versally very  much  on  their  guard  against  "Yankee  tricks," 
when  dealing  with  those  of  the  eastern. 

They  now  arrogate  to  themselves  (and,  for  party  purposes, 
their  claims  are  sometimes  admitted  by  their  political  friends 
here)  to  be,  as  I  have  stated,  a  superior  order  to  their  fellow- 
citizens. — ^They  look  down  upon  the  people  of  the  southern  states 
with  as  much  contempt,  and  with  the  same  foundation,  as  did 
the  Pharisci^of  old  on  the  despised  Publican. 

Both  of  those  views  are  grossly  erroneous.  They  never,  as 
a  people,  merited  the  opprobrium  under  which  they  formerly  la- 


lilH 


CVAV.48.] 


DELUSION. 


259 


boured.  There  were,  it  is  true,  many  worthless  miscreants 
among  them,  who,  on  their  migration  to  the  other  states,  were 
guilty  of  base  tricks,  which,  by  an  illiberality  disgraceful  to  our 
species,  but  nevertheless  very  common,  were  charged  to  the  ac* 
count  of  the  entire  people  of  the  eastern  states,  and  brought  them 
under  a  most  undeserved  odium. 

I  feel  a  pride  and  pleasure  in  doing  justice  to  the  yeomaniy 
of  the  eastern  states.  They  will  not  suffer  on  a  comparison  with 
the  same  class  of  men  in  any  part  of  the  world.  They  are  up- 
right, sober,  orderly  and  regular — shrewd,  intelligent,  and  well 
informed — and  I  believe  there  is  not  a  greater  degree  of  genuine 
native  urbanity  among  the  yeomanry  of  any  country  under  the 
canopy  of  Heaven.  And  it  is  lamentable  and  unaccountable  how 
they  have  allowed  themselves  to  be  so  egregiously  duped  as  they 
have  been.  I  have  known  them  long :  and  my  respect  for  them 
has  gradually  increased  in  proportion  as  my  knowledge  of  them 
has  extended.  But  I  shall  never  admit  any  exclusive  or  super- 
eminent  claim  to  the  virtues  which  I  know  they  possess.  And 
I  have  no  hesitation  in  averring,  that  although  Boston,  or  Hart- 
ford, or  Newhaven,  may  exhibit  rather  more  appearance  of  reli- 
gion and  piety,  than  New  York,  or  Philadelphia,  or  Baltimore, 
yet  the  latter  cities  possess  as  much  of  the  reality.  It  would 
astonish  and  frighten  many  of  the  pious  people  in  New  York  or 
Philadelphia,  to  be  informed — ^but  they  may  nevertheless  rely 
upon  the  information  as  indubitably  true — that  a  large  portion 
of  the  clergy  in  the  town  of  Boston,  are  absolute  Unitarians  ; 
and  scout  the  idea  of  the  divinity  of  Jesus  Christ  as  completely 
and  explicitly  as  ever  Dr.  Priestly  did.  This  is  a  digression. 
\  did  not  intend  to  introduce  it.  But  since  it  is  here,  let  it  re- 
main. And  let  me  add,  that  the  present  principal  of  Harvard 
College  was  known  to  be  an  Unitarian  when  he  was  elected. — 
This  fact  establishes  the  very  great  extent  and  prevalence  of  the 
doctrine. 

CHAPTER  XLVIII. 

Arrogance  of  the  Claims  of  the  Eastern  States  on  the  subject  of 
Commerce.  Statistical  Tables,  Comparison  of  the  Exports 
of  the  several  States. 

The  high  and  sounding  pretensions  of  the  eastern  states  on 
the  subject  of  commerce  have  been  almost  universally  admitted. 
No  person  has  ever  thought  it  worth  while  to  examine  into  the 
actual  state  of  the  facts.  It  has  been  presumed,  that  on  a  point 
where  falsehood  and  deception  could  be  so  easily  detected,  such 
confident  assertions  would  not  be  hazarded,  unless  they  rested  on 
a  strong  foundation.  And  in  drawing  the  line  of  demarcation 
between  the  eastern  states  and  the  rest  of  the  union,  in  the  minds 
of  the  mass  of  the  community,  all  to  the  north  and  east  of  the  line 


'".''"II 
i4 ' 


«f 


360 


POUTICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[chap.  4S. 


wa»^  regarded  as  devoted  exclusively  to  commerce— all  to  the 
south  and  west,  chiefly  to  agriculture. 

It  is  hardly  possible  to  conceive  a  greater  mistake.  The  rea- 
der will  be  astonished  at  the  view  I  shall  lay  before  him.  I 
have  been  inexpressibly  surprised  myself  at  the  developement, 
and  even  now  can  hardly  credit  my  own  statements.  They  are 
nevertheless  indisputable. 

TABLE  A. 

Table  of  Exports  from  the  United  States,  of  FOREIGJS/' ami  DOMESTIC  pro- 
ductions  and  tnanufactures,  from  1791  to  1802.  Carefully  extracted  from  llie 
treasury  returns. 


1791 
1792 
1793 
1794 
1795 
1796 
1797 
1798 
1799 
1800 
1801 
1802 


1791 
1792 
1793 
1794 
1795 
1796 
1797 
1798 
1799 
1800 
1801 
1802 


1791 
1792 
1793 
1794 
1795 
1796 
1797 
1798 
1799 
1800 
1801 
1802 


Massachusetts. 

552,519,000 

2,888,000 

3,755,000 

5,292,000 

7,117,000 

9,949,000 

7,502,000 

8,639,000 

11,421,000 

11,326,000 

14,870,000 

13,492,000 


Maryland. 

2.239,000 

2,623,000 

3,665,000 

5,686,000 

5,811,000 

9,201,000 

9,811,000 

12,746,000 

16,299,000 

12,264,000 

12,767,000 

7,914,000 


S.  Carolina. 

2,693,000 

2,428,000 

3,191,000 

3,867,000 

5,998,000 

7,620,000 

6,505,000 

6,994,000 

8,729,000 

10,663,000 

14,304,000 

10,639,000 


JVew-ForJb. 

2,505,000 

2,535,000 

2,932,000 

5,442,000 

10,304,000 

12,208,000 

13,308,000 

14,300,000 

18,719,000 

14,045,000 

19,851,000 

13,792.000 


Penmt/h'ania., 

3,436,000 

3,820,000 

6,958,000 

6,643,000 

11,518,000 

17,513,000 

11,446,000 

8,915,000 

12,431,000 

11,949,000 

17,438,000 

12,677,000 


98,770,000    101,026,000      83,631,000    129,941,000      124,744,000 


Connecticut. 

^710,000 

879,000 

770,000 

812,000 

819,000 

1,452,000 

814,000 

763,000 

1,143,000 

1,114,000 

1,446,000 

1,606,000 


Virginia. 
3,131,000 
3,552,000 
2,987,000 
3,321,000 
3,490,000 
5,268,000 
4,908,000 
6,113,000 
6,292,000 
4,430,000 
5,655,000 
3,978,000 


Rhode  Island. 

470,000 

698,000 

616,000 

954,000 

1,222,000 

1,589,000 

975,000 

947,000 

1,055,000 

1,322,000 

1,832,000 

2,433,000 


Georgia, 

491,000 

459,000 

520,000 

263,000 

695,000 

950,000 

644,000 

961,000 

1,396,000 

1,174,000 

1,755,000 

1,854,000 


12,328,000      53,125,000     14,113,000     11,162,000 


Vermont. 


20,000 
57,000 
57,000 
31,000 

165,000 


vV.  Carolina. 
524,000 
527,000 
365,000 
321,000 
492,000 
671,000 
540,000 
537,000 
485,000 
769,000 
874,000 
659,000 


6,764,000 


JV'ew  Jersey. 

26,000 

23,000 

54,000 

58,000 

130,000 

59,000 

18,000 

61,000 

9,000 

2,000 

25,000  > 

26,000 

491,000  ■ 


JV.  HampsMre. 
142,000 
181,000 
198,000 
153,000 
229,000 
378,000 
275,000 
361,000 
361,000 
431,000 
555,000 
565,000 

3,829,000 

Delaware. 
119,000 
133,000 

93,000 
207,000 
158,000 
201,000 

98,000 
183,000 
297,000 
418,000 
662,000 
'   440,000 


3,009,000 


CHAP.  48.] 


STATISTICS. 


261 


i 


N.  B.  In  the  preceding  and  succeeding  tables  of  export::,  the  figures  below 
thousands  are  uniformly  omitted,  as  not  material  to  the  calculation— and  affect* 
ing  equally  both  sides  of  the  question. 

Comparative  views  of  the  exports  from  the  different  states^  of 
foreign  and  domestic  articles ^  from  1791  to  1802,  inclusively. 
See  I'able  A. 

I.Maryland  exported  more  than  eight  times  as  much  as  Con- 
necticut ;  more  than  seven  times  as  much  as  Rhode  Island ;  two 
per  cent,  more  than  "  the  great  commercial  state"  of  Massachu- 
setts ;  and  very  nearly  as  much  as  Massachusetts,  New-Hamp- 
shire and  Vermont  united. 

101,026,000 


Maryland 
Massachusetts     ■ 
New  Hampshire 
Vermont 

Connecticut   - 
Rhode  Island 


-  98,770,000 

3,829,000 

165,000 


-102.764,000 
12,328.000 
14,113,000 


II.  Maryland  exported  above  three  hundred  and  thirty  per  cent, 
more  than  New  Hampshire^  Vermont^  Connecticut^  and  Rhode 
Island, 

101,026,009 


Maryland 

New  Hampshire 

Vermont 

Connecticut 

Rhode  Island    - 


3,829,000 
165,000 
12,328,000 
14,113,000 


30,435,000 

III.  South  Carolina  exported  nearly  six  times  as  much  as 
Rhode  Island ;  nearly  seven  times  as  much  as  Connecticut ; 
above  twenty  times  as  much  as  New  Hampshire  j  500  times 
as  much  as  Vermont ;  and  one  hundred  and  seventy  per  cent, 
more  than  those  four  states. 

South  Carolina 83,631,000 

New  Hampshire 3,829,000 

Connecticut    -  -  -  -       .    ■  -         12,328,000 

Rhode  Island 14,113,000 

Vermont 165,000 

30,435,000 

IV.  Virg'.nia  exported  seventy-three  per  cent,  more  than  the 

four  minor  eastern  states. 

53,125,000 
30,435,000 


See  No.  2. 


Virginia  ..... 

N.Hampshire,  Vennont,  Connecticut,  and  R.  Island. 

V.  Virgniia  and  South  Carolina  exported  eight  per  cent,  more 
than  the  five  "  great  commercial  eastern  states !  !  ."* 


Virginia 
South  Carolina 

Massachusetts 

New  Hampsliire,  Vermont,  &c. 


See  No.  2. 


53,125,000 

83,631,000 

1 

98,770,000 
30,435,000 


-136,756,000 


O.B. 


-129,205,000 


35 


h     ; 


>    'il 


.'    ' 


f|i: 


POLITICAL  OUVE  BRANCH. 


f(iiAP.48. 


VI.  North  r.i  rolhia  exported  seventy  per  cent,  more  than 
New  Hampsh'iiv.  and  Vermont. 

North  Carolina 5,764,000 

Now  Hampshire       -  -  -  -  -  3,829,000 


Vermont 


165,000 


3,994,000 


VII.  Georgia  exported  nearly  as  much  as  Connecticut. 

Georgia -  12,162,000 

Connecticut  .....--      13,328,000 

VIII.  The  five  southern  states  exported  nearly  twice  as  much 
as  the  five  great  commercial  eastern  states  !  !  ! 

Marvland 101,026,000 

Virginia 53,125,000 

Nortli  Carolina 6,764,000 

South  Caroiina      ...            -            -  83,631,000 

Geofffia            ...,.-  12,162,000 

256,708,009 

Five  eastern  states.    See  No.  5.    -            ■           -  -           -    129,205,000 

IX.  Pennsylvania  alone  exported  nearly  as  much  as  the  "  five 
great  commercial  eastern  states." 


Pennsyh 

t^ania 

_ 

. 

a                             * 

124,744,000 

Five  eastern  sUtes.    See  No.  5. 

•                       ■ 

- 

129,205,000 

TABLE  B. 

■ 

FOREIGJ^  PROnUCTrOJ\rS  and  MJ.YUFJCTUIiES  exported  from  tfic 

Umted  States  from  1803  to  1813.     Carefully  taken  from  the  treasur 

y  returns. 

Masmchmetts. 

J\'ev>-l'orh, 

Pefmst/lvaiua. 

S.  Carolina. 

Maryland. 

1803 

§3,369,000 

3,191,000 

3,504,000 

947,000 

1,371,000 

1804 

10,591,000 

8,580,000 

6,851,000 

2,309,000 

5,213,000 

1805 

13,738,000 

15,384,000 

9,397,000 

3,108,000 

7,450,000 

1806 

14,577,000 

13,709,000 

13,809,000 

2,946,000 

10,919,000 

1807 

13,926,000 

16,400,000 

12,055,000 

3,783,000 

10,282,000 

1808 

3,619,000 

3,243,000 

2,946,000 

260,000 

1,956,000 

1809 

6,119,000 

4,232,000 

4,810,000 

385,000 

4,056,000 

1810 

7,251,000 

6,313,000 

6,241,000 

408,000 

3,213,000 

1811 

5,192,000 

3,518,000 

3,865,000 

210,000 

3,820,000 

1812 

2,648,000 

2,358,000 

1,313,000 

11,000 

1,929,000 

1813 

294,000 

1,124,000 

327,000 

53,000 

1,005,000 

81,324,000 
Comircticut. 

78,052,000 

65,118,000 

14,420,000 

50,214,000 

Rhode  Is/and. 

Virqinia. 

Georgia.  JV.  Hampshire 

1803 

gio.ooo 

611,000 

151,000 

25,000 

51,000 

1804 

29.000 

817,000 

395,000 

74,000 

262,000 

1805 

90,000 

1,506,000 

660,000 

43,000 

218,000 

1806 

193,000 

1,142,000 

428,000 

383,000 

1807 

105,000 

915,000 

367,000 

34,000 

314,000 

1808 

15,(XX) 

102,000 

18,000 

2,000 

1809 

11,000 

62(),U0O 

107,000 

85,000 

1810 

5,000 

4.50,000 

189,000 

,1,000 

9,000 

1811 

38,000 

626,000 

23,000 

11,000 

53,000 

1812 

150,000 

17,000 

9,000 

1813 

5,000 

2,000 

1803 
1804 
1805 
1806 
1807 
1808 
1809 
1810 
1811 
1812 
1813 


501,000   6,953,000   2,355,000     190,000   1,386,000 


CHAP.  48.] 

STATISTICS. 

Vermont. 

JV.  Carolina, 

1803 

27,000 

26,000 

1804 

55,000 

9,000 

1805 

67,000 

12,000 

1806 

102,000 

3,000 

180r 

55,000 

4,000 

1808 

25,000 

1809 

49,000 

1810 

26,000 

2,000 

1811 

538,000 

*     4,000 

1812 

131,000 

1813 

1,000 

1,075,000 

61,000 

JVeitf  Jersey. 


7,000 

5,000 

8,000 

50,000 

37,000 


107,000 


263 

Delaware. 

240,000 

517,000 

280,000 

374,000 

151,000 

70,000 

41,000 

40,000 


1,713,000 


Comparative  vitnos  of  foreign  articles,  exported  from  1803  to  1813.  See  prcccdiius 

Table  B. 

I.  Maryland  exported  above  seven  times  as  much  as  Rhode 
Island ;  thirty-five  times  as  much  as  New  Hampshire  ;  forty- 
five  times  as  much  as  Vermont ;  one  hundred  times  as  much  as 
Connecticut ;  and  above  five  times  as  much  as  the  four  minot 
eastern  states. 


Maryland 
Connecticut 
Rhode  Island 
New  Hampshire 
Vermont 


501,000 
6,953,000 
1,386,000 
1,075,000 


50,214,000 


9,915,000 

II.  South  Carolina  exported  nearly  twice  as  much  as  Con- 
necticut and  Rhode  Island  ;  above  ten  times  as  much  as  New 
Hampshire  ;  and  above  40  per  cent  more  than  the  four  minof 
eastern  states. 

14,420,000 


South  Carolina 
Connecticut 
Rhode  Island 


501,000 
6,953,000 


7,454,000 
1,386,000 
9,915,000 


New  Hampshire  -  -  .  . 

Vermont,  New  Hampshire,  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island.  No.  I. 

III.  Maryland  and  South  Carolina  exported  nearly  eighty 
per  cent,  of  the  amount  exported  by  Massachusetts  and  Connec- 
ticut. 


Maryland 
South  Carolina 


50,214,000 
14,420,000 


-64,634,000 


Connecticut  .....  501,000 

Massachusetts  .  ,  .  »  .      81,324,000 

—      81,825,000 

IV.  Virginia  exported  almost  five  times  as  much  as  Connec. 
iicut  ;  and  above  twenty  per  cent,  more  than  Connecticut  and 
New  Hampshire. 


Virginia 
Connecticut 
New  Hampshire 


501,000 
1,386,000 


2,355,000 


-i,887,oqo 


'  '{'I 

I     5, 


J    M 


..jff 


-i\ 


;a 


ill 


•m 


»!i| 


■H 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRAKCfl. 


{cnxr.  48. 


TABLE  C, 

DOMESTIC  PRODUCTIOJ\rS  and  MJLN'UFACTURES  exported  from  the 

United  States  from  1803  to  1813.  Carefully  extracted  from  the  treasury  returns. 

jyias8achusetts„ 

S.  Carolina,    Maryland. 

JVew-  York.    Pennsylvania . 

1803 

%  5,399,000 

6,863,000        3,707,000 

7,626,000 

4,021,000 

1804 

6,303,000 

5,142,000        3,938,000 

7,501,000 

4,178,000 

1805 

5,697,000 

5,957,000        3,408.000 

8,098,000 

4  365,000 

1806 

6,621,000 

6,797,000        3,661,000 

8,053,000 

3,765.000 

1807 

6,185,000 

7,129,000        4,016,000 

9,957,000 

4,809,000 

1808 

1,508,000 

1,404,000           764,000 

2,362,000 

1,066,000 

1809 

6,022,000 

2,861,000        2,570,000 

8,348,000 

4,2J38.000 

1810 

5,761,000 

4,881^00        3,275,000 

10,928.000 

4,751,000 

1811 

6,042,000 

4,650,000        4,553,000 

8,747,000 

5,694,000 

1812 

3,935,000 

2,024,000        3,956,000 

6,603,000 

4,66O,0C'O 

1813 

1,513,000 

54,986,000 

Virginia. 

2,815,000        2,782,000 
50,523,000      36,630,000 

7,060,000 

3,249,000 

85,283,000 

44,796,000 

Connecticut.         Georgia. 

//.  hiand.     JV.  Hampshire. 

1803 

185,949,000 

1,238,000        2,345,000 

664,000 

443,000 

1804 

5,394,000 

1,486,000        2,003,000 

917,000 

455,000 

1805 

4,945,000 

1,353,000        2,351,000 

1,065,000 

389,000 

1806 

4,626,000 

1,522,000             82,000 

949,000 

411,000 

1807 

4,393,000 

1,519,000        3,710,000 

741,000 

365,000 

1808 

508,000 

397,000             24,000 

139,000 

122,000 

1809 

2,786,000 

655,000        1,082,000 

658,000 

201,000 

1810 

4,632,000 

762,000        2,234,000 

874,000 

225,000 

1811 

4,798,000 

994,000        2,557,000 

944,000 

315,000 

1812 

2,983,000 

720,000        1,066,000 

604,000 

194,000 

1813 

1,819,000 
42,833,000 
Vermont.   JV.  Ca 

■P68,000         1,094,000 

234,000 
7,789,(KX) 
c.    JV.  Orleans. 

29,000 

11,614,000       18,548,000 

3,147,000 

•olina.    JV.  Jersey.     Delatvar 

Columbia. 

1803 

§89,000        926,000        21,000         187,000 

1,412,000 

1804 

135,000        919,000        24,000        180,000 

1,392,000 

1,157,000 

1805 

101,000        767,000        20,000          77,000 

2,338,000 

1,135,000 

1806 

91,000        786.000        26,000        125,000 

2,357,000 

1,091,000 

1807 

148,000        740,000        36,000          77,000 

3,161,000 

1,333,000 

1808 

8.3,000         117,000         12,000           .58,000 

537,000 

281,000 

1809 

125,000        322 

,000      269,000          96,000 

344,000 

681,000 

1810 

406,000        401,000      392,000          79,000 

1,753,000 

984,000 

1811 

3:,0(X)        79.^ 

.(^00          1,000          76,000 

2,501,,)00 

2,060,000 

1812 

7,000        489,000          4,000          29,000 

i,oi:,ooo 

1,593,000 

1813 

79o 

,000        10,(KK)         133,000 

1,013,000 

l,;':87,ooo 

1,217,000    7,055,000      815,000     1,097,000       10,408,000       1,},144,000 

Comparative  viewx  of  (/ome.9ttc  tirfirlrx,  «  "ttorted  from  1803  to 
1813.  Sec  jjrftcding  'l"ul)le  C. 

I.  South  Carolina  exported  within  eight  per  cent,  of  the 
whoU'  amount  exported  by  Massachusetts  ;  nearly  seven  times 
as  much  as  Hhotle  Island  ;  alune  four  tinus  as  much  as  Con- 
necticut ;  and  above  twice  as  much  us  the  four  minor  eastern 
states. 


CHAP.  48.] 


STATISTICS, 


36J 


3,147,000 

1,217,000 

11,614,000 

7,7a9,000 


50,533.000 
54^985,000 


South  Carolina 
Massachusetts 
New  Hampshire 
Vermont 
Connecticut 
Rhode  Island 

-23,767,000 

II.  Virginia  and  Maryland  exported  more  than  all  the  eastern 
states. 


Virginia 
Maryland 


42,833,000 
36,630,000 


-79,463,000 


Massachusetts         ......    54,985,100 

N.  Hampshire,  Vermont,  Rhode  Island,  and  Connecticut,     23,767,000 

78,752,000 

III.  North  Carolina  exported  almost  seventy.five  per  cent, 
more  than  New  Hampshire  and  Vermont,  and  nearly  as  much  as 
Rhode  Island. 


North  CaroUr.a 
New  Hampshire 
Vermont 


3,147,000 
1,217,000 


7,055,000 


■4,364,000 


Rhode  Island  .....  7,789,000 

IV.  North  Carolina  and  Georgia  exported  more  than  the  four 
minor  eastern  states. 

North  Carolina  -  ... 

Georgia  ..... 


7,055,000 
18,548,000 


-25,603,000 
New  Hampshire,  Vermont,  Connecticut,  &c.  (No.  !)  23,767,000 

V.  Georgia  exported  nearly  twenty  per  cent,  more  than  Con- 
necticut, New  Hampshire,  and  Vermont. 

18,548,000 


Georgia 
Coimectici.i 
New  Hampshire 
Veimont 


11,614,000 
3,147,000 
1,217,000 


■  15,978,1)00 

VI.  The  district  of  Columh'm  and  the  state  of  Georgia  export- 
ed thirty  per  cent,  more  than  New  Hampshire^  Vermont^  Connec- 
ticut and  Rhode  Island, 


13,144,000 
1H,;)4H,000 


Columbia  ..... 

Georgia  -  •  ... 

51,692,000 

N.  Hampshire,  \  ermoiit,  Connccticiit,  and  U.  Island  (No.  1.)  23,7o7,UliO 

VII.    Virginia^  Ufarifland,  am'  South  Carolina  exported  above 
sixtij  per  cent,  more  th'in  the  ea.itern  states. 

Virginia 42.833,000 

Maryland 36,630.000 

South  Canilina  .....  A0,523,()(K) 

. 129,986,000 

Fire  eastern  states  (in  No  '2.)  -  .  •  78,75:^000 


I  JiJ 


u 


'-  At. 

»« I, 
1  ■ '  i;." 


r 

Wh 

v'                    t' 

ii 

i '  Jj 


266 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[chap.  48. 


VIII.   The  district  of  Columbia^  of  ten  miles  square^  exported 
more  than  New  Hampshire^  Vermont^  and  Rhode  Island. 


Columbia 
New  Hampshire 
Vermont 
Rhode  Island 


3,147,000 
1,217,400 
7,789,000 


13,144,000 


-12,153,000 

IX.  The  state  of  Virginia  exported  above  half  as  much  as  the 
five  eastern  states. 


Virginia  ... 

The  five  eastern  states  (See  No.  2.) 


42,833,000 
78,752,000 


X.  Virginia  exported  nearly  as  much,  and  South  Carolina 
fourteen  per  cent,  more,  than  Pennsylvania. 


Virginia 
South  Carolina 
Pennsylvania 


42,833,000 
50,523,000 
44,796,000 


XI.  Virginia  exported  five  hundred  and  fifty  per  cent.  mor<*. 
than  Rhode  Island ;— three  hundred  and  fifty  per  cent,  more 
than  Connecticut  j  and  almost  a  thousand  per  cent,  more  than 
New  Hampshire  and  Vermont. 


Virginia 
Rhode  Island 
(Connecticut 
New  llampshiK 
Tcrniont 


3,147,000 
1,217,000 


42,833,000 

7,789jOOO 

11,614,000 


-4,364,00» 


XII.  The  district  of  Columbia  and  Virginia  exported  more 
than  Massachusetts  ! 


Columbia 
Virginia 


13.144,000 
42,833,000 


55,977,000 
54,98(1,000 


MassachuscttR  ..... 

XIII.  The  district  of  Columbia  exported  ten  per  cent,  more 
than  that  great  state  wherein  the  Ilartford  Convention  sat  to 
regulate  commerce .' 

Columbia  .  -  -  -  13,144,008 

Connecticut  ....  .  11,614,000 

XIV.  South  Carolina  and  Georgia  exported  more  than  Massa- 
chusetts^ Rhode  Island^  Nexv  /Hampshire,  and  Vertnont  J  .'/ 

Hnuth  <:arolina  -  ...         50,523,()(HJ 

Ikorgia  -  ....  18,548,()(«) 

69,071 ,001) 

MaHHarlniM-ttN  .....  54,986,000 

Rluxh   liliiud       .....  7,789,000 

Mew  lluni|isbire        .....  3,147,<K)0 

Vuroiom,  -  •  .  .  .  1,217,(H<0 

— < 67,l39,00f> 


i'«^ 


CHAP.   48.] 


STATISTICS; 


m 


XV.  South  Carolina  exported  tibove  2.50  per  cent,  more  than 
Connecticut ;  above  five  hundret .  per  cent,  more  than  Khode  Is- 
land ;  and  above  one  hundred  and  fifty  per  cent,  more  than  both 
these  states. 


South  Carolina 
Connecticut 
Rhode  Island 


11,614,0U0 


50,523,00a 


.19,403,00© 


XVI.  Maryland  exported  above  fifty  per  cent  more  than  the 
four  minor  eastern  states. 

Maryland  -  ....  -  .le.efiO.OOO 

Four  minor  eastern  states  (No.  1.)  ...  -        2.'],767,000 

XVII.  North  Carolina  and  Georgia  exported  more  than  the 
four  minor  eastern  states. 


Nortli  Carolina 
Georgia 


7,0.55,000 
18,,518,00O 


25,60.1,000 
23,767,000 


Four  minor  eastern  states  (No.  1.) 

XVIII.  South  Carolina,  Columbia,  and  New-Orleans,  export- 
ed more  than  the  five  eastern  states. 


South  Carolina 
Columbi.a 
New  Orleans 


50,523,000 
13,141,000 
16,408,000 


80,075,000 
.Five  eastern  states  (No.  2.)  -  -  78,752,(XJ() 

XIX.  The  five  southern  states,  the  district  of  Columbia,  and 
New  Orleans,  exported  above  two  hiuulred  and  thirty  per  cent, 
more  than  the  five  eastern  states,  and  within  ten  per  cent,  as  mtich 
as  ihe  middle  and  eastern  states. 


129,986,000 

7,05.5,000 

18,5-18,000 

l.?,141,0;)O 

16,.|0H,0(K) 


7H,752,0(iO 
85,283,000 
44,796,000 


-185,141,000 


Virppi  •   Maryland,  and  South  Carolina  (No  7.) 
North  <  I    flina 

CJeorgia  -  ... 

Columbia  •  -  - 

New  Orleans  ■  >  * 

rive  eastern  states  (No.  2.)  •  • 

Ni'.v-York  •  -  . 

Fciuisvlvauia  •  •  • 

208,831,000 

XX.  New  Orloiuis  exported  above  twelve  times  as  nnich  as 
Vermont;  above  twice  as  nuuh  as  Khode  Island  ;  nearly  .50  per 
cent,  more  than  Connecticut ;  above  three  times  as  much  as  New 
Hampshire;  and  more  tlian  New  Hampshire,  VcJ'»u>n«,  and 
Connecticut. 


New  Orh':«)K 
Mew  Miininshire 
Vcnndut 


Till 


uiciiirut 


Hhudc  (Hittnd 


.1.1 47,000 

1,217.')(»0 

11,614.000 


1  (.,408,000 


-15,978,000 
7,789,000 


.        ^ 


Ik,  f  Ml 


%\\i^^\ 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[cHif .  48. 


The  reader  must  be  tired  of  this  investigation.  "What  idea 
must  the  world  form  of  the  arrogance  and  deception  of  the  pre- 
tensions on  the  one  side — and,  on  the  other,  of  the  folly  and 
weakness  of  the  rest  of  the  union,  to  have  so  long  suffered  them 
to  pass  without  detection  and  exposure. 

The  naked  fact  is,  that  the  demagogues  in  the  eastern  states, 
not  satisfied  with  deriving  all  the  benefits  Irom  the  southern  sec- 
tion of  the  union,  that  they  would  from  so  many  wealthy  colo- 
nies— with  making  princely  fortunes  by  the  carriage  and  expor- 
tation of  its  bulky  and  valuable  productions — and  supplying  it 
with  their  own  manufactures,  and  the  manufactures  and  pro- 
ductions of  Europe,  and  the  East  and  West  Indies,  to  an  enor- 
mous amount,  and  at  an  immense  profit — have  uniformly  treat, 
ed  it  with  outrage,  insult,  and  injury.  And,  regardless  of  their 
vital  interests,  the  eastern  states  lately  courted  their  own  de- 
struction, by  allowing  a  few  restless,  turbulent  nicn  to  lead  them 
blindfolded  towards  a  separation,  pregnant  with  their  certain 
ruin.  Whenever  that  event  takes  place^  they  sink  to  their  native 
insignificance. 

If  a  separation  were  desirable  to  any  part  of  the  union,  it  would 
be  to  the  middle  and  srjuthcrn  states,  particuhirly  the  latter, 
which  have  been  so  long  harassed  with  the  complaints,  the  rest- 
lessness, the  turbulence,  and  the  ingratitude  of  the  eastern  states, 
that  thijir  patience  has  been  taxed  almost  beyond  endurance. 
"  Jeshurun  -ivaxed  fat^  and  kicked.''''  And  he  will  be  severely 
punished  for  his  kicking,  in  the  event  of  a  dissolution  of  the 
union. 

It  ought  to  be  observed,  that  a  very  large  portion  of  the  ex. 
ports  from  the  eastern,  consists  of  the  productions  of  the 
southern  .Ht;(t<  s,  first  transjiorted  to  Boston  and  other  ports, 
coastwise.  So  that  even  tbe  comparisons  I  have  made,  which  are 
so  mortal  to  the  jjretensions  of  the  eastern  states,  place  them  on 
far  better  ground  than  tliey  really  deserve.  For  example — sup- 
pose, anumg  the  export*  of  these  states,  two  millions  of  dollars' 
worth  of  cotton,  <»ne  millioti  of  dollars'  worth  of  flour,  one  mil- 
lie^  of  dolhir^'  «'»rtli  of  naval  stores,  all  drawn  from  the  south- 
ern and  nu(kli>  states — they  appear  four  millions  of  dollar* 
8tn*ngcr  on  the  l^c  of  the  argument,  than  they  are  in  fact  and 
in  truth.  AiMi  ll^cfe  is  no  doubt  that  this  is  the  case  to  u  vast 
extent. 


M 


CHAPTER  XLIX. 

Comparison  of  the  exports,  foreign  ant/  domestic,  of  the  different 
states,  from  1791  to  1813,     Glance  at  tonnage. 

To  enable  the  readc-r  to  form  u  fair  cf)mparison  between  the 
couimerce  of  the  different  staita,  I  annex  a  synopticid  view  of 


^\i 


'% 


«;hap.  49.] 


STATISTICS, 


20^ 


the  whole  of  our  exports  from  the  organization  of  the  federal 
government  till  t'lie  close  of  1813.  He  will  see,  at  a  single 
glance,  how  very  erroneous  are  the  opinions  that  have  hitherto 
prevailed  on  the  subject;  and  ho\v  high  even  the  foreign  com- 
merce of  the  southern  states  soars  over  that  of  the  boasted 
^*'  commercial  states.^'' 

General  total  of  exports  of  foreign  and  domestic  productiom  from  tlie  year  1791  to 

1813,  inclusivf. 

Massachusetts.      Maryland.    S.  Carolina.     J\''eru-York.    Pennsylvania. 

A  98,?70,000     101,026,000      83,631,000     129,941,000      124,744,000 

B  81,:!J4,000       50,214,000      14,420,(  JO      78,052,000        65,118,000 

4>  54,986,000       36,630,000      50,523,000      85,283,000        44,796,000 


§235,080,000      187,870,000     148,574,000    293,276,000      234,658,000 


A 

II 


Virginia.  Connecticut. 

53,125,000  12,328,000 

2,355,000  501,000 

42,833,000  11,614,000 


Gcorqria.    Jthoile  Inland.  JV.  Hamp^liire. 

12,162,000     14,113,000  3,829,000 

190,000      6,953,000  1,386,000 

18,548,000      7.789,000  3,147,000 


98,313,000      24,443,000        30,900,000     28,855,000 


8,362,000 


JV*  Carolina.  Vermont.  J\'t!xv  .Titr.iey.  JV*.  Orleans,  Columbia,     Delaware. 

A      6,764,000  165,000        491,000  3,009,000 

B           61,000  1  O75,U00        107,000  1,713,000 

C      7,055,000  1,217,000        815,000     16,408,000  13,144,000      1,097,000 


§13,880,000      2,457,000      1,413,000     16,408,000       13,144,000      5,819,000 


F<XPLAN\TION. 

The  first  lino,  A,  is  taken  from  tlic  table  A,  piif'c  260.  It  contains  the  whole 
amount  of  the  exports  of  foreign  ui\d  domestic  articles,  from  1791  till  1802,  in- 
ti'liisive. 

riK-  8ec(,n(l  line,  n,  is  taken  from  the  table  H,  nng-e  262-3.  It  contains  the 
whole  of  the  fonifjn  iirtirli'K  eA|)!iitecl  from  1802  till  1813,  inclusive. 

The  thiixl  line,  <;,  is  taken  from  the  tabic  C,  pag'c  264.  It  containsall  the  do- 
mestic articles  exported  from  1802  till  1813. 


Eastrrn  section. 

Middle 

^(Ctinn, 

iSoiit/nrn  section. 

Miiss.            235,080.000 

N.  .lersey 

1,413,000 

Maryland 

187,870,000 

N.  Ham.           8,362,000 

Di'liiware 

5,819,000 

Y'irfifiiiia 

98,313,000 

Nermont          2,457,000 

N.  York 

293,276,000 

X.  Oarolinsi 

13,880,000 

H.  Island         28,855,000 

I'cun. 

234,658,000 

S.  Carolina 

148,574,000 

Conncc.         24,443,000 

(ieor^-ia 
N.  Orleans 
Columbiit 

30,900,000 
16,408,0(J0 
1,5,144,000 

.S299, 197,000  535,166,000  509,089,000 

I  cannot  allow  these  tables  to  pass  without  rcqticsting  atten- 
tion to  thrm  in  the  ittost  i)artiriilar  nuuintr.  As  they  throw  an 
immi-nsc  flood  of  lig'it  on  a  subject  most  egregiously  misunder- 
stood, and  on  which  the  most  ruinous  errors  have  prevailed,  it 
behoves  the  reader  to  test  bis  ujiinions  by  them,  and  lay  aside 
the  prvjudiees  and  miseonteptious,  if  any,  which  he  may  have 
formed  on  tlicsc  topics, 

0. 13.  3G 


tj.      'li 


if 


t'Sl 


m 


POUTICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH, 


[chap.  49.. 


''  AW  the  late  confusion,  the  tendency  to  disorganize  the  coun- 
try, to  overturn  the  government,  and  to  introduce  civil  war, 
arose  from  the  errors  prevailing  on  the  subject  of  commerce,* 
of  which  the  eastern  states  pretended  to  be,  and  were  absurdly 
and  ridiculously  believed,  the  exclusive  guardians  and  protec- 
tors. It  is  now  clearly  and  indisputably  established,  that  the 
conimerce  of  the  eastern  is  very  far  indeed  inferior  to  that  of 
the  southern  states.  It  appears,  beyond  the  possibility  of  doubt 
or  denial,  that  the  five  eastern  states,  since  the  formation  of 
the  government,  have  exported  of  foreign  and  domestic  articles, 
including"  an  immense  amount  of  southern  productions^  only 
gtbout 

229,000,000  dollars, 

of  which  a  vast  proportion  was  of  foreign  productions ;  but  that 
the  southern  states  have  in  the  same  period  exported  to  foreign 
countries  no  less  a  sum  than 

509,000,000  dollars, 
*•  principally  of  their  oxvn  productions  and  manufactures^  exclu- 
sive of  the  prodigious  amount  of  their  cotton,  tobacco,  rice,  naval 
stores,  &c.  exported  by  the  eastern  states.  The  southern  section 
of  the  union,  which  has  been  so  cruelly,  so  wickedly,  so  unjustly 
vilified  and  calumniated  for  its  hostility  to  commerce,  is  there- 
fore actually  more  interested  in  its  preservation  than  the  eastern 
states,  in  the  proportion  of  ^ue  to  three.  There  is  no  instance 
to  be  found,  of  so  palpable,  so  gross,  so  unfounded  a  calumny, 
resting  on  such  u  sandy  foundation,  so  open  to  detection,  and  so 
pregnant  with  most  ruinous  consequences,  having  remained  so 
long  without  investigation. 


From  a  view  of  the  preceding  tables,  it  appears  that  the  com- 
merce of  four  of  the  eastern  states  is  to  the  last  degree  insigni- 
licant,  compared  with  tha*  ')f  the  southern  states,  as  will  appear 
on  the  following  comparisoiis  : — 

I.  Virginia,  since  the  organization  of  the  government,  has  ex- 
ported above  four  times  as  much  as  Connecticut  ;  considerably 
more  than  three  times  as  much  as  Rhode  Island  ;  twelve  times 
as  much  as  New  Hampshire  ;  forty  times  as  much  as  Vermont ; 
and  above  fifty  per  cent,  more  than  those  four  states. 


Virginia 
I'onnoctic'iit 
Uhodi'  Uhtu] 
New  Muii\[)itl)irc 


24,443,000 

'J8,«,').»,00O 

8,o'i.\()00 

2,4.5?'.00() 


98,313,006 


-G4.U7.000 


•  T\\o  hintory  of  (ho  world  lianlly  pro^oius  an  insUincc  of  greater  delusion 
91'  dcci'iflioii  Mian  prevailed  uii  Uiit  subject 


M 


CBIF;  49.] 


STATISTICS. 


271 


II.  Maryland  has  exported  nearly  eight  times  as  much  as 
Connecticut ;  above  six  times  as  much  as  Rhode  Island ;  twen- 
ty-three times  as  much  as  New  Hampshire;  almost  eighty  times 
as  much  as  Vermont ;  and  almost  three  U|nes  as  much  as  the 
four  minor  states. 


Maryland 
Connecticut 
Rhode  Island 
New  Hampshire 
Vermont 


24,443,000 

28,855,000 

8,362,000 

2,437,000 


187,870,000 


-64,117,000 


III.  North  Carolina  has  exported  almost  thirty  per  cent,  more 
than  New  Hampshire  and  Vermont. 

North  Carolina  .....  13,880,000 

New  Hampshire        .....  8,362,000 

Vermont  -  -  ....     2,457,000 

10,819,000 

IV.  Georgia  has  exported  cr>nsiderably  more  than  Connecti- 
cut or  Rhode  Island ;  and  air  ;sr  three  times  as  much  as  New 
Hampshire  and  Vermont, 

Georgia  ....._  30,900,000 

Connecticut  .....  24,443,000 

Rhode  Island  ■  ....  28,855,000 

New  Hampshire  .....      8,362,000 

Vermont        -..-.-  2,457,000 

10,819,000 

V.  South  Carolina  has  e\portcd  above  five  times  as  much  as 
Rhode  Island;  above  six  times  as  much  as  Connecticut ;  and 
one  hundred  and  fifty  per  cent,  more  than  the  four  minor  east- 
cm  states. 

South  Carolina 148,574,000 

Rliodc  Island          -              ....  28,855,000 

Connecticut        ......  24,413,000 

Four  minor  eastern  states  (see  No.  1.)         -            -  ~               64,117,000 

VI.  New  Orleans  and  the  district  of  Columbia  have  exported 
more  of  domestic  productions^  in  eleven  years,  than  either  Con- 
necticut or  Rhode  Island  in  twenty-three,  of  foreign  and  do- 
mestic. 


New  Orleans,  in  eleven  years 
Culunibiu,        do.  do. 

i";onn«'cticut,  in  twenty-three  years 
RJiode  Island,  do.  do.     - 


16,408,000 
13,114,000 


.29,5'J2,00(J 
24,443,0(K) 
28,855,000 


VII.  New  Orleans  has  exported  nearly  twice  as  much  in  ele- 
ven years,  as  New  Hampshire  in  twenty-three. 

8,362,000 
.    16,408,000 


New  Hampshire,  twenty-three  years 
New  Orleans,  eleven  years 


VIII.  Virginioy  ManjUmd,  and  Columbia^  have  exported  more 
than  the  whole  five  eastern  states 


11 


v-.-:i 


'h 


ii>> 


»         8 


k'l^ 


'1(1     ', 


.|'*,si 


I  I  I  t  (  I 


272 


POUTICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[mat.  49 


I 


Maryland 

Virginia 

Columbia 


187,870,000 
98,313,000 
13,144,000 


299,327,000! !» 
Five  eastern  states 299,192,000!!! 

IX.  The  southern  states  have  exported  seventy-Jive  per  cent. 


more  than  the  Jive  eastern 


t  I  I 


Southern  states 
Eastern  states 


509,089,000!!! 
209,197,000!!! 


Since  the  preceding  pages  were  written,  I  have  examined  an 
interesting  work,  entitled,  **  A  geographical  and  statistical  view 
of  Massachusetts  proper,  by  Rodolphus*  Dickinson,  published 
anno  1813."  It  greatly  elucidates  the  subject  I  have  been  dis- 
cussing ;  and  places  the  unsoundness  of  the  high  commercial 
claims  of  Massachusetts  in  nearly  as  strong  a  point  of  light  as 
any  of  the  documents  I  have  given. 

"  The  exports  in  1809  from  Boston  and  Charlestown,  of  American  produc- 
tions and  manufactures,  were  4,009,029  dollars,  of  wliich  the  value  of  rif-e,  cot- 
ton, flour,  tobacco,  staves,  and  naval  stores,  being  principaliy  the  produci  of  the 
southern  slates,  was  2,394,109  dollars." 

The  writer  adds, 

*«  This,  it  is  presumed,  bears  a  relative  proportion  in  amount,  to  the  exports 
of  other  years.      Page  79. 

It  thus  appears,  that  although  Boston  has  disturbed  the  tran- 
quillity of  the  United  Stages  by  her  impassioned  complaints  on 
the  subject  of  commerce,  and  the  injury  it  has  sustained  by  the 
hostility  of  the  southern  states,  she  is  indebted  to  those  states 
for  considerably  more  than  half  of  the  American  articles  she  ex- 
ports. She  moreover  finds  an  invaluable  market  with  them  for 
the  chief  part  of  her  immense  foreign  importations,  and  for  her 
valuable  manufactures. 

It  really  makes  one's  heart  ache  with  vexation,  to  find  that 
such  mighty,  such  ruinous  errors  prevailed  on  those  important 
topics — errors  that  generated  the  most  baleful  passions,  which 
were  hourly  increased  by  artificial  excitements,  and  which 
threatened  us  with  the  most  awful  consequences. 

The  reader  must  not  be  surprised  at  the  frequent  repetition 
of  this  sentiment.  For  "  out  of  the  abundance  of  the  heart  the 
moutli  spcaketh  ;" — and  having  been  convinced  that  this  was  be- 
yond i\\\  ( ()in])arison  the  most  awful  danger  that  threatened  us, 
It  is  not  to  he  wondered  at,  that  it  engrosses  so  large  a  space  in 
this  book. 

I  shall  contlutk  this  topic  with  one  observation,  that  there 
has  rAi\  ly,  perhaps  never,  occurred  an  instance  of  one  nation 
Wore  hi^hlv  liuU  hted  to  another  than  the  eastern  states  are  to 
the  southern,  ami  vet  making  such  u  very  miserable  and  im- 
grateful  rxturn. 


«aiv.  49.] 


STATISTICS. 


SffSt 


I  imagined  that  in  the  preceding  chapters  I  had  fully  ex- 
hausted the  comparison  of  the  commercial  importance  of  the 
several  sections  of  the  United  States.  I  had,  at  all  events,  con- 
vinced every  man  whose  mind  was  open  to  conviction,  that  the 
arrogant  claims  on  this  subject,  of  the  eastern  states,  were  utterly 
unfounded ;  and  that  the  middle  and  southern  sections  had  as 
much  more  interest  in  the  protection  of  commerce  than  their 
eastern  brethren,  as  the  merchant  who  loads  a  wagon,  with 
10,000  dollars  worth  of  goods,  has  more  interest  in  the  inter- 
course between  the  seller  and  the  consumer,  than  the  owner  of 
the  wagon. 

But  I  find  I  did  not  do  full  justice  to  the  subject.  A  new 
view  of  it  has  been  presented  to  the  public  by  the  indefatigable 
editor  of  the  Weekly  Register,  which  far  transcends  the  views 
I  took.  But  even  Mr.  Niles  has  not  pursued  the  argument  to 
the  full  extent  of  which  it  is  susceptible. 

The  exports  of  cotton  from  the  port  of  Savannah  alone,  from 
the  20th  of  March  till  the  30th  of  June,  1815,  a  period  of  three 
months  and  ten  days,  were 

Sea  Islend,  21,000  bales,  each  300  lbs.  at  33  1-3 

cents,  ....  2,100,000 

Upland,  55,582  bales,  each  300  lbs.  at  twenty 

cents,        ...  -  3,334,000 


Supposing  all  the  other  articles  to  amount  to 


5,434,000 
1,066,000 


6,500,000 
and  also  supposing  the  exports  of  the  remaining  eight  months 
and  twenty  days  to  amount  to  only  half  that  sum,  it  is  at  the  rate 
•f  nearly  10,000,000  dollars  for  the  year. 

A  review  of  the  tables  in  page  267,  will  show  that  the  whole 
of  the  exports,  of  every  kind,  foreign  and  domestic,  from  the 
state  of  Massachusetts,  for  twenty  three  years,  were  only 
235,000,000  dollars,  which  is  an  average  of  about  10,000,000  per 
annum,  wiiereof  considerably  more  than  half  was  foreign.  It 
therefore  follows,  that  the  domestic  exports  of  the  single  port  of 
Savannah  this  year,  [1815]  will  equal  the  average  of  the  exports 
of  every  MmA^  foreign  and  domestic^  from  the  mig-hty^  the  power- 
fnl^  the  commercial  state  of  3Iassachusctts^  from  the  time  of  the 
organization  of  the  Eovernment  till  the  close  of  the  year  1813 !! ! 


gos 


Tonnage. 

The  eastern  states,  which  maintained  such  arrogant'  commer- 
cial claims,  on  the  ground  of  their  export?  and  imports,  likewise 
preferred  hijjh  pretensions  on  their  traiiscendant  superiority  in 
point  of  shipping,     rhcse  towering  claims  are  untounded,  al 


1:11 


h  I-  \ 


1   , 


} 


H 


2r4 


POLITICAL  OUVE  BRANCH. 


[cttii><49 


though  not  in  the  same  degree  with  the  others.  Let  the  reader 
decide.  I  have  before  me  a  statement  of  the  tonnage  of  the 
United  States  lor  two  yeats,  from  which  I  submit  a  few  ex- 
tracts, in  order  to  inter  these  pretensions  in  the  same  grave  with 
the  rest.  ' 


Tonnngc  of 
Boston, 
New  York, 
Philadelphia, 
Baltimore, 
Portland, 
Portsmouth, 
Bath, 

New  bury  port, 
Salem, 
Norfolk, 
Charleston, 


1806 

133,257 

243,533 

121,443 

102,434 

33,007 

27,719 

23,033 

36,574 

43,537 

90,943 


1810 

149,121 

268,541 

125,258 

103,444 

32,599 

28,820 

20,344 

39,100 

41,462 

48,643 

52,888 


40,819 
Thus  it  appears,  that  in  the  year  1810,  the  tonnage  of  Norfolk, 
as  well  as  of  Charleston,  was  considerably  superior  to  that  of 
any  port  in  the  eastern  or  middle  states,  except  Boston,  New- 
York,  and  Philadelphia;  and  that  the  tonnage  of  Baltimore  was 
more  than  double  that  of  any  port  in  the  eastern  states,  except 
Boston. 

The  aggregate  tonnage  of  Vermont,  New-Hamp- 
shire,   Rhode    Island,    and    Connecticut,    in       tons 

1811,  was 108,000 

That  of  the  city  of  Baltimore  in  the  same  year 

was  ...         -        -        ^        -         103,000 

that  is,  the  tonnage  of  the  single  port  of  Baltimort,  was  very 
nearly  equal  to  the  whole  amount  of  the  tonnage  of  these  four 
states,  which  have  made  such  a  clamour  on  the  subject  of  com- 
merce. The  tonnage  of  the  whole  district  of  Maryland  for  that 
year  was  143,000  tons,  being  an  excess  of  35,000  tons,  or  nearly 
one  third  more  than  those  states  ! !  !* 

The  clearances  from  the  port  of  Savannah,  exclusive  of  coast- 
ers^ for  April,  May,  and  June,  1815,  were  191,  and  the  entries, 
also  exclusive  of  coasters^  were  203. — Whereas  the  foreign  en- 
tries into  the  port  of  Boston  for  five  months,  March,  April,  May, 
June,  and  July,  1815,  were  only  212 — and  the  foreign  clearances 
only  270.  That  is,  I  beg  peculiar  attention  to  this  point,  the 
foreign  entries  into  Savannah,  in  three  months^  were  203,  and 
into  Boston  mj?t;e  months^  only  212  !  What  a  devclopcment  of 
the  relative  commerce  of  both  ports !  how  utterly  beyond  all 
expectation  or  calculation !  What  a  strong  proof  of  the  arro- 
gance and  folly  of  the  towering  pretensions  of  the  "  Nation  of 
New  England ! ! !" 

•  Sec  Weekly  Kcgistcr,  Vol.  VIU,  page  370,  to  which  I  am  indebted  for 
these  facte. 


MAP.  50.] 


DUTIES  ON  IMPORTS. 


075 


\  CHAPTER  L.  ' 

Another  source  of  excitement  among  the  citizens  of  the  eastern 
states.  Duties  on  imports.  Statistics,  Southern  states  pay 
very  nearly  as  much  impost  as  the  eastern.  Wonderful  de- 
lusion. 

Those  demagogues  whose  unceasing  efforts  were  employed 
to  excite  the  passions  of  the  yeomanry  of  the  eastern  states,  and 
prepare  them  for  insurrection  and  a  dissolution  of  the  union,  rai- 
sed a  great  clamour  on  the  subject  of  the  enormous  amount  of 
duties  paid  by  those  states,  and  the  insignifr  itSi:;?  of  the  sums 

1  by  the  southern  section  of  the  nation,      i  h*,;y  'hence  infer- 

i  the  injustice  and  the  inequality  of  th ,  union,  and  its  oppres- 
•       nneration  upon  the  former  section. 

\\\-,  item  of  complaint  is,  if  possible,  more  fallacious  than  the 
oiic  (1  ^cussed  in  the  preceding  chapters.  The  disadvantage  is 
all  on  the  other  side  of  the  question.  The  eastern  states  import 
largely  from  Europe,  and  from  the  East  and  West  Indies,  for 
the  supply  of  the  southern  states.  The  former,  it  is  true,  bond 
or  pay  the  duties  in  the  first  instance.  This  appears  to  give 
them  a  wonderful  superiority  in  the  table  of  duties.  But  it 
can  hardly  be  necessary  to  inform  the  reader,  that  the  merchant 
who  bonds  the  duties,  is  not  the  actual  payer  of  them.  Mr.  Ed- 
ward Thomson,  of  this  city,  has  imported,  during  this  year, 
[1815]  and  of  course  will  pay  duties  on,  goods  to  the  amount  of 
probably  above  2,000,000  of  dollars.  His  consumption  of  duti- 
fible  articles  is  probably  not  2000  dollars.  Who  can  be  so  igno- 
rant as  to  pretend,  that  the  government  is  beholden  to  him  for 
the  amount  of  the  duties  !  They  are  paid  by  the  farmers  of 
Chester,  and  Bucks,  and  Lancaster,  and  Delaware,  and  Berks 
counties,  and  of  the  southern  and  western  states,  &c.  &c.  The 
duties  are  added  by  the  merchant  to  the  first  cost,  with  a  profit 
on  both — and  the  ultimate  consumer  is  the  real  payer. 

Tlie  eastern  states  have  thus  levied  taxes  not  merely  on  Mary- 
land, Virginia,  North  and  South  Carolina,  and  Georgia,  but  even 
on  Pennsylvania  j  for  strange  as  it  may  seem,  it  is  nevertheless 
true,  that  notwithstanding  the  immense  wealth,  the  ardent  enter- 
prize,  and  the  great  commercial  advantages  of  Philadelphia,  im- 
moderate quantities  of  East  India  and  Chinese  goods  have  been 
consigned  for  sale  here,  from  Boston,  Salem,  and  other  eastern 
ports. 

But  even,  independent  of  the  importation  of  the  eastern  for 
the  southern  states,  the  facts  are  unfairly  stated.  If  the  former 
actually  consumed  all  the  foreign  articles  they  import,  the  duties 
they  pay,  compared  with  those  paid  by  the  southern  states,  will 
not  warrant  their  holding  the  high,  and  arrogant,  and  insulting 
tone  they  have  always  assumed. 


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POUTICAL  OUVE  BRANCH. 


[CHAV.  SB. 


To  enable  the  reader  to  form  a  correct  opinion  on  the  subject, 
I  annex  a  set  of  tables  of  the 

Net  amount  of  the  duties  paid  by  the  different  states  from  the 
year  1791  to  1812,  inclusive^  taken  from  the  records  oj  the  trea- 
aury  department,  and  submitted  to  congress  by  Joseph  Nourse^ 
esq,  register  of  the  treasury. 


A«nv  Hampahirt 

Vtivwnt.              Canneeticut, 

J?.  Mand- 

1791 

53,000 

206,000 

146,000 

1792 

41,000 

142,000 

46,000 

1793 

44,000 

154,000 

133,000 

1794 

38,000 

' 

1,000 

171,000 

89,000 

1795 

44,000 

155,000 

244,000 

1796 

53,000 

1,000 

141,000 

137,000 

1797 

27,000 

115,000 

276,000 

1798 

72,000 

' 

1,000 

127,000 

104,000 

1799 

99,000 

< 

2,000 

289,000 

260,000 

1800 

142,000 

( 

2,000 

169,000 

393,000 

1801 

133,000 

328,000 

284,000 

1802 

119,000 

262,000 

178,000 

1803 

122,000 

] 

1,000 

301,000 

266,000 

1804 

108,000 

348,000 

421,000 

1805 

109,000 

354,000 

349,000 

1806 

117,000 

325,000 

361,000 

1807 

99,000 

314,000 

123,000 

1808 

19,000 

197,000 

270,000 

1809 

39,000 

i 

E>,000 

129,000 

35,000 

1810 

53,000 

9,000 

157,000 

435,000 

1811 

62,000 

, 

5,000 

240,000 

318,000 

1812 

122,000 

116.000 
147,000 

829,000 

452,000 

1,715,000 

5,453,000 

5,420,000 

Maaaachwettt. 

Mio.r,>rk. 

Pemmihania.    Martiland. 

Virifima. 

1791 

977,000 

1,564,000 

1,491,000 

641,000 

851,000 

1792 

678,000 

1,169,000 

1,096,000 

449,000 

474,000 

1793 

950,000 

1,195,000 

1,804,000 

869,000 

388,000 

1794 

1,004,000 

1,860,000 

1,473,(K)0 

7')!i,<»)0 

389,000 

1795 

1,415,000 

2,000,000 

2,271,000 

523,000 

396,000 

1796 

1,334,000 

2,158,000 

2,012,000 

761,000 

598,000 

1797 

1,372,000 

2,059,000 

1,743,000 

1,145,000 

606,000 

1798 

1,168,000 

l,743,OoO 

1,029,000 

885,000 

629,000 

1799 

1,607,000 

2,373,000 

1,259,000 

1,161,000 

896,000 

1800 

1,974,000 

2,741,000 

1,350,000 

623,000 

644.000 

1801 

2,929,000 

3,810,000 

2,123,000 

1,001,000 

746,000 

1802 

1,525,000 

2,490,000 

1,410.000 

634,000 

689,000 

laai 

2,490,000 

3,524,000 

1,655,000 

936,000 

713,000 

1804 

4,630,000 

3,872,000 

2,609,000 

1,538.000 

902,000 

1805 

3,308,000 

4,882,000 

2,300,000 

1,130,000 

805,000 

1806 

3,524,000 

4,875,000 

3,017,000 

1,446,000 

620,000 

1807 

3,576,000 

4,926,000 

3,162,000 

1,633,000 

506,000 

1808 

1,184,000 

2,764.000 

1.647,000 

58H,000 

110,000 

1809 

1,384^000 

2,981,000 

1,405,000 

155.000 

257,000 

1810 

2,774.000 

4,419,0^-0 

2,539,000 

928.000 

461,000 

1811 

1,816,000 

1,979,000 

1,840,000 

722,000 

195,000 

1812 

2,719,000 
44,338,000 

2,890,000 
62,274,000 

2,090,000 
41,325,000 

1,782,000 
20,345,000 

690,000 

12,565,000 

€KAr.50] 


DUTIESI  ON  IMPORTS. 


SW 


JV.  Carolina. 

1791 

£115,000 

1792 

78,000 

1793 

63,000 

1794 

78,000 

1795 

99,000 

1796 

68,000 

1797 

105,000 

1798 

120,000 

1799 

154,000 

1800 

126,000 

1801 

125,000 

1802 

252,000 

1803 

159,000 

1804 

186,000 

1805 

165,000 

1806 

202,000 

1807 

196,000 

1808 

16,000 

1809 

65,000 

1810 

58,000 

1811 

44,000 

1813 

47,000 

2,621,000 

<Si.  Carolina. 

Georgia. 

ColunMa. 

V.  OrleoMi 

538,000 

91,000 

360,000 

53,000 

359,000 

35,000 

651,000 

87,000 

-     -t 

710,000 

54,000 

' 

56,000 

31,000 

700,000 

62,000 

.  . 

-    ■,...'  '- 

239,000 

858,000 

•               ■ 

j^mSt 

1,159,000 

'  "■  - 

1,002.000 

663,000 

94,000 

►  "■  '  '  i 

280,000 

311,000 

133,000 

'  •  •  ■  fc 

646,000 

182,000 

14.3,000 

718,lX)0 

180,000 

128,000 

279,000 

843,000 

95,000 

119.000 

342,000 

871,000 

183,000 

137,000 

361,000 

735,000 

489,000 

123,000 

480,000 

225,000 

35,000 

20,000 

77,000 

377,000 

6.000 

60,000 

134,000 

567,000 

134^000 

50,000 

244,000 

338,000 

56,000 

45,000 

148,000 

433,000 

260,000 

80,000 

137,000 

12,665,000 

2,907,000 

1,132,000 

2,202,000 

In  these  tables,  as  in  those  of  exports,  thpre  is  no  account  taken  of  any  sums 
below  one  tliausand  dollars.  This  operates  equally  on  both  sides,  and  cannot 
affect  the  comparison,  which  is  the  object  in  view. 

From  the  foregoing  tables,  the  following  results  appear. 

I.  The  southern  states  have  paid  nearly  as  large  an  amount  of 
duties  to  the  government,  as  the  eastern. 
Maryland 


Virginia 
North  Carolina 
South  Carolina 
CSeorgia 
Columbia 
Orieani 

Massachusetts 
New  Hampshire 
Vermont 
Connecticut 
Rhode  Island 


20,345,000 
12,565,000 
2,621,000 
12,665,000 
2,907,000 
1,132,000 
2,202,000 


1,715,000 

147,000 

5,463,000 

5,420,000 


54.437,000 
44,338,000 


-13,745,000 


'^  ^  57,083,000 

II.  The  single  state  of  South  Carolina  paid  very  nearly  as 
much  duties  as  the  four  minor  eastern  state;*. 

South  Cnrolina  -  •  •  13,665,000 

Four  minor  eastern  states  (see  No.  1.)  ■  -  12,745,000 

III.  New  Orleans  paid  twenty  per  cent,  more  in  nine  years, 
than  New  Hampshire  and  Vermont  in  twenty-two. 

Orleans 

New  Hampahire  >  •  1,71S,000 

Vermont       -  •  -  147,000 


O,  B. 


sr 


2,402,000 
1,862,000 


an 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[8BAP.  50. 


IV.  Virginia  alone  paid  very  nearly  as  much  as  the  four  mi- 
Qor  eastern  states. 


Virginia  ... 

Four  minor  eastern  states  (see  No.  1.) 


12,565.000 
12,745^000 


V.  New  York  and  Pennsylvania  paid  nearly  ninety  per  cent, 
more  than  the  five  eastern  states. 


New  York 
Pennsylvania 


62,274,000 
41,325,000 


103,599,000 
57,083,000 


Five  eastern  states  (see  No.  1.)  -  •  . 

VI.  South  Carolina  paid  more  than  twice  the  amount  of  du- 
ties paid  by  either  Connecticut  or  Rhode  Island ;  seven  times 
98  much  as  New  Hampshire ;  and  ninety  times  as  much  as  Ver- 
mont. 


South  Carolina 
Connecticut 
Shode  Island 
New  Hampshire 
Veimonl 


12,665,000 

5,463,000 

5,420,000 

1,715,000 

147,000 


Synopsis  of  duties  paid  from  1791  to  1812  inclusive,        \ 
Eattem  section.  JUidd^  section.  Southern  section. 


Mass. 

If .  Hamp. 
Vermont 
Connect. 
B.  Island 


44,338,000 

1,715,000 

147,000 

5,463,000 

5,420,000 


N.  Jersey 
Delaware 
N.  York 
Pennsylvania 


259,000 

1,223,000 

62,274,000 

41,325,000 


Maryland 

Virginia 

N.  Carolina 

S.  Carolina 

Georgia 

Columbia 

Orleans 


8557,083,000 


8105,081,000 


20,345,000 
12,565,00a 
2,621,000 
12,665,000 
2,907,000 
1,132,000 
2,202,000 

854,437,000 


Those  who  consider  the  very  expensive  habits  of  the  plan- 
ters of  Virginia  and  South  Carolina,  and  the  immense  amount 
of  foreign  goods  received  in  those  states  from  the  eastern  ones, 
as  well  as  from  New  York,  Pennsylvania,  and  Maryland,  and 
how  ve  'arge  a  proportion  of  the  foreign  merchandize  import- 
ed by  .:  achusetts,  is  exported  to  the  other  states,  can  hardly 
douot,  mat  Virginia  and  South  Carolina  actually  consume  each 
as  large  an  amount  of  dutiable  articles,  and  of  course  in  fact  real- 
ly pay  as  much  duties,  as  that  state.  A  due  consideration  of 
the  great  number  of  coasters,  which,  in  time  of  peace,  are  con- 
stantly plying  from  the  ports  of  the  eastern  and  middle  to  those; 
of  the  southern  states,  will  aiford  a  strong  support  to  this 
opinion.  A  very  large  proportion  of  the  cargoes  of  the  coasters 
bound  to  the  southern  ports  consists  of  imported  goods  which 
have  paid  duties  ;  and  the  residue  generally  of  articles  of  do- 
mestic manufacture.  The  return  cargoes  are  all  of  raw  mate- 
rials for  manufactures,  or  articles  of  the  highest  value  for 
exportation  to  Europe  and  elsewhere.  It  is  not  easy  to  con- 
ceive of  a  more  advantageous  commerce  for  the  mother  coun- 


«IAP.  51.] 


OOMMBRCIAL  VIEWS. 


fff9 


tries,  as,  in  this  case,  the  middle  and  eastern  states  may  be  just- 
ly styled.  I  repeat  it,  and  hope  the  solemn  ti'uth  will  be  borne 
in  constant  remembrance,  that  the  southern  states  are  virtually 
colonies  to  those  states  whose  demagogues  have  never  ceased 
slandering  and  vilifying  them. 

I  dismiss  this  part  of  my  subject,  I  hope  for  ever.  I  trust 
tha :  the  assertion  of  the  commercial  superiority  of  the  eastern 
states,  will  never  again  be  urged  on  this  community. 

CHAPTER  LI. 

Fallacy  of  the  opinion  of  any  hostility  in  the  southern^  against 
the  eastern  states.  Commercial  and  agricultural  states  mu" 
tually  dependent  on,  and  beneficial  to  each  other. 

Having,  I  hope,  completely  settled  the  question  of  the  com- 
parative pretensions  of  the  different  sections  of  the  union  to 
commervial  pre-eminence,  I  proceed  to  consider  the  positions, 
which  assert  the  necessary  hostility  between  an  agricultural  sec- 
tion of  a  country  and  a  commercial  one — ^the  actual  existence  of 
that  hostility  in  the  southern  states — and  its  baneful  influence  on 
the  measures  of  congress. 

On  these  fallacious  positions,  the  changes  have  been  rung  in 
endless  succession,  not  merely  by  a  crowd  of  anonymous  wri- 
ters, but  even  public  bodies  whose  stations  entitle  them  to  re- 
spect, have  disgraced  themselves  by  their  dissemination.  The 
lucubrations  on  this  subject,  published  in  Boston  alone,  would 
fill  folio  volumes.  Throughout  the  whole,  confident  and  un- 
founded assertion  is  substituted  in  the  place  of  fact,  reason,  and 
argument. 

To  enable  the  reader  to  form  an  idea  of  the  errors  prevalent 
on  this  topic,  I  annex  a  few  extracts. 

"  They  have  aeen  at  first  an  ill-concealed,  but  at  latt  an  open  and  undiiguited 
jealmuy  of  the  wealth  and  power  of  the  commercial  statet,  operaHng  in  CONTI- 
NUAL EFFORTS  TO  EMBAKRASR  AND  DESTROY  THAT  COBIMERCE, 
WHICH  IS  THEIR  UFE  AND  SUPPORT." 

This  is  the  language  of  a  report  to  the  legislature  of  Massa- 
chusetts, made  by  a  joint  committee  of  both  houses,  Feb.  11, 
1814,  on  which  was  founded  the  most  inflammatory  appeal  to 
the  citizens  of  the  eastern  states.  This  report  asserted  the  pro- 
priety, justice,  and  necessity  of  forcible  resistance  to  the  mea- 
sures of  the  general  government,  adding 

"  The  qurMioii  is  not  a  question  of  power  or  right  with  tliis  legislature,  but 
of  time  or  expediaicy." 

The  committee  proceed — 

*'  There  exists  in  all  parts  of  this  commonwealth,  a  fear,  and  in  many  a  set- 
tled belief,  that  the  cour»e  of  foreigti  and  domestic  policy  pumued  by  the  gwvenf 
ment  of  the  United  Statci,  for  lei'eral  t/ears  pa»t,  han  il»  foundation  in  a  DRl.I- 
BEHATB  INTENTION  TO  IMPAIH,  IF  NOT  TO  DKSi'HOY,  THAT  FRBB 


r*  m 


■m 


>ll 


280 


POLmCAL  OLtVE  BRANCH. 


[crap.  tl. 


SPIRIT  AND  EXERCISE  OF  COMMERCE,  which,  aided  by  the  habits,  man- 
ners, and  institutions  of  rur  ancestors,  and  the  blessingps  of  divine  providence, 
have  been  the  principal  source  of  the  freedom,  wealth,  and  general  prosperity 
of  this  recently  happy  and  flourishing  people. 

"  These  opinions  are  not  confined  to  the  maritime  borders  of  the  state,  whose 
interests  are  more  immecUately  affected,  and  whose  inhabitants  have  daUy  be- 
fore their  eyes  peiishing  ships,  deserted  warehouses,  and  starving  mechanics 
and  labourers :  but  are  loudly  responded  from  the  interior,  where  the  peoplfe 
generally  sympathise  in  the  present  distress  of  their  brethren  on  the  sea-coast, 
and  wisely  foresee,  in  their  ruin,  Uieir  own  approaching  wretchedness." 

The  committee  continue — 

"The  memorialists  see,  in  this  deplorable  descent  from  national  greatness, 
A  DETERMINATION  TO  HARASS  AND  ANNIHILATE  THAT  SPIRIT 
OF  COMMERCE  which  has  ever  been  the  handmud  of  civil  and  reUgfous 
liberty  ;  and  to  break  the  free  gpirit  of  this  people  by  depriving  them  of  their  civil 
employment,  and  thus  forcing  the  sons  of  commerce  to  populate  and  enrich  the 
wilderness,  for  tbrt  benefit  of  those  whose  avftrice  has  rnntrihuted  largely  tothe 
War  now  desolating  the  cotmtry." 

This  is  the  strain  and  style  in  which  this  miserable,  this  hack- 
nied,  this  destructive  prejudice  has  been  a  hundred  thousand 
times  repeated,  without  even  the  shadow  of  foundation.  Al- 
though these  extracts  are  abundantly  sufficient  for  my  purpose, 
yet  I  judge  it  not  improper  to  make  a  short  addition  nrom  the 
address  of  the  Hartford  convention. 

"  Events  may  prove,  that  the  causes  of  our  calamities  are  deep  and  perma- 
nent. They  may  be  found  to  proceed,  not  merely  from  the  blindness  of  pre- 
judice, pride  of  opinion,  violence  of  party  spirit,  or  the  confusion  of  the  times : 
but  they  may  be  traced  to  implacable  combinations  of  individuals,  or  states,  to  mo' 
nopoUsepovier  and  ttffice,AfiD  TO  TRAMPLV:  WITHOUT  REMORSE  UPON 
THE  RIGHTS  AND  INTERESTS  OP  THE  COMMERCIAL  SECTIONS  OF 
THE  UNION. 

"  The  administration,  after  a  long  perseverance  in  plana  to  baffie  every  effort  t^ 
commercial  enterprise,  had  fatally  succeeded  in  their  attempts,  at  the  epoch  of 
the  war." 

The  convention  enter  into  an  enumeration  of  th£  causes  which 
have  led  to  the  public  distress,  and  close  the  catalogue,  with 

"  Lastly  and  principally,  a  visionary  and  dupetficial  theory  in  regard  to  com- 
merce, ACCO»U>ANIED  BY  A  REAL  HATRED,  BUT  A  FEIGNED  REGARD 
TO  ITS  INTERESTS,  and  a  ruinous  perseverance  in  efforts  to  render  it  an 
initrument  of  coercion  and  war." 

Never  since  faction  first  disturbed  the  peace  of  mankind,  and 
^lade  this  earth  a  suitable  abode  for  demons  incarnate,  did  she 
employ  a  more  hollow,  fallacious,  or  unfounded  pretext,  to  Jus* 
tify  her  lawless  proceedings,  than  is  here  to  be  combated.  It  is 
not  merely  untrue.  It  is  the  reverse  of  truth.  It  has  not  even 
the  shadow  of  plausibility. 

In  all  this  wretched  effort  to  excite  the  hostility  of  fellow  citi- 
zens against  each  other — to  prepare  the  inhabitants  of  one  sec- 
tion of  the  country  to  imbrue  their  hands  in  the  blood  of  those 
of  another—- to  renew  in  this  holy,  this  blessed  land,  the  horrors 
of  the  French  revolution — to  enable  American  Marats,  and 
Dantons,  and  Lcgcndres,  and  Hobespierres,  to  rule  us  with  a 


CftAF.  $1. 


COMIAERCIAL  VIEWS. 


281 


rod  of  iron—- 'an  all.important  and  overwhelming  fact  is  vrithheld 
from  sight — a  fact  which  destroys  the  whole  of  this  miserable 
declamation  as  completely  as  ever  the  broad  glare  of  the  torch 
of  truth  dispelled  the  Cimmerian  darkness  of  error  and  delusion. 
This  mighty  fact  escaped  my  attention  in  all  the  former  editions 
of  this  book.  It  is,  that  all  the  measures  which  are  assumed  as 
full  proof  of  hostility  to  commerce,  and  charged  to  the  debit  of 
the  southern  states,  have  been  supported  by  the  powerful  com. 
mercial  states  of  Pennsylvania  and  New  York  ;  steadily  andun' 
deviatingly  by  the  former,  and  by  the  latter  with  very  few  and 
slight  exceptions.  And  further,  that  a  considerable  part  of 
them  have  been  supported  by  respectable  portions  of  the  repre- 
sentatives in  congress,  from  New  Hampshire,  Vermont,  Rhode 
Island,  and  even  Massachusetts ;  for  the  three  first  states  were, 
till  lately,  frequently  represented  almost  wholly  by  democrats, 
who  very  generally  idvocated  the  measures  herein  reprobated. 
And  it  is  further  to  be  remarked,  that  the  great  commercial  ci- 
ties of  the  union  have  been  very  generally  represented  by  citi- 
zens who  have  given  their  full  aid  and  support  to  the  measures 
in  question.  Until  lately,  the  majority  for  or  against  the  admi. 
nistration,  even  in  Massachusetts,  rarely  exceeded  two  or  three 
thousand.  The  election  for  governor  in  that  state  in  1812,  was 
contested  with  great  ardour.  The  friends  and  the  enemies  of 
the  administration  made  the  utmost  exertions  to  call  forth  their 
whole  strength— and  the  votes  were,  for 

Caleb  Strong  -  -  -  52,696 

Elbridge  Gerry  -  -  -         51,326 

And  it  is  well  known  that  Mr.  Sullivan  and  Mr.  Gerry,  the  de- 
mocratic candidates,  were  elected  four  or  five  times  within  a 
space  of  ten  years,  which  embraced  nearly  the  whole  of  the  mea. 
sures  thus  violently  denounced.  And  I  presume,  no  man  of 
oandour  will  deny,  that  the  struggle  between  the  different  candi. 
dates,  on  those  occasions,  was  as  fair  and  unerring  a  criterion 
of  the  voice  of  the  state  on  the  approval  or  reprobation  of  the 
measures  of  the  general  government,  as  if  the  votes  had  been 
taken  for  president  of  the  United  States. 

Let  us  for  a  moment  suppose,  for  sake  of  argument,  that  the 
eastern  states  ate,  as  they  pretend  to  be,  exclusively  commercial 
— ^nd  that  the  southern  are  exclusively  agricuhural.  This  is 
placing  the  case  in  the  most*  advantageous  point  of  light  its 
friends  could  desire.  Could  there  be  any  stronger  bond  of  af- 
finity between  two  nations,  or  two  sections  of  the  same  nation, 
than  the  mutual  wants  which  this  supposed  case  implies  ?  The 
agricultural  portion  would  have  imperious  necessity  for  the 
ships,  the  seamen,  and  the  capital  of  the  commercial  portion,  for 
the  purchase  and  transportation  of  her  superfluous  productions. 
And  the  navigation  and  capital  of  the  c'^^^mercial  portion  would 


M 


\l 


282 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[clip.  SI, 


find  all  the  advantages  they  could  require  in  the  transportatioa 
and  sale  of  the  productions  of  the  other. 

The  agricultural  portion,  as  I  have  already  stated,  would  be 
merely  in  the  situation  of  colonies  to  the  commercial.  What 
are  the  grand  advantages  of  colonies  to  parent  countries  ?  Mere-^ 
ly  to  increase  their  navigation-— to  afford  an  asylum  for  their 
superabundant  population-*to  furnish  raw  materials  for  the  em. 
ployment  of  their  artisans  and  manufacturers~-and  to  purchase 
the  productions  of  the  labours  of  those  artisans  and  manufac* 
ttirers. 

All  these  favourable  effects  have  been  produced  to  an  almost 
incalculable  extent  on  the  eastern,  by  their  connexion  and  inter- 
course with  the  western  and  southern  states.  It  therefore 
irresistibly  follows,  I  repeat,  that  the  latter  have  literally 
been  but  colonies  to  the  middle,  and  more  particularly  to  the 
eastern  states.  The  hardy  and  enterprising  Yankees  pervade 
every  bay,  river,  creek,  and  inlet  of  the  southern  states ;  and 
for  their  notions  carry  off  the  solid  coin  of  the  country  to  replen< 
ish  their  coffers.  They  every  where  undersell  and  undermine 
the  established  southern  storekeepers.  Moreover,  the  cotton, 
the  rice,  the  flour,  the  tobacco,  and  the  naval  stores  of  the 
southern  states,  have  enabled  the  ship-owners  of  the  eastern 
states  to  amass  those  over-grown  nabob  fortunes,  which  render 
them  too  aspiring  to  submit  to  the  equal  form  of  government 
which  we  enjoy.  They  have  literally  lived  upon  the  industry 
of  the  southern  states.  Without  the  latter,  their  section  of  the 
union  would  rank  very  low  indeed  in  the  scale  of  nations. 

This  state  of  things,  so  eminently  advantageous  to  the  eastern 
states,  has  never  created  faction,  or  complamt,  or  convulsions, 
or  threats  of  dissolving  the  union,  in  the  southern.  They  have 
cheerfully  supported  a  government  whose  chief  attention  has 
been  directed  to  the  promotion  of  commerce— and  which  never 
did  and  never  would  have  experienced  any  great  difficulty  with 
foreign  nations  but  from  the  effort  to  protect  the  mercantile  in- 
terests against  the  depredations  of  those  nations. 

It  requires  little  effort  to  prove,  and  little  capacity  to  perceive; 
that  there  is  and  ever  will  be  a  commercial  rivalry  between  Bos- 
ton and  Providence— between  Philadelphia  and  New  York — 
between  Baltimore  and  Philadelphia.  But  that  a  serious,  think- 
ing people,  like  those  of  the  eastern  states,  should  have  ever 
been  duped  to  believe  that  there  is  any  real  cause  of  jealousy 
or  hostility  between  the  commercial  and  agricultural  sections 
of  the  country,  is  a  folly,  of  which  it  is  hardly  possible  to  find 
a  parallel  in  the  history  of  the  madness  and  idiocy  of  the  human 
species. 

To  view  the  subject  once  more— although  it  really  does  not 
deserve  further  attention.    Suppose,  still,  the  southern  states 


caiF.  51.] 


COMMEBCUL  VIEWS. 


283 


wholly  agricultural,  and  the  middle  and  eastern  wholly  commer- 
cial, and  that  the  former  have  an  overwhelming  majority  in  the 
legislature  of  the  union.  How  could  it  ever  enter  into  the  mind 
of  any  rational  being  to  imagine,  that  the  majority  could  for  a 
moment  be  ignorant  of  the  plain  truth,  that  every  stroke  aimed 
at  commerce  was  a  stroke  at  their  own  vital  interests  ? 

It  is  well  known,  that  the  representatives  of  the  southern  and 
western  states  are  generally  gendemen  of  the  highest  grade  of 
talents  in  congress*  From  causes  which  it  is  neither  necessary 
nor  proper  here  to  detail,  the  middle  states  have  rarely  made 
as  respectable  a  figure  in  that  body  as  could  have  been  wished. 
The  eastern  have  not  been  quite  so.  unfortunate.  It  requires, 
however,  but  a  moderate  portion  of  candour  to  acknowledge, 
that  although  they  are  occasionally  represented  in  congress,  by 
men  of  considerable  talents,  they  are  in  the  aggregate  far  below 
Virginia,  South  Carolina,  Kentucky,  &c.  And  could  this  plain 
truth  escape  the  Eppeses,  the  Gileses,  the  Clays,  and  the  Popes, 
that  it  was  impossible  to  injure  commerce  without  inflicting  an 
equal  injury  on  agriculture  r 

The  agricultural  portion  of  this  great  nation  could  infinitely 
better  dispense  with  the  commercial,  than  the  latter  with  the  for- 
mer. Never,  since  commerce  first  began,  did  a  nation,  having 
bulky  raw  materials  to  sell,  and  having  demands  for  large  quan- 
tities of  merchandise,  find  any  difficulty  in  creating  a  marine, 
or,  amidst  naval  competitors  for  her  trade,  in  securing  the  trans- 
portation of  her  commodities,  and  the  purchase  of  merchandise, 
on  fair  and  advantageous  terms.  But  the  decay  of  Portugal,  Ve- 
nice, Genoa,  the  Hanse  Towns,  and  other  great  commercial 
states,  proves,  that  a  nation  possessed  of  a  considerable  marine, 
but  labouring  under  great  natural  disadvantages,  may,'if  it  affront 
or  offend  the  nations  on  which  it  depends,  be  reduced  to  its  na- 
tive and  intrinsic  insi  ;oficance. 

The  disadvantages  oi  the  eastern  states  are  very  considera- 
ble. The  sterility  of  the  soil  will  leave  them  eternally  depen- 
dent upon  the  southern  states ;  for  their  situation  imperiously 
forces  them  to  have  recourse  to  manufactures  and  commerce. 
Their  agriculture  must  always  be  comparatively  insignificant. 
They  therefore,  I  repeat,  owe  their  greatness  principally  to  their 
immensely  valuable  trade  with  those  states,  which  their  un- 
grateful writers  and  demagogues  are  constantly  vilifying  and 
abusing,  and  which  afford  the  principal  pabulum  for  the  com- 
merce of  the  middle  and  eastern  states.  Those  demagogues 
are,  as  I  have  stated,  unceasingly  exciting  animosities  between 
the  two  sections  of  the  union,  by  pretending  a  rivalry  of  interest, 
which  is  wholly  unfounded.  There  is,  let  me  repeat,  real  cause 
of  jealousy  between  Rhode  Island  and  Massachusetts :  but 
none  between  either  of  them  and  Virginia  or  South  Carolina. 
The  latter  are,  and  will  forever   continue,  great  agricultural 


Iff?; 


U/.% 


m 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


CcHir.4t. 


states.  Their  immense  and  increasing  productions  will  find  the 
most  valuable  employment  for  th^  shipping  and  for  the  manu- 
factures of  the  eastern  and  middle  states. 

Should  a  separation  take  place,  which  I  hope  and  trust  in  the 
goodness  of  Heaven  is  far  remote,  the  eastern  states  wiU  repent 
it  first  and  last.  They  will  have  reason  eternally  to  detest  the 
unhallowed  councils  of  those  restless  demagogues,  who  shall 
have  plunged  them  into  the  abyss  of  ruin.  Their  hardy  sons, 
who  now  migrate  to  the  southward  and  westward  by  hundreds, 
will  abandon  their  native  soil  by  thousands — and  daily  add 
strength  to  the  rival  section  of  the  nation,  and  equally  enfeeble 
the  parent  states.  The  latter  will  dwindle  into  the  insignificance 
from  which  they  have  been  elevated  by  the  tribute  uiey  have 
levied  upon  Virginia  and  her  southern  sisters. 

The  horrors  of  an  immediate  civil  war,  and  of  a  constant  bor- 
der war,  such  as  formerly  existed  between  England  and  Scotland^ 
are  the  only  considerations  that  render  a  separation  from  Mas- 
sachusetts  a  measure  to  be  at  all  deprecated.  Were  we  insured 
from  these  two  evils,  a  separation  would  be  an  advantage  to  the 
rest  of  the  ut&on  for  she  has  harassed  the  national  councils  to  a. 
most  intolerable  ;.*  d  shameful  degree. 

She  has  appeared  determined,  ^she  could  not  rule  the  country 
herself  to  send  it  to  destruction  headlong.  She  has  been  for 
years  the  source  of  most  of  the  difficulties  of  the  union.  We 
should  not  have  had  war  but  for  her.*  And  among  the  fea- 
tures of  the  present  crisis,  the  most  lamentable  one  is,  that  she 
cannot  suffer  the  consequences  of  her  folly,  her  arrogance,  her 
resdessness,  her  faction,  her  jacobinism,  her  anti- Washington- 
ism,  without  inflicting  an  equal  degree  of  misfortune  on  her 
innocent  neighbours.  Could  she  suffer  alone,  it  were  *^  a  con- 
summation most  devoutly  to  be  tvished.^^  A  strong  navigation 
act,  and  discriminating  duties,  would  soon  bring  her  to  her 
senses,  and  convince  her  of  the  immeasurable  folly  and  madness 
she  has  been  guilty  of.  They  would  sink  her  to  her  proper 
level — that  level,  which  her  ungrateful  soil — ^her  insignificance 
in  point  of  population—and  the  narrow  limits  of  her  territory, 
prescribe— and  which,  I  repeat,  nothing  but  the  advantages  she 
has  derived  from  her  persecuted,  insulted,  outraged,  and  de- 
famed sister  states,  could  have  enabled  her  to  pass.  She  would 
repent  of  her  infatuation,  and  most  anxiously  seek  to  be  restored 
to  a  confederacy,  on  the  major  part  of  which  she  had  unceasing., 
ly  levied  heavy  contributions,  and  to  which  she  owed  all  that 

*  This  assertion  has  been  cavilled  at  by  a  Boston  writer,  but  not  refuted, 
Boston,  by  her  Jacobinical  and  seditious  opposition  to  the  peaceable  measures 
adopted  to  obtain  from  En^^land  that  redress  for  which  she  herself  had  so  loud- 
ly insisted  on  the  interference  of  government ;  and  by  her  excitement  of  a  si- 
milar opposition  throughout  the  eastern  states  generally,  defeated  those  mea- 
sures, and  encouraged  England  to  proceed  in  her  outrages ;  vj^ch  finally  led 
to  war. 


(■AT.  52.] 


ATTEMPTS  ON  PUBUC  CREDIT. 


m 


prosperity,  that  wealth,  and  that  consequence,  which  had  ren- 
dered her  dizzy,  inflated  her  with  pride  and  arrogance,  and 
brought  on  her  downfall. 

CHAPTER  LII. 

Money  the  sinews  of  war.    Associations  to  prevent  the  success 
of  the  Loans,    Efforts  to  bankrupt  the  Government, 

Money  has  long  been  proverbially  styled  the  sinews  of  war. 
It  is  no  misnomer.  Soldiers  cannot  be  raised— nor  put  in  mo- 
tion— ^nor  arrayed  in  the  field  of  battle,  without  money  to  clothe 
and  feed  them.  A  government  at  war,  and  destitute  of  funiis 
or  credit,  must  succumb  to  its  adversary — bend  the  necV  to  the 
yoke — ^make  humble  submission — and  receive  the  law  from  the 
conqueror.  To  these  truths  history  bears  ample  and  uniform 
testimony. 

Under  these  impressions,  shortly  after  the  declaration  of  war, 
there  was  a  combination  formed  to  prevent  the  success  of  the 
government  loans.  A  great  majority  of  those  who  entered 
mto  this  scheme  resided  in  the  eastern  states,  particulaily  in 
Boston,  which  was  the  grand  focus  of  the  conspiracy. 

For  every  measure,  however  atrocious,  a  plausible  plea  is 
always  found  to  palliate  or  justify  its  enormity.  This  high- 
handed conspiracy  to  destroy  the  credit  of  the  government  of 
their  country,  which  originated  among  the  **  moral  and  reli- 
gious people"  of  Boston,  was  predicated  upon  two  positions  : 

First,  that  England  was,  and  had  always  been,  willing  to 

^make  a  treaty  with  us  on  fair  and  honourable  terms ;  and  uiat, 

so  great  was  her  magnanimity,  she  would  take  no  advantage  of 

any  embarraesments  or  difficulties  which  might  arise  from  the 

destruction  of  the  public  Credit. 

Secondly,  that  our  administration  was  so  obstinately  deter- 
mined to  continue  the  war,  that  it  would  make  no  peace  while 
possessed  of  the  means  of  carrying  on  hostilities. 

A  corollary  from  these  positions  was,  that  if  the  conspirators 
prevented  the  success  of  the  loans,  and  deprived  the  government 
of  the  means  of  prosecuting  the  war,  we  should  in  consequence 
have  peace,* 

These  extravagant  positions  must  excite  the  amazement  of 
any  calm  observer.    *^  But  as  soon  as  he  should  be  acqusunted 

*^  This  paragptph  was  written  in  September,  1814.  Tlie  result  of  the  nego. 
clations  at  Ghent  fully  established  the  folly  as  well .  as  wickedness  of  these 
proceeding's.  The  public  mind  has  been  since  very  considerably  undeceived 
on  these  poir^tA  I  have  heard  gentlemen  rejoice  at  the  success  of  ue  illus- 
trious hero,  Jackson,  at  New-Oneans,  as  leadmg  to  peace,  who,  one  or  two 
jrears  since,  were  so  miserably  deluded  as  to  believe  that  the  iH>ad  to  a  cessa- 
I  tion  of  war  lay  through  the  defeat,  disgrace,  and  disastci'S  of  the  ams  of  their, 
native  country ! 


I 


xm 


POUTICAL.OUVE  BRANCH. 


[our.  52. 


**  whh  the  nature  and  existence  of  prejudice,  passion,  obstinacy, 
'*  wilfulness,  wickedness,  and,  above  all,  with  the  character  and 
**'  influence  of  party  spirit,  the  mystery  would  vanish  at  once : 
**  for  he  would  then  see  that  these,  and  not  reason,  decide. 
^^  Reason  .asks  for  facts  and  arguments.  Prejudice^  passion^ 
**  and  the  resty  asi  for  names^  sounds  noise^  and  fury.  By 
♦*  those  they  are  impelled — by  these  they  decide,^''* 

Our  government  had  given  four  strong  and  irresistible  proofs 
of  a  disposition  to  conclude  the  war,  which  carried  conviction  to 
every  candid  mind. 

First,  on  the  27th  of  June,  1812,  it  had  offered  the  British 
Bovemment  an  armistice  on  the  simple  and  reasonable  condi- 
iKms  of  suspending,  during  the  negociation,  the  outrageous  in. 
jury  of  impressment,  and  surrendering  the  American  seamen 
previously  impressed.  The  suspension  of  impressment  ^t  that 
period  could  not  have  occasioned  Great  Britain  any  possible  dis- 
advantage; for,  having  nearly  annihilated  all  the  rival  navies 
of  Europie,  her  stock  of  sailors  could  not  require  to  be  reple- 
lushed  by  impressment  from  our  vessels.  And,  as  she  had  at 
all  times  professed  a  willingness  to  surrender  our  seamen,  there 
could  have  been  no  difficulty  on  the  second  point.  She  ought, 
therefore,  to  have  met  our  amicable  overtures  with  frankness. 
If  she  were  fighting  for  her  existence,  as  has  been  said  a 
thousand  times ;  and  if  it  were  jeopardized  by  our  hostility ; 
it  was  the  quintessence  of  madness  and  folly,  not  to  have  with- 
drawn us  from  the  number  of  her  enemies,  when  she  could  have 
effected  that  grand  object  on  such  easy  terms,  without  impair- 
ing her  credit  or  character. 

Secondly,  It  had  promptly  accepted  the  Russian  mediation 
for  the  termination  of  hostilities. 

Thirdly,  To  remove  all  difficulty  on  the  important  subject  of    • 
impressment,  confess  passed  an  actbn  the  Hd  of  March,  1813, 
making  such  provisions,  to  commence  from  the  close  of  the  war, 
as  to  secure  Great  Britain  against  the  seduction  or  employment 
of  her  seamen  on  board  our  vessels,  public  or  private.f 

Fourthly,  and  most  particularly,  in  the  appointment  of  three 
ministers  to  negociate,  Mr.  Bayard,  a  decided  federalist,  was 
cho«en-~-a  gendeman  of  high  standing  with  his  own  party— of 
cmitiderable  talents— and  strenuously  opposed  to  the  adminis. 
tration.  This  affords  a  full  proof  of  the  fairness  and  candour  of 
our  government. 

In  the  appointment  of  ministers  in  England,  or  elsewhere,  I 
believe  no  similar  instance  has  occurred,  of  the  'choice  of  a  per-    ,;■: 

•  The  Exnminer,  by  Barent  Gardenier,  vol.  5.  p.  ST. 

t  Among  the  members  who  voted  against  this  bill  were  Messrs.  Josiah  Quin> 
tj  and  John  Randolph,  Their  moUves  must  have  been  very  extraordinaty. 
It  is  hardly  possible  to  fhthom  tliem.  M 


CRA».  93.] 


ATTEMPTS  ON  PUBUC  CREDIT. 


SB7 


son  hostile  to  the  administration  who  appointed  him.  It  was  a 
very  great  effort  to  remove  suspicion  and  jealousy  from  the 
public  mind.  Nothing  but  the  incurable  folly  and  madness  en- 
gendered by  faction,  could  possibly  resist  the  fair  inference  war* 
ranted  by  this  appointment.  But  it  was  wholly  unavailing. 
Faction  is  now,  ever  has  been,  and  ever  will  be,  deaf,  anddumbf 
and  blind,  to  reason  and  common  sense. 

These  four  facts  notwithstanding,  the  persuasion  was  general 
among  the  '*  Peace  Party ^  that  the  government  was  averse  to 
terminating  the  war.  The  talents  of  the  federalists  in  the  east- 
em  states  and  elsewhere,  were  put  in  requisition  to  impress  this 
idea  on  the  public  mind.  The  most  unceasing  efforts  were  em- 
ployed on  this  subject.  The  leaders  of  the  party  affected  to  be, 
and  the  others  were,  inflexible  in  the  opinion. 

In  consequence,  every  possible  exertion  was  made,  particular- 
ly in  Boston,  to  deter  the  citizens  from  subscribing  to  the  loans, 
in  order  to  disable  the  government  from  carrj'ing  on  the  war, 
and  of  course  to  compel  it  to  make  peace.  Associations  were 
entered  into  in  the  most  solemn  and  public  manner  for  this  pur- 
pose. And  those  who  could  not  be  induced  by  mild  means,  were 
deterred  by  denunciations.  A  folio  volume  might  be  filled  with 
the  lucubrations  that  appeared  on  this  subject. 

The  pulpit,  as  usual  m  Boston,  afforded  its  utmost  aid  to  the 
press,  to  insure  success.  Those  who  subscribed,  were  in  direct 
terms  declared  participators  in,  and  accessaries  to,  all  the  <*  mur' 
ders"  as  they  were  termed,  that  might  take  place  in  the  •*  unhO' 
ly,  unrighteous^  wicked^  abominable^  and  accursed  war  /!** 

To  enable  us  to  judge  of  the  wickedness  and  folly  of  these 
proceedings,  let  us  examine  what  would  have  been  the  conse- 
quence of  complete  success.  No  diminution  of  the  guilt  of  any 
act  arises  from  its  failure  to  produce  its  usual  and  intended  ef- 
fect.—The  man  who  fires  a  pistol  with' intent  to  kill,  is,  in  the 
eye  of  Heaven,  as  clearly  a  murderei,  as  he  whose  ball  passes 
through  the  brains  of  his  victim. 

Had  complete  success  crowned  the  efforts  of  the  conspirators, 
these  awful  consequences  would  have  taken  place  : 

First,  a  national  bankruptcy.!  The  public  creditors,  and  those 
who  depended  on  them,  would  have  been  ruined. 

•  See  chapter  LVI. 

t  After  the  above  was  written,  this  consequence  was  produced  to  a  certain 
extent  by  this  conspiracy.    Its  injurious  effects  on  the  credit  of  the  country 
may  be  seen  by  an  examination  of  the  following  Boston  Price  cunvnt,  extracted 

From  the  United  States  Gazette,  February  7,  1815. 

'  BKLOW  PAB. 

All  the  banks  in  New  York  statei  Hudson  and  Orange  excepted,  19  and  20  p.  c. 

Hudson  bank,                  <  •   .               •                  *                     30 

Orange  bank,  •                      •                  •                  -           34 

Philadelphia  city  banks,  r                   -                   r                   "34 

Baltimore  banks,            -  *               •               •            .          •                 30 

Treasury  notes,                   •  .                   -            •             •            34  *  25 

United  Slates  gix  per  cents,  •              •               •               •           f9 


POUTICAL  OUVE  BRANCH. 


(CBAP.  52. 


Secondly,  with  the  downfall  of  the  public  stocks,  would  have 
fallen  the  stocks  of  banks,  insurance-companies,'*'  &c. 

Thirdly,  private  bankruptcy  would  have  followed  to  an  en- 
ormous extent :  and  wide-spread  ruin  would  have  pervaded  the 
Jiation.f 

Fourthly,  the  national  armies  must  have  been  disbanded,  and 
the  frontiers  exposed  to  the  desolating  effects  of  the  hatchet  and 
tomahawk.  The  aged  matron — the  chaste  and  tender  wife — 
the  blooming  msuden— the  decrepid  ^andsire-<-the  manly  father 
-~and  the  helpless  infant — all  would  have  been  involved  in  one 
wide,  impartial,  and  undistin fishing  destruction ! 

Fifthly,  our  seaport  towns  would  have  been  exposed  to  the 
mercy  of  Pakenhams,  and  Cockbums,  and  Gordons.  1  hey 
Would  have  been  beautied-and-boot'tedy  and  have  shared  the  fate 
of  Alexandria,  of  Hampton,  of  Havre-de-Grace,  and  French- 
town. 

And  sixthly,  to  close  the  awful  catalogue,  our  government 
would  have  been  laid  at  the  mercy  of  Great  Britain  : — and,  de- 
prived of  the  means  of  resistance,  must  have  submitted  to  what- 
ever ignominious  terms  she  might  choose  to  impose4 

These  were  the  results  that  must  have  taken  place,  had  com- 
plete success  crowned  the  horrible  project.  Never  was  more 
unholy  purpose  attempted. 

It  is  highly  probable  that  many  of  the  persons  engaged  in  this 
conspiracy  did  not  contemplate  such  extensive  results.  They 
may  have  looked  no  farther  forward  than  to  the  restoration  of 
'  peace.  But  the  leaders  in  the  scheme  were  too  keen,  too  shrewd, 
^  too  profound,  and  too  hostile  to  the  government  of  their  coun- 
try, to  allow  us  to  extend  to  them  the  same  degree  of  charity, 
Tneir  minds  must  have  grasped  all  the  stupendous  and  awful 
consequences ;  and  they  had  reconciled  themselves  to  the  widc- 
spVead  devastation. 

The  success  in  the  eastern  states  was  considerable.  Few  men 
have  the  courage  to  stem  the  tide  of  popular  delusion  when  it' 
sets  in  very  strong.  There  were  some,  however,  who  subscrib- 
ed openly,  in  defiance  of  denunciations  and  threats.  Others  of 
less  firm  texture,  loaned  their  money  by  stealth,  and  as  clandes- 
tinely as  if  it  were  treasonable.  What,  alas  !  must  be  the  aw- 
'ful  state  of  society,  when  a  free  citizen  is  afraid  of  lending  his 
monty  publicly,  to  support  the  government  that  protects  him — 
the  "Trtildcst  government  ever  vouchsafed  by  Heaven  to  man — 


*  This  conif  qucnre  took  pUcc  to  a  most  alarminj;  drgrec.  See  the  prece- 
iling  note. 

f  Strontf  traced  of  thr  pcrniciniin  ofTocts  of  thin  ronnpiracv  appear  throiipfh- 
oiit  the  union.  Some  of  tlie  conNpirittorti  tell  uhlmncnted  victims  of  thi  ir  own 
macliinationit. 

\  The  recent  snbingation  of  France  holds  out  a  most  solemn  and  horror- 
iiispiring  lesson,  on  the  ctFccts  of  iiitcnial  diviRion». 


CRAY.  52.] 


ATTEMPTS  ON  PUBLIC  CREDIT. 


389 


whose  mildness  enabled  its  enemies  to  jeopardize  its  very  exist- 
ence !  Who,  that  has  a  soul  to  feel — who,  that  has  a  spark  of 
patriotism  or  public  spirit  in  his  frame,  but  must  be  fired  with  a 
holy  indignation  at  such  a  hideous, '  such  a  horrible  state  of 
the  public  mind !!!!!! 

"  Money  is  such  a  drug^  (the  surest  sign  of  the/omier  prosperity,  and  pretent 
insecurity  uf  trade)  that  men  against  their  consciences,  tlicir  honour,  their 
duty,  tlteiv  profenaions  and  .PRONllSES ;  are  willing  to  lend  it  necretty ;  to 
siippoit  the  very  measures  which  are  both  intended  and  calculated  for  their 
ruin." 

This  paragraph,  the  produirtion  of  John  Lowell,  establishes 
the  existence  of  a  combination  to  prevent  the  success  of  the 
loans,  who  had  ^^  promised''''  each  other,  or  pledged  themselves, 
not  to  subscribe — but,  to  avoid  the  reproaches  and  persecution 
of  their  associates,  did  it  "  secrethj^''  This  conclusion  irresis- 
tibly follows.  Ihese  ^^ promises  not  to  lend  their  money" 
must  refer  to  the  combination  I  have  stated.  It  can  have  no 
other  meaning.  And  the  fair  construction  of  their  lending 
"  secretly"  can  be  no  other  than  that  they  were  liable  to  dis- 
grace with,  or  persecution  from,  their  party,  if  they  were  known 
to  lend. 

Of  the  species  of  denunciations  held  out  to  deter  from  sub- 
scriptions, some  idea  may  be  formed  from  the  following  para- 
graphs, taken  from  various  Boston  papers. 

"  Let  no  man  who  viiihet  to  continue  the  tear  by  active  meant,  by  vote  or  lenSttf 
money,  bahg  to  prortkatg  himhklf  at  the  altar  otr  thp.  past  uat  ;  for  they 
are  actnally  a»  mvch  partakers  in  the  ivur,  at  the  toUHcr  who  thruatt  Ms  bayonet ; 
and  (Ae  JUDGMENT  OF  GOD  WILL  AWAiT  THEM." 

Money  tent  by  federaUiti, 

"  M'ill  federalists  subscribe  to  the  loan  f  will  they  lend  money  to  otir  nation- 
«1  rulers  >  it  is  impossible.  First,  because  of  the  principle ;  and  secondly,  be- 
cause  of  principal  and  interest.  If  they  lend  money  now,  they  make  themselves 
parties  to  the  violation  of  the  constitution,  the  cruelly  oppressive  measures  in 
relation  to  commerce,  and  to  all  the  crimes  which  have  occurred  in  the  Acid 
and  in  the  cabinet.  To  what  purpose  have  federalists  exerted  themselves  to 
show  the  wickedness  of  this  war,  to  rouse  the  public  sentiment  against  it, 
and  to  show  the  authors  of  it  not  only  to  be  unworthy  of  public  confidence, 
but  highly  criminal,  if  now  they  contribute  the  Rums  of  money,  without  which, 
these  rulers  must  be  compelleil  to  atop ;  mmt  be  compelled  to  return  to  the  policii 
and  measures  under  which  tliis  country  once  was  at  peace«  and  in  singuhtr 
prosperity. 

"  ny  the  magnanimous  course  pointed  out  by  governor  Strong,  that  is,  by 
withholding  all  vnhmtury  aid  in  prosecuting  the  war,  and  manfully  expressing 
our  opinion  an  to  its  injustire  and  niinous  tendency,  we  liuve  arrcHted  its  pro- 
prc*..i ;  and  driven  bach  its  authovt  to  abandon  their  nefmiom  tchemet,  und  to  look 
ttii.vieuily  for  peace.  What  then,  if  we  now  leml  them  money  >  Thry  will  not 
make  pence  I  tliey  will  still  hanker  for  Canada;  they  will  HtilliiRscniblc  forces, 
and  siied  blood  on  our  western  frontier.  Mrrc  pride,  if  nothing  else,  wouhl 
make  them  do  it.  The  motives  which  first  brought  on  the  war,  will  still  con- 
tinue it,  if  money  can  b*-  had.  Rut  Konie  say  ;  will  you  let  the  country  becemr 
bankrupt  !  no,  the  country  will  nrwr  /uromr  luinkrupt.  Hit  riuv  no  wot  phk 
VKNT  Tiir.  AHUSKHM  or  thkim  ■ecumixii  hankhupt  ! !  !*     Do  not  prevent  them 

*  Language  is  powerless  to  express  the  contempt  and  disgust  this  miserablo 
,  •ophiitry  must  excite  in  every  correct  mind.    What  a  desperate  plnnjtc  '»'« 


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POLITICAL  OUVE  BRANCH. 


["HAP.  53. 


from  becoming  odious  to  the  public,  and  replaced  by  better  men.  .ft* 
/etlertUiat  who  lends  money  to  goventment,  must  go  and  shake  hands  vith  Jumu 
Madison,  and  claim  fellowship  with  Felix  Grundy.  Let  him  no  mare  call  !un. 
self  federalist  and  friend  to  Ma  country  !!  !  HE  WILL  BE  CALLED  BY 
OTHERS,  INFAMOUS !!!!!! 

"  But,  secuuUiy,  federalists  will  not  lend  money,  because  they  vnU  never  get  it 
again.  How,  where,  and  wlien,  are  the  government  to  get  money  to  pay  inte- 
rest ?  And  vho  can  tell  -whether  future  rulers  may  think  the  debt  contracted  under 
attch  draimstancea,  and  by  men  who  lend  money  to  hetb  out  measures  which  they 
have  loudly  and  constantly  cotulemued,  ought  to  be  pmd  !  On  the  whole,  then, 
there  arc  two  very  strong  reasons  why  federalists  will  not  lend  msney ;  Arst, 
because  it  would  be  a  base  abandonment  of  politicid  and  moral  principles  ,•  and 
secondly,  because  it  is  pretty  cerUun  they  will  never  be  paid  again.  Boston 
Gazette,  April  14,  1814. 

"  Our  merchants  constitute  an  honourable,  high-minded,  independent,  and 
intelligent  class  of  citizens.  The^  feel  the  oppression,  injury,  and  mockery, 
with  which  they  are  treated  by  tlieir  government.  They  will  lend  tixem  money 
to  retrace  tlieir  steps;  but  none  to  persevere  in  their  present  course.  Let  tvery 
highwayman  fnd  his  own  pistols  !  f  !  .'"     Boston  Gazette. 

"  We  have  only  room  this  evening  to  say  that  we  trust  no  true  friend  to  hit 
country  will  be  found  among  the  subscribers  to  the  ChiUatin  loan."  New  York  Eve- 
ning Post. 

"  No  peace  will  ever  be  made,  till  the  people  say  there  shall  be  no  war.  If 
the  rich  men  continue  to  furnish  money,  war  will  continue  till  the  inountaifta  are 
tnelted  with  blood ;  till  every  field  in  Ameiica  it  white  with  the  bones  of  the  peoy- 
pie."  Discourse  delivered  at  Byiicld,  the  seventh  of  April,  1814.  By  Eujoh 
Parish,  D.  D. 

"  If  this  war  is  to  be  supported  by  loans,  paper  stock  will  breed  as  fast  and 
faster  than  merinos.  The  fleeces,  if  your  pastures  are  good,  will  yield  the  in- 
terest ;  but  for  your  interest  of  paper  stock,  you  must  yield  a  fleece  of  loam 
annually  from  your  own  pockets.  The  admiral  and  the  purser  have  informed 
the  crew,  that  they  have  but  few  shot  in  the  locker ;  they  must  be  replenished, 
or  the  war  laurels  must  wither.  In  our  old  war,  when  private  men  were  public 
creditors,  and  became  somewhat  impatient  of  public  delay,  the  adipinistration 
would  promise  tliem  one  new  dollar  tor  two  hundred  old  ones,  and  try  their  pa- 
tience again.  My  brother  farmers,  tfyou  have  money  to  iet,  let  it  lie.  If  the  war 
eoiuinuea,  you  will  pttrchate  your  ttock  at  four  yeara  old,  cheaper  than  you  can 
raite  it ;  so  unjust  is  this  ofiiensive  war,  in  which  our  rulers  have  plunged  us, 
in  the  sober  cousideralion  of  millions,  that  they  cannot  conacientiotialy  approach 
the  God  of  armies  for  his  bleating  upon  it."     Bostoii  Centinel,  January  13, 1813. 

"  It  ib  very  grateful  to  find  that  tlie  universal  sentiment  is,  that  ANY  MAN 
WHO  LENDS  HIS  MONEY  TO  THE  GOVERNMENT,  AT  THE  PRESENT 
TIME,  WILL  FORFEIT  ALL  CLAIM  TO  COMMON  HONESTY  AND  COM- 
MON COURTESY  AMONG  ALL  TRUE  FRIENDS  TO  THE  COUNTRY ! ! ! ! 
God  forbid  that  any  federalist  should  ever  hold  up  his  hand  to  pay  federalists 
fur  money  lent  to  the  present  rulers  ;  and  federalists  can  judge  whether  demo- 
crats will  ux  their  constituents  to  pay  interest  to  federalists."  Boston  Gazette, 
April  14,  1814. 

At  these  awful  monuments  of  the  horrible  effects  of  that  direst 
of  human  ills,  remorseless  faction,  it  is  impossible  to  avoid 
heaving  a  deep  and  heartfelt  sigh  !  Every  eifort  is  employed  to 
prevent  a  peaceftd  nation,  goaded  to  war  by  a  succession  of  out- 
rage, injustice,  and  depredation  of  the  most  flagitious,  aggrava- 
ting, and  humiliating  kind,  from  availing  herself  of  her  re- 


U>e  bathos  of  political  error  and  folly  a  writer  mutt  make,  to  assert — and  how 
dt  plornbly  stupid  and  deluded  must  his  readers  be,  to  believe — (hut  a  govern- 
Oicnt  can  bt  a  bankrupt,  and  the  nation  not  partake  in  the  bankruptcy  ! 


CHAP.  52.] 


ATTEMPTS  ON  PUBLIC  CREDIT 


391 


sourcea  to  defend  herself  from  an  infuriate  foe  !  Those  who 
aid  the  government  which  protects  them  from  the  ravages  of 
that  foe,  are  declared  to  be  "  INFAMOUS,"  and  to  have 
"  FORFEITED  ALL  CLAIM  TO  COMMON  HONES- 
TY !"    Tell  it  not  in  Gath— publish  it  not  in  Askalon  ! 

The  following  advertisements  contain  volumes.  They  evince, 
beyond  the  power  of  doubt  or  denial,  the  frightful  state  to 
which  a  few  factious,  violent  men,  by  their  treasonable  practices, 
had  reduced  the  town  of  Boston,  when  those  who  were  disposed 
to  support  their  own  government,  were  obliged  to  do  it  as  clan, 
destinely  as  if  they  were  engaged  in  some  dangerous  conspiracy. 

From  tlte  Boston  Chronicle,  April  14,  1814. 
The  new  loan. 
-  "  From  the  advice  of  several  respected  fHends,  we  are  induced  to  announce 
to  the  public,  that  subscriptions  to  the  new  loan  will  be  received  by  us  as  ap^ents 
until  the  twenty-fiftli  instant  from  individuals,  or  incorporated  bodies,  in  sums 
of  five  hundred  dollars  and  upwards.  The  subscriptions  to  conform  to  the  re- 
gtdations  announced  by  the  secretary  of  the  treasury,  dated  the  fourth  of  April. 
Payments  may  be  made  in  Boston  money,  or  in  any  other  of  the  United  States, 
the  subscribers  paying  the  customary  rate  of  discount.  AppIicaUo'ns  will  be  re- 
ceived fh)m  anv  persons  who  wish  to  receive  their  interest  in  Boston,  by  letters 
post  paid,  or  by  written  applications  from  individuals  in  Boston :  AND  THE 
NAMES  OF  ALL  SUBSCRIBERS  SHALL  BE  KNOWN  ONLY  TO  THE 
UNDERSIGNED.  According  to  the  proposals  of  the  secretary  of  the  treasury 
(for  more  particulars  see  his  advertisement)  each  applicant  must  name  the 
highest  rate  he  will  give  i  and  if  the  loan  is  g^nted  lower  than  his  praposal,  it 
will  of  course  be  for  nis  benefit ;  but  on  the  other  hand,  if  higher,  he  will  low 
the  benefit  of  being  a  subscriber.  The  certificates,  and  all  the  business  rela- 
ting to  it,  will  be  delivered  free  of  charge. 

GILBERT  &  DEAN,  Brokers. 
<•  Exchange  Coffte  Uonte,  Beiton,  Jptil  12." 

From  the  Boston  Omette,  April  14, 1814. 
THE  LOAN. 

"  Subscriptions  will  be  received  through  the  agency  of  the  subscriber  till  the 
twenty-fifth  instant  inclusive. 

"  To  avmd  the  inconveniencies  of  personal  apfienrance  to  subscribe,  applications 
in  writing  will  be  received  from  any  part  of  the  state.  Each  applicant  will 
name  the  highest  rate  he  will  grive,  and  if  the  loan  shall  be  granted  lower  than 
his  proposal,  he  sitall  reap  the  oeneftt :  but  if  higher  than  his  offer,  he  will 
have  no  share  in  it.  The  amount,  rate,  and  NAME  OF  ANY  APPLICANT 
SHALL,  AT  HIS  REQUEST,  BE  KNOWN  ONLY  TO  THE  SUHSCKIBER. 
All  the  business  shall  be  transacted, and  certificates  delivered  to  thv.  Hiil>scrihert 
wiUiout  expense."  JESSE  PUTNAM. 

On  the  above  advertisements,  and  others  of  a  similar  charac- 
ter, the  following  comments  were  published  in  the  Boston  Ga- 
zette :— 

"  Hnv  degraded  tmut  our  ffor^emment  be,  rem  in  their  own  eyes,  when  they  re- 
fovt  to  suvh  tricks  to  obtain  motwy,  which  a  common  Ji'-^v  hrok-fv  would  be  ashiwted 
i\ff  They  must  be  well  acquaints  I  with  the  fUhric  of  tlie  men  who  are  to 
loan  them  money,  when  they  offer,  that  if  they  will  liave  ttie  goodness  to  do  it, 
titeir  natnes  shall  not  he  exposed  to  the  world.  They  know  right  well,  that  the 
cause  is  sn  snrahiu^  and  vile,  that  nobodtj  would  lip  seen  in  the  broad  day  light  to 
hndthem  money.  However,  it  is  consistent  with  the  system  .of  deception  and 
double  doaling  wliich  they  have  always  practised. 


982 


FOUTICAL  OUYB  BRANCH. 


[CBAP.  53. 


"  Capitalists  may  be  induced  to  subscribe  to  the  loan,  because  it  will  tend  to 
aharten  the  war.  But  what  pledge  have  they,  when  they  have  poured  ;dl  their 
cash  into  the  lap  of  (^vemment,  that  the  war  will  end  f 

"  No  one  doubts  of  their  rancour  and  ill-will  towards  Eng'land  ;  that  they 
•re  willing  to  fight  her  as  long  as  they  can  get  money.  Well  then,  if  they  can 
Kull  the  nch  men,  and  get  as  many  loans  as  they  ask  for,  will  they  not  fight  till 
that  iagone  ?  yea,  and  until  they  can  ncgociate  new  loans  upon  the  same  terms  i 

**  Perhaps  monied  men  may  be  bribed  by  the  high  inteirest  that  is  offeredL 
But  if  they  withhold  their  aid,  and  to  force  the  government  into  a  peace,  will  not 
their  capital  be  better  employed,  if  engpaged  in  trade  i  will  they  not  have  bet- 
ter  security  for  its  payment,  and  at  their  command  when  tliey  ask  for  it  f 

"  On  the  whole,  we  think  it  no  way  to  get  out  of  the  war,  to  give  money  to  the 
gemernment,  when  the  very  thing  that  prevents  them  from  carrying  it  on,  ia  the 
want  of  money."    Boston  Gazette,  April  14^  1814. 

After  having  intimidated  the  citizens  from  lending  their 
money  publicly,  by  the  most  inflammatory,  seditious,  and  threat- 
ening publications,  of  which  the  preceding  extracts  afford  a  slight 
specimen,  these  writers  revile  and  abuse  the  government,  be- 
cause those  who  wish  to  lend^  are  invited  by  the  brokers  to  do  it 
secretly  !  what  transcendent  wickedness  and  injustice  ! 

Numberless  similar  para^aphs  and  essays  were  written 
with  a  view  to  dissuade  and  mtimidate  monied  men  from  sub- 
scribing to  the  loans.  Canting  hypocrites,  who  were  violating 
the  fundamental  laws  of  society,  encouraging  "smuggling," 
and  "  perjury," — ^"  acquiring  ill-gotten  wealm  at  the  expense  of 
public  morals" — and  endeavouring,  though  a  small  minority,  to 
trample  down  the  majority,  had  the  wickedness  to  invoke  "  the 
judg-ment  of  God^^  upon  the  supporters  of  a  lawful  and  mild 
government !  , 

In  the  middle  states,  the  federalists  did  not  enter  into  the 
project,  or  to  a  very  limited  extent.  Many  of  them  were  sub- 
scribers— some  on  a  very  liberal  scale.  And  thus  the  loans,  in 
spite  of  the  press,  and  the  pulpit,  and  the  effbits  of  the  conspi- 
rators, succeeded,  to  their  innnite  mortification.  New  means 
were  brought  into  operation,  whicii  were  temporarily  crowned 
with  fatal  success. 

CHAPTER  Llir. 

Smuggling  carried  to  agreat  excess  in  Boston,  Specie  abundant 
there.  Oppressive  drafts  on  Neio  Tork,  Arrangements  be- 
tween persons  in  Canada  and  in  Boston* 

How  strong  soever  may  be  the  general  sense  of  the  infamy 
of  smuggling,  it  has  always  prevailed ;  and  never  will  be  whol- 
ly suppressed,  while  it  affords  such  g^eat  advantages,  and 
while  tnere  are  men  to  be  found  who  worship  gain  as  their  God. 
It  is  not  therefore  surprising,  that  the  non.importation,  the  em- 
bargo, Sir.  having  been  denounced  as  oppressive,  unjust,  and 
intconstitutional— and  the  war  as  wicked,  unprovoked,  and  cor- 
rupt, smuggling  should  be  carried  on  to  a  most  prodigious  ex- 
tent, especially  as  the  public  papers  in  Boston  repeatedly  in 


ciur.  53) 


ATTEMPTS  ON  PUBUC  CREDIT. 


399 


vited  and  urged  the  citizens  to  set  the  restrictive  system  at  de« 
fiance.  These  circumstances  conspired  to  supply  that  town  with 
smuggled  goods  on  a  very  large  scale. 

Of  the  extent  to  which  smuggling,  and  fraud,  and  perjury 
have  been  carried  in  Boston,  some  idea  may  be  formed  from 
the  following  "  precious  confession,'^  written  by  John  Lowell. 
It  describes  a  depraved  state  of  society  not  exceeded  in  the  most 
corrupt  countries  in  Europe. 

"  Encouraged  and  protected  from  ir\famy  by  the  just  odium  agaitut  the  -war, 
they  engage  in  lawlets  speadationt  s  tneer  at  the  restraints  of  conscience  ;  latigh 
at  perjury  ,•  tnoek  of  legiU  restraints  t  and  acquire  an  ilt'gotten  ivealth  at  the  ex- 
pense of  public  tnorah,  and  of  the  nure  sober,  conscientious  part  of  the  comrnuni' 
ty."*-t 

It  was  worthy  of  the  most  serious  reflection  of  the  honourable 
and  public-spirited  federalists  of  the  middle  and  southern  states, 
how  far  they  could,  without  disgrace  and  dishonour,  ^^  follow 
the  lead"  of  a  town  where  such  a  state  of  things  existed— where 
"  perjury"  was  a  subject  of  **  laughter" — where  "  public  morals^* 
were  sacrificed  to  the  acquisition  of  **  ill-gotten  wealth''* — and 
where  "  the  restraints  of  conscience  were  sneered  at." — ^What 
an  awful  consideration  it  is,  that  such  a  description  of  citizen! 
should  have  had  it  in  their  power  materially  to  aifect  the  desti- 
nies of  eight  millions  of  people  and  their  posterity !  for  it  is  a 
most  frightful  truth,  that  all  the  violent,  lawless,  Jacobinical, 
and  wicked  measures,  which  nearly  drove  the  country  to  per- 
dition, had  their  origin  in  Boston,  where  "  perjury  and  smug- 
?;rmg"  were  the  roads  to  fortune — and  where  "  conscience  af- 
brded  no  restraint."^ 

Mr.  Lowell,  after  drawing  this  frightful  picture,  endeavours 
to  make  the  administration  answerable  for  the  whole,  to  "  a  just 

•  Road  to  Ruin,  No.  6, 

f  Mr.  Lowell  denies  that  the  above  portrait  was  drawn  for  Boston.  He  says 
"  the  remarks  were  intended  to  apply  to  other  states  tlian  Massachusetts ;"  but 
he  does  not  specify  which  are  the  states.  I  have  reconsidered  the  subject,  and 
am  not  disposed  to  admit  his  defence.  The  depravation  of  morals,  he  describ* 
«d,  was,  he  says,  the  result  of  "  smtiifgUng  .•"  and  this  was  protected  from  in- 
famy  by  "the  just  odium  against  the  war."  Now  it  is  welt  known  that  there 
was  no  part  of  tlie  United  States  where  smuggling  was  carried  on  so  largely 
and  so  barefacedly  as  in  Boston ;  and  none  where  so  much  pains  were  taken  to 
excite  the  public  passions  agiunst  the  war,  or  with  so  much  success.  It  isthert* 
fore  not  in  Mr.  Lowell's  power  to  remove  the  fairness  of  the  application. 

i  I  wish  here  to  avoid  Itcing  misunderstood.  The  statement  respecting  Bo>» 
ton  is  to  be  received  with  due  qualifications.  I  have  numerous  and  most  esti- 
mable  acquaintances  in  Boston;  ennal  in  point  of  honour  and  integrity  to  any 
citizens  in  the  United  States.  And  such  I  consider  the  mass  of  the  mhabitants. 
But  in  times  of  factious  violence,  the  wont  men  always  rise  uppermost ;  gain 
the  ascendency ;  give  the  tone  to  public  measures ;  and  establish  an  arbitrary 
sway.  And  men  who  "  lau^  at  perjury,"  and  "  sneer  at  the  restraints  of 
conscience,"  are  precisely  those  wlio  in  such  times  of  frenzy  tyrannise  over 
their  fellow-citizens,  and  bear  down  or  force  with  them  the  dispassionate  and 
well-intentioned.  At  all  events,  the  picture  of  Boston  is  not  mine.  If  it  be  in- 
correct, 1  am  not  answerable.  Let  Mr.  Lowpll  and  tui  friends  settle  the  acoount 
between  thom. 

O.  B.  39 


f*  .1-1 


394 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[chip.  S'i. 


God,"  who  "  knows  how  to  trace  the  causes  oj" human  events,''^ 
This  is  most  sorry  and  contemptible  canting.  It  can  deceive  no 
man  beyond  the  rank  of  an  idiot.  This  hideous  derangement 
of  morals  was  solely  the  production  of  faction,  which  consecrates 
every  means,  however  wicked,  to  answer  its  vile  purposes. 

"Administration  hirelings  may  revile  the  northern  states,  and  the  merchants 
generally,  for  this  monstrous  depravation  of  morals,  this  execrable  course  of 
smuggling  and  fraud.  But  there  is  a  just  God,  whb  knows  how  to  trace  the 
causes  of  human  events ;  and  he  will  assuredly  visit  upon  the  authors  of  this 
war,  all  the  iniquities  of  which  it  has  been  the  occasion.  If  the  guilty  deserve 
our  scorn  or  our  pity,  the  tempters  ^nd  seaucers  deserve  our  execration."* 

It  is  very  just  and  tru^,  that  the  guilty  deserve  our  scorn,  and 
that  the  seducers  merit  execration.  But  who,  let  me  ask,  were  the 
seducers  ?  those,  indubitably,  who  for  so  many  years  had  been 
employed,  by  every  n^eans,  however  base  and  vile,  in  exciting 
the  people  to  forcible  opposition  to  the  rulers  of  their  choice — 
who  had,  in  the  public  papers,  openly  invited  those,  who  needed 
no  such  invitation,  to  violate  laws  fairly  ^d  constitutionally  en- 
acted, which  they  denounced  as  oppressive  and  **  unconstitution- 
aW'*  These  were  "  the  seducersJ*^  These  were  the  men  on 
whom  heaven  in  its  righteous  decrees,  must  "  visit  all  the  ini' 
quities^''  to  which  their  ambition,  their  turbulence,  and  their  fac- 
tious spirit  had  given  occasion. 

Many  valuable  British  prizes  were  sent  into  Boston,  which 
greatly  added  to  the  ^tock  of  goods  introduced  there  by  smug- 
gling. The  middle  and  southern  states,  which  refrained  fron> 
this  pestiferous  practice,  derived  nearly  all  their  supplies  of  fo- 
reign merchandise  from  that  town.  This  course  of  events  filled 
the  vaults  of  the  banks  in  Boston  with  incomparably  more  specie 
thsjn  they  ever  held  before — and  raised  very  heavy  balances 
against  the  banks  in  New  York.  The  Philadelphia  banks  were 
indebted  to  New  York  ;  those  in  Baltimore  to  Philadelphia;  and 
90  on  to  the  southward. 

It  may  not  be  unamusing  to  the  reader  to  explain  this  process 
a  little  more  in  detail.  New  York  purchased  goods  largely  in 
Boston,  partly  for  bank  notes  and  partly  on  credit.  For  the 
latter  portion,  promissory  notes  were  given,  which  were  trans- 
mitted from  Boston  to  the  New  York  banks  for  collection.  Very 
large  purchases  were  likewise  made  in  Boston  by  citizens  of 
Philadelphia,  Baltimoi"c,  Richmond,  Peters!)urg,  &c.  Payment* 
were  made  in  bank  notes  of  the  middle  and  southern  states,  and 
in  promissory  notes.  Both  were  sent  on  to  New  York  ;  the 
first  for  transmission  to  the  banks  whence  they  were  issued — 
and  the  second  for  collection. 

This  state  of  things  suggested  the  detestable  idea,  at  which 
the  reader  will  stand  aghast,  of  wielding  the  financial  advan- 


n 


lload  to  Ituin,  No.  &. 


OiAp.  53.} 


ATTEMPTS  ON  PUBUC  CREDIT. 


395 


*' 


tages  then  enjoyed  in  Boston,  to  produce  the  effect  which  the 
press  and  pulpit  had  failed  to  accomplish—- that  is,  to  stop  the 
ruheels  of  government  by  draining  the  banks  in  the  middle  and 
southern  states  of  their  specie^  and  thus  producing  an  utter  disU' 
Ifility  to  fill  the  loans  !  !  !  This  scheme  was  projected  in  the 
winter  of  1813-14, — and  immediate  arrangements  were  made  to 
carry  it  into  execution.  It  richly  earned  for  the  projectors  the 
maledictions  of  the  widows,  and  orphans,  and  other  persons  oU 
whom  it  entailed  so  much  distress  and  ruin. 

Accordingly,  the  New  York,  Philadelphia,  and  southern  bank 
notes  held  by  the  Bostcm  banks,  were  transmitted  with  demands 
for  their  amount  in  specie — and  drafts  were  likewise  drawn  on 
the  New  York  banks  for  the  balances  on  the  face  of  the  books, 
to  enormous  amounts.  I  am  credibly  informed  that  the  sum 
thus  drawn  was  seven  or  eight  millions*  of  dollars  from  the 
time  of  commencing  these  operations  till  the  S  1st  of  August, 
1814,  when  specie  payments  were  suspended — a  space  of  about 
eight  months.  To  relieve  themselves  from  this  pressure,  the 
New  York  banks  drew  as  largely  as  the  state  of  the  accounts 
would  admit,  on  those  in  Philadelphia — the  latter  on  those  in 
Baltimore — and  those  in  the  latter  city  on  Washington,  Alex- 
andria, Richmond,  &c. 

A  fearful  alarm  spread  through  the  community.  The  issue 
was  looked  for  with  terror.  Wagons  were  loading  with  specie 
at  the  doors  of  our  banks  almost  every  week.  There  have  been 
three  at  one  time  loading  in  Philadelphia.  The  banks  through- 
out the  middle  and  southern  states  were  obliged  to  curtail  their 
discounts.  Bankruptcies  took  place  to  a  considerable  extent.—- 
Even  wealthy  men,  who  were  wholly  unprepared  for  such  a 
crisis,  suffered  great  inconvenience.  Some  who  had  subscribed 
to  the  loans,  were  unable  to  comply  with  their  engagements :  and 
others  Were  withheld  from  subscribing,  by  the  general  pressure 
for  money.  In  consequence,  the  loan,  then  pending,  partially 
failed,  to  the  very  great  embarrassment  of  the  government  and 
distress  of  the  pui)lic.     This  was  the  nefarious  object  in  view, 

I  have  before  me  "  A  true  abstract  of  the  statements  of  the 
several  bank  corporations  of  Massachusetts,  rendered  January, 
1814,"  and  published  liy  the  secretary  of  that  commonwealth, 
from  which  I  extract  the  amount  of  specie  in  their  vaults,  and  of 
their  notes  in  circulation.  ,  •  b" 


•  When  I  wrote  tliiB  passaf^e,  1  RTcntly  underrated  the  amounf  thiw  with- 
drawn  from  the  middle  und  Muithcrn  states,  which  1  estimuteci  at  only  four 
millions  of  dollars.  SubHequcntinqtiiricH  have  satisfied  me  tliat  it  was  probably 
double  that  amount.  'I'he  banks  from  New  York  to  Norfolk  inclusively,  as 
well  as  most  of  those  to  the  westward,  were  literally  drained  of  their  specie, 
and  nearly  reduced  ti»  hankruptcv.  Two  millions  of  dollvrs  and  more,  have 
fre(iucntly  been  i'xpi)rtetl  from  I'liiladclpliiu  alone  for  the  EmI  Indies  in  oii9 
•eason,  witliout  producing  any  sensible  i-itect. 


398 


POUTICAL  OUVE  BRANCH. 


Cofur.  Si. 


m 


Jan.  1814. 

Specie, 

Notes  in  circulatim. 

Massachusetts  Bank, 

S2,l  14,164 

jS68t,708 

Union, 

657,795 

233,325 

Boston, 

1,182,572 

369,903 

State, 

659,066 

509,000 

New  England, 

284,456 

161,170 

Mechanics, 

47,391 

44,595 

4,945,444 

2,000,601 

Of  course  there  could  not  be  the  least  pretext  of  want  of  spe- 
cie, to  answer  the  utmost  demand  that  cotild  be  reasonably  cal- 
culated on.  They  possessed,  for  every  hundred  dollars  of  their 
notes  in  circulation,  nearly  250  dollars  in  specie — a  state  of 
things  probably  unparallelea  in  the  history  of  banking,  from  the 
days  of  the  Lombards  to  the  present  time. 

No  man  can  pretend,  that  with  the  above  enormous  amount  of 
specie,  and  the  moderate  amount  of  notes  in  circulation,  these 
banks  would  have  deemed  it  either  advisable  or  necessary  to 
make  such  very  unusual  and  immoderate  drafts,  particularly  at 
the  season  of  the  year  when  this  project  was  commenced,  unless 
there  was  some  extraordinary  object  to  be  accomplished. 

Notwithstanding  the  enormous  sums  of  specie  drawn  into  the 
town  of  Boston,  from  New  York,  Philadelphia,  &c.  so  great  was 
the  drain  to  Canada  and  Nova  Scotia,  to  pay  for  government 
bills  and  for  smuggled  goods,  that  but  a  vei^  moderate  sum  re- 
mained in  the  banks  there  at  the  beginning  of  the  year  1815.— 
I  annex  a  statement  of  the  amount  in  the  vaults  of  the  different 
banks,  at  two  periods,  subsequent  to  the  preceding  date,  from 
which  an  idea  may  be  formed  of  the  pernicious  extent  to  which 
these  proceedings  were  carried. 

yuiy  ist,  1814. 
Massachusetts  Bank,  S(l, 959,405 

Union,  639,789 

Boston,  1,270,731 

State,  1,114,421 

New  England,  484,258 


yart,  Ut^iSiS, 

$763,682 

202,786 

691,729 

88,339 

252,832 


SS5,468,604 


81,999,368 


Thus,  it  appears,  that  in  six  months  the  amount  of  specie  had 
been  reduced  the  enormous  sum  of  nearly  three  millions  and  a 
half  of  dollars,  notwithstanding  the  continual  supplies  from  New 
York  for  the  months  of  July  and  August. 

Attempts  have  been  made  to  justify  the  extravagant  drafts 

above  stated,  as  merely  the  result  of  the  balance  of  trade  in  fa- 

,  vor  of  Boston.     It  has  been  asserted  that  it  was  no  more  than 

right  and  proper  for  the  banks  of  that  town  to  require  the  balan- 


4iur.i3.1 


ATTEMPTS  ON  PUBUC  CKEDtr' 


ces  due  them ;  and  that  the  case  daily  occurs,  of  banks  drawling 
on  each  other  in  a  similar  mode,  when  balances  accrue. 

These  palliatives  will  not  stand  the  test  of  sober  examinatioOi 
A  large  portion  of  the  heaviest  drafts,  indeed  those  that  first  ex* 
cited  alarm,  were  made  during  the  winter,  when  the  freight  was 
20,  25,  or  30  per  cent,  higher,  in  consequence  of  the  wretched 
state  of  the  roads,  than  it  would  have  been,  had  they  waited  a 
few  weeks.  This  is  a  conclusive  circumstance,  taken  in  con* 
Junction  with  the  fact,  that  there  was  a  superabundance  of  specie 
in  the  Bostpn  Banks,  and  likewise  with  the  laborious,  and  unceas- 
ing, and  profligate  efforts  that  had  been  so  long  made,  to  destroy 
the  public  credit. 

It  is  well  known  to  every  person  in  the  slightest  degree  ac- 
quainted with  banking,  that  when  two  banks  m  different  cities 
carry  on  a  large  intercourse  with  each  other;  balances  will  arise 
in  favour  of  one  and  against  the  other,  often  to  a  very  large 
amount;  which  balances  remain  unclaimed,  sometimes  for 
months  together,  unless  the  specie  be  actually  wanted.  The 
banks  do  not  choose  unnecessarily  to  incur  the  expence  of  trans- 
portation-—and  wait  in  expectation  of  the  balance  being  reduced 
by  the  regular  operations  of  trade.  I  am  safe  in  saying  that  at 
least  two  millions  of  dollars  are  constantly  thus  circumstanced, 
between  New  York  Philadelphia,  Baltimore,  Washington,  and 
Richmond.  New  York  occasionally  owes  largely  to  Philadel- 
phia— Philadelphia  at  other  times  to  New  York — and  so  of^ 
banks  in  other  places. 

I  To  render  the  stroke  at  public  credit  more  unerring — and  to 
|>lace  the  result  wholly  out  of  the  reach  of  contingency,  there 
were  arrangements  made  with  agents  of  the  government  of 
Lower  Cdnada^  whereby  an  immense  amount  of  British  govern' 
ment  billsy*  drawn  in  ^ebec,  were  transmitted  for  sale  to  New 

*  Thefle  bills  were  openly  advertised  for  sale  in  the  Boston  papers.  I  an- 
nex  an  advertisement  taken 

/Vem  the  Botton  Daily  Mvei'titer,  December  16,  1814. 
"  1  Bill  for       ...        .       800/1  British  government  bills  for  sale,  by 
"  1  ditto  ....        250/ >  CHARLES  W.  GRERN. 

"  1  ditto  ....       203/)     .  No.  14,  IndU  wharf." 

1,253/ 

Let  the  reader,  af^er  having  considered  the  above  ostentatious  mode  of  ma- 
naging the  intercourse  with  the  enemv,  compare  the  spirit  which  dictated  it 
with  that  of  the  revolutionary  war,  as  displayed  in  the  following  resolutions  and 
ordinances  extracted  from  the  ioumals  of  congress. 

June  2, 1775.  "  Resolved  that  no  bill  of  exchange,  draft,  or  order,  of  any 
officer  in  the  army  or  navy,  their  agents  or  contractors,  be  received  or  nego* 
ciated,  or  any  money  be  supplied  to  them  by  any  person  in  America.  JoutiiaU 
ofcongreM,  Vol.  1, 105. 

March  27,  1781.  <'  It  is  hereby  ordained  that  the  citizens  and  inhabitants  of 
these  United  States  be,  and  they  are  strictly  enjoined  and  required  to  abstain 
from  all  intercourse,  correspondence,  or  dealings  whatsoever  with  the  subjects 
of  the  king  of  Great  Britain,  while  at  open  war  with  these  United  States,  at 
ffiet/  gfinll  answer  the  tame  nt  their  peril.    And  the  executives  of  the  several  statA 


M 


m 


t 


k 


POLITICAL  OUVE  BRANCH; 


[chap.  53, 


Tork^  Philadelphia^  and  Baltimore^  and  disposed  of  tq  tnonied 
men,  on  such  advantageous  terms  as  induced  them  to  make  large 
purchases.  And  thus  was  absorbed  a  very  large  portion  ol  ihe 
capital  of  these  three  cities. 

These  bills  were  forwarded  through  the  agency  of  trusty  per- 
sons in  Boston ;  and  the  proceeds  being  placed  to  their  credit, 
added  immensely  to  the  command  the  Boston  banks  had  acquir- 
ed, by  the  extent  of  the  smuggling  trade,  over  those  in  the  mid- 
dle and  southern  states. 

Let  us  here  make  a  solemn  pause.  Let  us  strip  these  facts  of 
the  thin  veil  thrown  over  them.  Let  us  consider  them  in  all 
their  nakedness,  in  all  their  deformity. 

My  heart  sickens  at  the  investigation.  I  turn  with  disgust, 
with  horror,  with  affright.  Boston,  the  cradle  of  the  revolution, 
which  claims  so  high  a  degree  of  pre-eminence  for  her  "  mora- 
lity and  religion,"  after  having  failed  in  her  endeavours  to  pre- 
vent the  success  of  the  loans,  draws  away  the  specie  from  the 
middle  and  southern  states,  in  order  to  bankrupt  the  government, 
regardless  of  the  universal  ruin- with  which  it  threatened  indis- 
criminately, friends  of  war — friends  of  peace — federalists — det 
mocrats — young  and  old — men,  women,  and  children !  And,  to 
add  a  deeper  dye  to  the  transaction,  the  specie  is  transmitted  to 
Canada,  and  enables  the  enemy  to  dispatch  his  red  allies  to  swim  in 
blood  on  the  defenceless  frontiers  of  their  own  country  !*  this  is 

'  are  hereby  called  upon  to  take  the  most  vigilant  and  effectual  measures  for  de< 
tecting  auch  intercourse,  correspondence,  or  dealings,  and  bringing  the  authora 
thereof,  or  those  concerned  therein,  to  condign  punishment."  Idem,  Vol.  VI f.  page  60. 

"  June  21,  1782.  Whereas  some  of  the  inhabitants  of  Uie  United  States, 
prompted  eitlier  by  a  sordid  attacliment  to  gain,  or  by  a  secret  conspiracy  with 
the  enemies  of  their  country,  are  wickedly  engaged  in  carrying  on  an  illicit  traf- 
fic with  tkeir  enemies,  whereby  a  market  is  protrieled  for  British  merc/uindizes, 
THE  CIECULATING.  SPECIE  IS  EXPORTED  FROM  THE  UNITED 
STATES,  the  payment  of  tuxes  rendered  more  difficult  and  bm-dcnsome  to  the 
people  at  large,  and  gi'eat  discouragement  occasioned  to  honest  and  lawful 
commerce : 

"Resolved,  that  it  be  and  hereby  is  recommended  to  the  legfislatures  of  the  se- 
veral states,  to  adopt  the  most  efficacious  measures  for  suppressing  all  traffic 
and  illicit  intei'course  betiveen  their  respectii>e  citizens  and  the  enemy. 

"  Resolved,  that  tlie  legislatures,  or,  in  their  recess,  the  executives  of  th«  se- 
veral states,  be  carneHtly  requested  to  impress,  by  every  means  in  their  power, 
on  tlieir  respective  citizens  at  large,  the  baneful  consequences  appi-ehended  by 
congress,  from  A  CONTINUANCE  OF  THIS  ILLICIT  AND  INFAMOUS 
TRAFFIC,  and  the  necessitv  of  their  co-operating  with  the  public  measures  by 
iuch  united,  patriotic,  and  vigilant  exertions,  as  will  detect  and  bring  to  legal  fni  ■ 
nishment  those  who  shall  in  any  manner  have  been  concerned  therein."  Idem,  page  301. 

•  Mr.  Lowell  has  attempted  to  deny  the  existence  of  this  arrangement.  But 
it  stands  on  too  strong  ground  to  admit  of  being  disproved.  That  these  bills,  t» 
an  immoderate  amount,  were  transmitted  from  Quebec  ;  that  they  were  drawn 
for  the  support  of  the  armies  employed  in  hostilities  against  this  country  ;  and 
that  tliey  were  paid  for  in  specie,  devoted  to  the  support  of  those  armies;  arc 
facts  too  stubborn  to  be  set  aside.  I  hereby  publicly  dare  him  or  any  other 
person  in  the  union  to  disprove  any  oftlium.  They  are  abundantly  sufficient 
to  establish  the  iniquity  of  the  cvat,  , 


try, 


<nur.  S3.] 


ATTEMPTS  ON  PUBUC  CBfiDIT. 


the  work  of  faction,  the  heaviest  Stcoiirge  that  ever  issued  from 
Pandora's  box  ! 

The  consequences  of  these  vile  operations  were  long  severely 
felt.  Many  estimable  individuals  Were  absolutely  ruined.  Bank 
paper  became  an  object  of  brokerage,  and  was  sold  at  various 
rates  from  three  to  twenty-five  per  cent,  discount.  A  general 
stagnation  was  produced.  The  loss  fell  most  heavily  on  the  poor, 
as  is  usual  in  all  such  cases.  The  rich  were  enabled  to  make 
most  extravagant  profits ;  and  many  of  them  were  literally  prey- 
ing upon  the  middle  and  poorer  classes  of  society.  The  entire 
profits  of  business  were  swallowed  up  by  the  extravagant  dis- 
counts paid  on  bank  paper,  a  case  hitherto  unknown  in  this  sec- 
tion of  the  union.  And  thus,  in  a  season  of  distress  and  diffi- 
culty, the  embarrassments  of  the  citizens  were  doubled  and  tre- 
bled. And  what  is  the  most  daring  and  profligate  part  of  the 
business,  the  men  who 

**  Played  these  pranks  before  high  heaven,^* 

were  impudent  enough  to  charge  the  whole  of  the  distress  to  the 
account  of  the  administration ! 

"  The  offence  is  rank — it  smells  to  heaven,"*^ 

To  render  the  affair  more  shocking,  more  gross,  more  hideous, 
those  who  perpetrated  this  wickedness,  hypocritically  refused 
to  rejoice  in  the  victories  of  their  country — as  "  unbecoming  9itf- 
moral  and  religious  people  ! ! !"  i 

There  is  no  country  in  the  world,  but  the  United  States, 
wherein  such  a  crime  could  be  perpetrated  with  impunity.  Even 
by  our  mildest  pf  all  mild  constitutions,  it  is  treason.  "  Trea- 
son against  the  United  States,  shall  consist  only  in  levying  war 
against  them,  or  in  adhering  to  their  enemies,  GIVING  THEM 
A^D  AND  COMFORT."  If  supplying  an  enemy  with  spe- 
cie to  enable  him  to  carry  on  the  war  against  their  native  coun- 
try, be  not  giving  him  "  aid  and  comforty''  and  that  of  the  most 
substantial  kind,  I  am  utterly  ignorant  of  my  native  language, 
and  know  not  what  are  "  aid  and  comfort,'''* 

livery  man  concerned  in  the  business  of  furnishing  these  aids 
to  the  enemy,  was  ipso  facto  a  traitor — his  life  ivas  forfeited. 
That  he  did  not  expiate  his  crime  by  paying  the  forfeit,  he  owed 
to  the  ill-requited  lenity  of  an  insulted  government.  Every  '■ 
person  who  knew  of  the  commission  of  the  crime,  and  did  not 
reveal  it,  was  guilty  of  misprision  of  treason. 

Compare  this  offence  with  the  rebellion  of  Massachusetts  un- 
der Shays ;  with  the  whiskey  insurrection,  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  Pittsburg ;  or  with  that  of  the  poor,  deluded,  ignorant  Fries ! 
You  may  as  well  compare  the  Andes  to  Mount  Pleasant ! 

This  crime  in  England  would  subject  the  perpetrator  either 
to  be  hung  {^id  gibbetted,  or  to  be  hung,  drawn,  and  quartered. 


soo 


POLITICAL  OUVE  BRANCH. 


[eair.  54. 


In  the  former  case,  his  carcase  would  be  exposed  to  be  devour- 
ed by  obscene  birds  of  prey.  In  the  latter,  hi^  '  ead  would  be 
elevated  as  an  ornament  on  the  tower  of  London,  or  elsewhere, 
to  deter  other  traitors  from  the  perpetration  of  similar  crimes. 

Let  us  once  more,  though  the  sight  turn  us  aghast,  examine 
this  hideous  scene-»-which  sinks  the  perpetrators  into  Uie  lowest 
abyss  of  infamy. 

Men  in  the  "  moral  and  religiotts"  town  of  Boston,  are  obliged 
to  lend  their  money  to  their  own  government  by  stealth.  But  in 
the  face  of  day,  within  the  kfiowledge  of  a  whole  community, 
tliey  send  specie  to  the  common  enemy  to  support  him  in  a  vindic- 
tive warfare  against  their  own  country  !  Can  human  nature  sink 
lower  ?  They  are  **  too  moral  and  too  religious"  to  rejoice  at 
the  victories  of  their  fellow-citizens — but  they  are  neither  "  too 
moral  nor  too  religious"  to  aid  the  enemy  to  victory  !  An  age 
of  penitence  in  sackloth  and  ashes  would  not  efface  this  foul  blot 
from  the  escutcheon  of  Boston. 

It  is  hardly  possible  to  add  a  shade  to  the-  enormity  of  this 
erime.  But  one  circumstance  greatly  enhances  its  atrocity.  It 
was  perpetrated  while  negociations  for  peace  were  pending,  the 
success  whereof  it  had  so  direct  a  tendency  to  defeat,  by  placing 
the  British  in  a  situation  to  rise  in  their  demands  ;  although  the 
guilty  persons  profess  to  belong  to  the  "  peace  party." 

♦  CHAPTER  LIV. 

Subject  continued.    Brief  statement  of  Facts, 

The  immense  magnitude  of  the  subject  of  the  conspiracy, 
stated  in  the  preceding  chapters,  induces  me  to  resume  it.  And 
as  I  may  have  been  led  astray  by  the  delusion  which  is  felt  by 
almost  every  man  who  forms  an  hypothesis,  I  shall  therefore 
state  anew  the  naked  facts  of  the  case,  unaccompanied  by  my 
comments.  Let  the  reader  duly  weigh  the  evidence,  and  acquit 
or  condemn  the  accused  town,  as  he  may  judge  proper. 

i.  Engagements  were  entered  into  in  Boston  by  individuals, 
pledging  themselves  not  to   subscribe  to  the  government  loans. 

IL  When  some  of  them  afterwards  did  subscribe,  they  fSillnd 
it  necessary  to  do  it  "  secretly^"*  to  avoid  tiie  odium  and  the 
persecution  excited  against  all  who  lent  their  money  to  the  go- 
vernment. 

in.  The  utmost  influence  of  that  powerful  instrument,  the 
press,  and  likewise  of  the  pulpit,  was  employed  to  discouragb 
and  denounce  subscribers  to  the  loans.  They  were  proscribed 
as  "  infamous^'*  in  the  public  papers  most  extensively  patronized ; 
and  declared,  in  those  papers,  and  from  the  pulpit,  to  be  abso* 
lute  "  murderers.^'* 

IV.  During  the  winter,  when  the  Iroads  were  in  wretched  or- 
der, and  when  freight  was  of  course  from  twenty  to  thirty  per 


t 


uur.  54.] 


ATTEMPTS  ON  PUBLIC  CREDIT. 


spi 


cent,  dearer  than  the  common  freight,  the  Boston  banks  made  inim 
moderate^  continued^  oppressive^  unprecedented^  and  hostile  drafts 
for  specie  on  the  New  Tori  banks, 

V.  At  this  period  the  former  banks  had  in  their  vaults  an  un- 
paralleled quantity  of  specie — one  hundred  and  Jifty  per  cent, 
more  than  their  notes  in  circulation. 

VI.  These  drafts  were  continued  through  the  spring  and  sum* 
mer,  and  obliged  the  banks  in  the  middle  and  southern  states  so 
far  to  curtail  their  accommodations,  as  to  bring  the  commercial 
vrorld  to  the  verge  of  bankruptcy.  Large  and  ruinous  bank- 
ruptcies did  take  place ;  twenty  and  upwards  occurred  in  New 
York  in  one  day. 

VII.  These  drafts  were  carried  to  such  a  great  extent,  tb?t 
on  the  26th  of  August  the  banks  in  Baltimore — on  the  29th 
those  in  Philadelphia — and  on  the  31st  those  in  New  York, 
were  reduced  to  the  painful  necessity  of  suspending  the  payment 
of  specie. 

VIII.  Contemporaneously  with  these  immoderate  drafts,  a 
very  large  amount  of  bills  drawn  by  the  government  of  Lower 
Canada,  were,  through  the  medium  of  agents  in  Boston,  distri- 
buted in  New  York,  Philadelphia,  and  Baltimore.  t 

IX.  These  bills  prodigiously  increased  the  balances  against 
the  southern  banks,  and  the  power  of  drawing  possessed  by  those 
in  Boston. 

X.  The  specie  received  for  these  bills  from  New  Tork^  Phila* 
delphia  and  Baltimore^  was  forwarded  to  Canada, 

aI.  When  subscriptions  for  loans  were  opened,  large  quanti- 
ties of  public  stock  were  sold  at  publicf  auction,*  and  also  sent 
from  Boston,  to  the  markets  in  New  York,  and  Philadelphia, 
and  Baltimore,  and  sold  at  reduced  rates,  to  tempt  the  monied 
men  to  invest  their  money  therein,  and  thus  to  impede  the 
success  of  the  pending  loans.  .r 

I  submit  all  these  strong  facts  to  the  reader.  Let  him  exa- 
mine them,  and  decide  for  himself.  If  he  be  an  upright,  can- 
did, honourable  man — if  he  have  a  spark  of  public  spirit  in  his 
conaosition— -if  he  have  not  renounced  all  pretensions  to  the 
naiile  of  a  Washingtonian — ^he  will  pronounce  sentence  against 
this  transaction,  its  agents,  its  emissaries,  its  accomplices,  and 
against  all  who  connived  at  it.  If  this  be  *'^ federalism  of  the 
Boston  stamp"  I  trust  the  high-minded  and  honest  federalists  of 


•  Extract  of  a  letter  from  Boston,  dated  February  24, 1815. 
"  Tliis  day  twenty  thousand  dollars,  six  per  cent  stock,  was  put  up  at  auction ;  - 
five  thousand  dollars  of  which  only  was  sold  for  waint  of  bidders,  and  that  at 
forty  per  cent,  under  par.  As  for  the  former  new  loan,  it  would  be  considered 
little  short  of  an  insult  to  offer  it  in  the  market,  it  beine  a  very  serious  ques- 
tion who  is  to  father  the  child  »n  case  of  national  difficulties"  JVao  York  Even- 
ins  Post,  Pebmary  27,  1815. 

O.  B.  40  ■      0 


v_.^ 


^03 


POUnCAL  OUVE  BRANCH^ 


(cair.  65. 


the  middle  and  southern  states,  will  renounce  the  odious  connec* 
tion,  and  disclaim  all  participation  in  such  nefarious,  such  tret- 
sonable  practices. 

Mr,  Oakley,  a  member  of  the  house  of  representatives  of  the 
United  States,  in  a  violent  and  declamatory  speech,  alleged  the 
strongest  charges  of  gross  mismanagement  and  incapacity  against 
the  administration,  for  disadvantageous  contracts  made  for  some 
of  the  loans,  whereby  millions  of  dollars  were  lost  to  the  nation. 
All  these  losses  and  disadvantages  are  fairly  chargeable  to  this 
conspiracy. 

A  few  ambitious  demagogues  in  Boston  have  been  the  guide 
of  federalists  throughout  the  union.  They  led  them  a  devious 
course  from  the  paths  prescribed  by  Washington.  They  allured 
them  to  the  brink  of  insurrection,  rebellion,  and  civil  war,  which 
are  synonimous  with  a  dissolution  of  the  union.  Whether  the 
latter  will  have  magnanimity  and  fortitude  enough  to  regain  the 
honourable  paths  from  which  they  have  been  seduced,  remains 
to  be  seen.  Their  contemporaneous  fame — their  character  with 
posterity — ^their  peace,  their  happiness,  their  prosperity — ^the 
fate  of  their  wives  and  children — the  destiny  of  their  country — 
the  question  whether  we  shall  be  united  as  a  band  of  brothers, 
or  involved  in  civil  war,  with  its  long  train  of  horrors — are  all  at 
stake.  The  stake  is  immense.  Pray  Heaven  they  may  form  a 
just  and  enlightened  decision.* 

CHAPTER  LV. 

Massachusetts  compared  with  Tennessee,     The  blind  leading  tht 
blind.     Profits  of  trade  ffty  per  cent!     Road  to  Ruin, 

Never  did  faction  more  completely  degrade  and  sink  a  peo- 
ple, than  in  Massachusetts.  That  once  high-minded  state  was  at- 
tacked by  the  British  with  a  small  force.  They  were  allowed, 
without  an  effort,  to  dismember  it.  They  established  a  regular 
government  in  their  conquests.  As  no  effort  was  made  by  this 
state,  whose  population  amounts  to  about  700,000  free  people, 
to  prevent  the  conquest,  so  none  was  made  to  expel  the  enemy. 
Enslaved  by  faction,  she  whined,  and  scolded,  and  murmured, 
and  winced,  and  threatened,  and  cursed  the  administration  for 
not  defending  her,  although  she  had  made  every  possible  exer- 
tion to  enfeeble  the  government,  and  render  it  incapable  of  de- 
fence. 

To  sum  up  the  whole.  Massachusetts  was  energetic,  firm, 
bold,  daring,  and  decisive  in  the  contest  with  the  general  govern- 
ment. She  would  not  abate  an  inch.  She  dared  it  to  a  conflict. 
She  seized  it  by  the  throat,  determined  to  strangle  it !  She  was 
imtameable  as  a  lion,  or  a  tiger,  ur  a  panther,  or  a  leopard.  But 


•  Ii<  t  it  hp  observed   thi§  chiiptiT  wiw  written   in  September,  1814. 
nutv  ill  the  prccedinif  puge  wuh  udikd  to  tlic  Tth  Editiuii. 


'Ibe 


CIAF.  55.] 


MASSACHUSETTS  &  TENNESSEE- 


303 


she  was  long-suffering,  and  mild,  and  patient,  and  harmless,  and 
inoffensive,  and  gentle,  and  meek,  as  a  lamb  or  a  turtle-dove, 
when  she  came  in  contact  with  the  enemy. 

There  is  some  mystery  hangs  about  this  affur,  which  time 
alone  can  develope.  That  the  British  should  have  attacked 
Massachusetts,  where  they  had  so  many  friends,  and  spared 
Pennsylvania,  where  the  great  majority  were  hostile  to  them, 
was  so  contrary  to  all  the  rules  of  true  policy,  as  to  be  almost 
inexplicable.  I  dare  not  trust  myself  to  hazard  a  conjecture  on 
the  subject.  The  tame  acquiescence  of  such  a  powerful  state, 
in  so  degrading  a  situation,  must  have  had  some  extraordinary 
motive.  None  occurs  to  my  mind  that  I  would  choose  to  com- 
mit to  paper. 

But  mark  the  contrast!  Heavens!  What  a  contrast!  Tennessee, 
with  a  territory  of  43,000  square  miles — a  white  population  of 
only  217,727,  and  a  formidable  black  one  of  44,535,  to  guard 
against,  was  assailed  by  the  most  powerful  combination  of  Indians, 
and  those  of  the  bravest  character,  that  ever  existed  since  the 
first  setdement  of  this  country.  She  neither  winced — nor  whined 
—nor  cursed  the  government — nor  shrunk  from  danger — ^nor 
threatened  a  separation.  She  arose  in  her  strength.  She  gird- 
ed on  her  armour.  She  called  her  sons  from  the  counter  and 
the  plough — from  the  anvil  and  the  loom — from  the  bench  and 
the  bar — from  the  senate  house  and  the  council  chamber — and 
with  a  small  degree  of  assistance  from  Georgia,  she  vanquished 
the  hardy  warriors  whom  a  false  reliance  on  British  aid  had  al- 
lured to  their  ruin.  Every  successive  effort  on  the  part  of  the 
deluded  assailants  was  equally  pregnant  with  destruction.  Com- 
pletely vanquished,  they  bent  their  necks  to  the  yoke.  They 
cursed  the  seduction  which  tempted  them  from  ease,  and  com- 
fort, and  happiness ;  and  on  the  forehead  of  their  nation  im- 
printed the  broad  seal  of  perdition. 

Since  the  above  was  written,  Tennessee  has  earned  tenfold 
fame  by  the  heroism  and  public  spirit  her  hardy  sons  have  dis- 
played at  New  Orleans,  where  they  acquired  not  merely  for 
themselves — and  their  own  state — ^i)ut  for  the  entire  nation,  a 
wrenth  of  imperishable  glory.  In  this  grand  achievement  Ken. 
tucky  partook  largely.  Both  these  noble  states  poured  forth  their 
sons  by  thousands,  some  of  them  from  a  distance  of  nearly  eight 
hundred  miles,  to  repel  the  invaders  of  their  native  country. 
With  what  effect  they  performed  this  patriotic  service,  history 
will  convey  to  posterity,  countless  ages  hence.  It  will  l)e  a  sub- 
feet  of  laudable  pride  to  belong  to  a  nation,  whose  lawyers  and 
doctors — whose  farmers  antl  shopkeepers — whose  clerks  and 
mechanics,  hastily  collected  togetlur,  signally  defeated  an  army 
of  veterans,  of  very  far  superior  force,  as  formidable  as  any 
equal  number  ever  arrayed  in  arras. 


'n 


ll 


;  % 


I-' 


%^t  -h 


I  Mm 


-:l 


^  1 

m 
'4. 


d04 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[CBAV.  55 


The  genius  of  Columbia  hides  her  face  vrith  shame,  and  sor- 
row, and  anguish,  when  she  regards  the  ancient  state  cf  Mas- 
sachusetts, degenerated  from,  and  a  disgrace  to,  her  hardy 
ancestors.  But  she  looks  down  with  pride,  and  pleasure,  and 
exultation,  on  the  youthful,  high-spirited,  patriotic,  and  heroic 
Tennessee  and  Georgia. 

It  is  hardly  possible  to  find  a  stronger  contrast — more  dis- 
graceful on  the  one  side — more  honourable  on  the  other. 

^    .  The  blind  leading- the  blind. 

There  is  no  man  whose  zeal  in  inflaming  the  public  mind,  has 
equalled  that  of  the  author  of  the  Road  to  Ruin.  He  has  pAb- 
lished  as  many  different  sets  of  papers  to  excite  the  abhorrence 
and  detestation  of  the  eastern  states  against  the  administration, 
as  would  fill  two  or  three  largt  volumes.  He  is,  in  politics,  as 
veiy  an  enrage  as  ever  lived.  So  violent  are  his  passions  on  this 
topic,  that  they  lead  him  eternally  astray.  He  commits  himself 
by  the  most  extravagant  positions,  which  nothing  but  the  epi- 
demical madness  of  the  times  would  have  ever  suffered  to  escape 
the  keenest  ridicule. 

In  "  the  Road  to  Ruin,"  he  most  pathetically  deplores  the  de- 
struction of  commerce,  and  the  introduction  of  manufactures, 
both  of  which  he  regards  as  equal  subjects  of  lamentation.  And 
to  make  the  stronger  appeals  to  the  passions  of  his  readers — 1» 
enhance  the  misfortune  of  the  loss  ol  commerce— -he  very  grave- 
ly states  its  profits  at  ^^  fifty  per  cent !  ! .'"  It  is  even  so,  reader : 
^\fiffy  per  cent ! !  /"  It  is  hard  to  conceive  a  higher  grade  of 
extravagance  and  folly.  The  average  profits  of  successful  com- 
mence are  not  twelve  per  cent.  And  if  the  whole  of  the  com- 
mercial capital  employed  in  this  country,  during  the  last  twenty 
years,  be  taken  into  view,  including  that  of  the  merchants  who 
have  become  bankrupts,  it  is  probable  that  the  profits  do  not  ex- 
ceed eight  per  cent.  The  failures  among  that  class  are  very 
numerous,  and  out  of  all  proportion  greater  than  among  any 
other.  Of  the  merchants  in  New  York  and  Philadelphia  who 
were  in  eminence  ten  years  ago,  I  think  I  am  warranted  in  say- 
ing, that  nearly  two-thirds  have  been  utterly  ruined.  It  is  well 
known,  that  tin  West  India  trade  has  been  almost  always  a  los- 
ing one.  In  fact,  of  the  few  fortunate  merchants  who  escape 
shipwreck,  it  may  be  fairly  said, 

"  Apparent  rari  nantes  in  ffurgile  vm/o." 

This  writer  is  either  a  deceiver— or  he  has  deceived  himself. 
In  either  case  he  is  "  a  blind  leader  of  the  blind ;"  And  it  can 
never  be  sufficiently  deplored,  that  a  man  in  this  situation  should 
have  so  very  pernicious  an  influence  on  the  drntinics  of  eiffhf 
milUins  of  people  and  thuir  posterity.     He  has  chosen  a  most 


IV'O 


OBiP 


56.] 


PULPIT  POLITICS. 


309 


felicitous  title — **■  The  Road  to  Ruin,^'' — And  verily  he  has  so' 
long  been  leading  his  deluded  followers  on  "  the  road  to  ruin" 
that  he  has  brought  them  to  the  very  verge  of  the  precipice. 

Lest  the  reader  should  suppose  I  have  done  him  injustice,  I 
submit  his  own  words.  If  I  have  tortured  his  meaning,  on  my 
head  be  all  the  censure  I  have  so  freely  bestowed  upon  him«— 

"  We  take  from  trade  a  capital  tvldch  produced  PlFTy  PER  CENT,  and  we 
i>iveat  it  in  manufactures,  PllECARIOUS  IN  THEIR  NATURE,  which  may 
never  produce  twenty,  and  which  may  prove  our  ruin."f 

This  short  paragraph  is  as  fallacious  as  any  equal  niunber  of 
lines  ever  published.  Every  position  it  lays  down  is  deceptions. 
When  the  writer  emphatically  states,  that  manufactures  are 
"  precarious  in  their  nature^"*  he  must  mean,  by  way  of  contra- 
distinction, that  commerce  is  blest  with  absolute  security.  Both 
are  arrant  errors.  Commerce  is  proverbially  insecure.  No  de- 
gree of  prudence  affords  full  security  in  that  department.  Manu- 
factures, prudently  managed,  have  as  much  certainty  as  any 
other  human  undertakings  whatever. 

One  word  more.  What  dependence  can  be  placed  upon  the 
assertions,  the  insinuations,  the  allegations,  on  subjects  abstruse 
or  difficult  to  decide  upon,  of  a  man  who  makes  such  an  egre- 
gious, such  a  momentous  error  in  a  case  where  detection  treads 
so  closely  on  his  heels  ?  .  ,  . 

CHAPTER  LVI. 

Ptflpit  politics.     Prostitution  of  the  sacred  functions,     Mai' 
sacre  on  board  the  Ocean,    An  anthology  of  sedition, 

**  Politics  and  tJie  pulpit  are  terms  that  have  little  agreement.  JS'o  Bound 
ouffht  to  be  lieard  in  the  church  but  the  voice  of  healing  charity."  [What  a  divine 
idea !]  "  The  cauHe  of  civil  liberty  and  civil  government  gains  as  little  as  that 
of  religrion,  by  this  confusion  of  duties.  Those  who  quit  tneir  proper  charac- 
ter, to  assume  what  does  not  belong  to  them,  are,  for  the  gfreater  part,  ignorant 
botii  of  the  character  they  leave,  and  of  the  character  they  assume.  Wholly 
unacquainted  with  the  world,  in  which  they  are  so  fond  of  meddling,  and  inex- 
perienced in  all  its  affairs,  on  which  they  pronounce  with  so  much  confidence, 
they  have  nothing  of  politics  but  the  passions  tiicy  excite.  Unrehi  the  church  ia 
a  place  where  otte  day's  truce  ought  to  be  allOfived  to  the  dissensions  and  animosities 
nfmanhind.'*    Burke. 

Of  all  the  abominations  that  disgrace  and  dishonour  this 
country  in  these  portentous  times,  I  know  nothing  more  deserv- 
ing of  reprobation  than  the  prostitution  of  the  pulpit  for  party 
or  political  purposes.  No  man  of  correct  mind  can  seriously  re- 
flect upon  it  without  shuddering  with  horror. 

A  clergyman,  whose  functions  pre-eminently  reauire  him  to 
preach  "  peace  and  good  xoill  among  men^^  ascends  the  pulpit 
among  a  congregation  assembled  to  unite  in  praising  and  ador- 
ing the  Omnipotent  Creator.  He  holds  in  his  hand  the  Tes- 
tament of  Jesus  Christy  which  breathes  nothing  hut  peace— -he 

I  .See  In  the  EXam?itT?r,  vpl,  i.  page  141.  the  Ih)ad  to  Bvun,  No.  Vin. 


•    I 


iii& 


FOUnCAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[ciAT.  56. 


^ 


pronounces^  and  has  for  a  text^  the  words  ofjesm  Christy  or  of 
his  apoatleSy  of  the  most  pacific  tendency :  andy  as  a  suitable  ac- 
companimenty  for  an  hour  long  he  employs  all  his  zeal,  all  his 
talents,  all  his  influence,  for  the  fanaticad,  the  anti-christian,  the 
satanical  purpose  of  enkindling  among  his  hearers  the  most  bale- 
ful,  the  most  furious  passions — of  preparing  them  for  insurreC' 
iion  and  revolutions—for  all  the  horrors  of  civil  war, 

^  *•  The  alternative  tlien  is,  that  if  you  do  not  wish  to  become  the  slaves  of 
those  who  own  slaves,  and  who  are  themselves  the  slaves  of  French  slaves, 
you  must  either,  in  tlie  language  of  the  day,  CUT  THE  CONNEXION,  or  so 
nir  alter  the  national  compact,  as  to  insyire  yourselves  a  due  share  in  tlie  go- 
vernment :" 

This  elegant  and  sublime  mor^eau,  which  breathes  so  much 
of  the  spirit  of  St.  Paul,  "  let  every  soul  be  subject  to  the  higher 
powers^  is  taken  from  a  sermon  preached  in  Boston,  by  the 
Rev.  Mr.  Gardiner,  July  23,  1812.  The  christian  injunction 
of  "  cutting  the  connexion^^  that  is,  rebelling  against  their  own 
government^  wonderfully  accords  with  the  declaration  of  the 
text,  which,  gentle  reader,  is — "  lam  for  peace.''^  Psalm  120, 
V.  7.  Never  was  there  a  more  wonderful  association — "  Cut 
the  connejfion"— and  "  /  am  for  peace .'"  From  such  apostles 
of  peace,  good  Lord  deliver  us ! 

It  is  impossible  much  to  aggravate  the  hideousness  of  this 
procedure.  But  when  the  preacher  commits  himself  by  false- 
hood, as  sometimes  happens,  it  caps  the  odious  climax.  A  few 
years  since,  on  the  eve  of  a  general  election  in  Massachusetts, 
to  answer  the  purposes  of  party,  a  fabulous  story  was  circulated, 
that  the  French  had  massacred  the  crew  of  a  vessel  called  the 
Ocean.  It  was  one  of  a  thousand  falsehoods  of  the  same 
kind.  A  clergyman,  whose  name  I  spare,  seized  the  story  with 
avidity— 'Wove  it  into  his  sermon — and  invoked  the  vengeance 
of  heaven  on  the  murderers.  But  mark  the  end  of  it.  The 
holy  zeal  of  the  auditory  had  not  time  to  cool,  when,  to  cover 
the  preacher  with  confusion,  a  resurr  xtion  of  the  murdered 
crew  took  place.  They  returned  home,  safe  and  sound,  from 
the  stilettos  and  daggers  of  the  blood-thirsty  French — and  held 
out  a  strong  memento  to  the  preacher  against  a  repetition  of  such 
an  anti-christian  procedure. 

The  practice  of  preaching  political  sermons  is  utterly  impro- 
per, even  when  a  congregation  are  all  united— all  of  one  senti. 
mcnt,  if  such  a  case  ever  occurred.  But  when  they  are  divided, 
as  must  necessiU'ily  almost  always  happen,  what  a  view  docs  it 
present  ?  That  portion  of  the  congregation  differing  from  the 
preacher,  are  reduced  to  the  alternative  of  either  absenting  them- 
selves from  divine  worship,  or  sitting  patiently  silent  under  the 
undeserved  reproaches,  and  abuse,  and  maledictions  of  a  man 
who  flies  in  the  face  of  all  his  duties,  and  to  whom  they  cannot 
oifcr  a  reply. 


"'J 


«iup.  56.] 


PULPIT  POUTICS. 


30f 


Tq  enable  the  reader  to  form  a  correct  estimate  of  the  abomi- 
nation which  I  have  here  denounced,  as  well  as  of  the  justice 
of  the  denunciation  itself,  I  present  him  with  an  anthology,  se- 
lected from  the  sermons  of  three  clergymen,  the  Rev.  Messrs. 
Parish,  Osgood,  and  Gardiner,  to  whom  no  small  portion  of  the 
seeds  of  insurrection,  rebellion,  and  civil  war,  so  plentifully- 
sown  in  the  eastern  states,  is  justly  chargeable.  Never,  since 
the  first  establishment  of  the  clerical  functions,  were  they  more 
miserably  employed — more  contrary  to  the  divine  injunctions 
of  the  meek  and  mild  Jesus,  whose  disciples  these  reverend  gen- 
tlemen profess  to  be — whose  doctrines  they  profess  to  teach-— 
and  whose  example  they  profess  to  follow,  and  to  hold  out  for 
imitation. 

Trom  the  Rev*  y,  S,  jf.  Gardiner^  A.  31.  rector  of  Trinity 

Churchy  Boston. 

*•  The  British,  after  all,  save  for  us  by  their  convoys,  infinitely  more  property 
than  they  deprive  us  of.  WHERE  THEY  TAKE  ONE  SHIP,  THEY  PRO- 
TECT TWENTY.  Where  tliey  commit  one  outrage,  they  do  many  acts  of 
kindness."     JJitcourte  delivered  Jlpril  9,  1812,  page  15. 

*'  England  is  willing  to  sacrifice  every  thing  to  conciliate  us,  except  her  ho- 
nour and  independence."    Idem,  pi^^  10. 

•*  It  is  a  war  vnexampled  in  the  history  of  the  -world.-  wantonly  proclaimed  on 
the  mott  frivolouB  and  ffroundleta  pretences,  agfainst  a  nation  from  whose  friend- 
ship we  might  derive  the  most  signal  advantages,  and  from  whose  hostility  we 
have  reason  to  dread  the  most  tremendous  losses."  Discourse  delivered  July  23, 
1812,  page  3. 

"  So  far  from  there  being  British  partizans  in  this  country,  it  is  difficult 
to  find  an  individual  candid  enough  to  do  that  naUon  common  justice."  Idem, 
page  10. 

•*  Every  provocation  hat  been  offered  to  Great  Britain  on  our  part,  and  our 
resentment  has  lisen  in  proportion  as  she  haa  shown  a  conciliating  spirit."  Idem, 
page  12. 

••  What  consequence  is  it  to  you,  if  they  be  repealed  or  not,  if  yon  are  sold 
to  Napoleon,  as  you  have  reason  to  believe,  by  the  slaves  who  have  abused  your  cmt- 
Jidetice."  Idem,  page  11. 

"  Let  no  considerations  whatever,  my  brethren,  deter  you  at  all  times,  and 
in  all  places,  fmm  execrating  the  present  war.  It  is  a  war  unjust,  foolish,  iind 
ruinous.  It  is  unjust,  because  GREAT  BRITAIN  HAHOFFKREOUS  EVF-llY 
CONCESSION  SHORT  OF  WHAT  SHE  CONCEIVES  WOULD  BE  HER 
BUIN."    Idem,  page  15. 

'*  As  Mr.  Madison  has  declared  war,  let  Mr.  Madison  caiTy  it  on."  Idem, 
page  17. 

"  THE  UNION  HAS  BEEN  LONG  SINCE  VIRTUALLY  DFSSOLVEn  ! 
AND  IT  18  FULL  TIME  THAT  TIIIH  PART  OF  THE  DISUNITED  S  FA  lES 
SHOULD  TAKE  CARE  OF  ITSELF ! !"     Idem,  page  19. 

From  the  Rev.  David  Osf^ood^  D.  D.  pat/tor  of  the  church  at 

Mcdford. 

"The  strong  prepossessions  of  so  grout  profjortinn  of  my  ft-Uow  citizens  in 
favour  of  a  nice  of  denion.s,  and  ag-uiiittt  a  nation  nfmnre  rrlic^iun,  virtm;  gonit 
faith,  generosity,  and  ben^cence,  than  urii'  that  now  is,  or  evvr  has  Iwcn  upon  the 


.l^       I 


■  m 


fii  .| 


30t( 


IM3UTICAL  OLIVU  UKANCII. 


[ouAP.  66. 


facf  of  the  earth,  wrlnfif  my  soul  with  angii'mh,  nnd  fill  my  heart  with  apprehen- 
sion and  Icmtr  of  tJu-  judKinenlii  of  heaven  upon  tliia  Itinful  people."  IH*cow»e 
thUvered  Jprit  8,  181U,  pa^e  40. 

"  If  at  the  comniand  of  weak  or  wicked  nilera,  they  nndcrtako  an  unjust  war, 
each  man  wiio  volunteerti  his  Nervicca  in  sucli  a  cauHe,  or  loans  liis  inonev  for  its 
■upport,  or  by  his  conversation,  his  writings,  or  any  other  mode  of  intlnrnce, 
«ncuura((es  its  prosecution,  that  man  is  an  accomplice  in  the  wickedness,  loiuls 
his  exinscience  with  the  lilackest  crimes,  brinirs  the  ffuilt  of  blood  upon  Ims  houI, 
and  IN  THK  SKillT  OF  tiUU  AND  HIS  LAW  IH  A  MURUEUEK."  Iha- 
coHvae  tMiveved  Jtme  27,  1812,  pa^e  9- 

"Since  the  peri«Mloftheir  pretended  repeal,  SCOUF-P,  IF  NOT  HUNDnF.nS 
of  our  vessels  have  been  seized  in  French  ports,  or  burnt  at  sea  by  French 
cniisers,  while  many  of  their  unoffendin|r  crews  were  manacled  like  nlaveii,  con- 
Jilted  in  tWnch  piitotu,  or  forced  om  board  of  French  ahipti  tofifht  (iffwmt  Englaiid.** 
Idem,  \\agv  1 1. 

••  Our  jjfovcmment,  with  a  hardihood  ami  effrontery,  at  wlafh  ikmont  mi^ht 
hmnihlMhcd,  persisted  in  iUist;rtin|f  the  rep(-al."    Ibid. 

"  My  mind  has  been  in  a  constant  ai^ony,  not  so  much  at  the  inevitable  loss 
Afour  tempond  prosperity  and  hiippiness,  and  the  complicated  misitries  of  war, 
M  at  its  ifuilt,  its  outrag^e  a^piinst  heaven,  i{ifninst  all  truth,  honeaty,  jutUce,good- 
neaa  i  agtiinat  all  the  principlca  nf  social  happineaa."  Idem,  page  12. 

"  Wert>  not  the  luithors  of  this  war  in  eharaeter  nearly  akin  to  the  deist«  and 
atheists  of  Fnmce  i  were  they  not  men  of  hardened  heurta,  aeared  conadencr-i, 
rrprnhate  nmnda,  and  tlt-aprrate  vnckednraa,  it  seems  utterly  inconceivable  Uiat 
they  should  have  made  tlie  declartitiun."     Idem,  pa)fe  13. 

"  One  hope  only  remains,  that  this  lost  stroke  of  perfidy  may  open  the  eyes 
of  the  besotted  people  i  that  they  may  awake,  like  a  (riant  from  nis  slumbers, 
and  WUEAK  TIIKlU  VKN(;EANCR  ON  TIIKlll  UETUAYEIIS,  by  drivinR 
them  from  their  stations,  and  placing  at  the  helm  more  skilful  and  fiuthful 
kands."    Idem,  page  17. 

iviU 
page 


If  at  tlte  preaent  moment,  no  ajfmfHonta  of  civil  i«ar  appear,  they  certainty 
{  unleaa  the  cowage  if  the  war  party  ahould  fail  them  f  !  f"    Iilcm,  p 


Man 
U 

"  A  cit>il  war  hrcnnwa  aa  certain  aa  the  rvrnta  that  happen  according  to  the  knovin 
lmf»  and  eatahliahed  courae  of  natw-e  !  f  .'"  Idem,  page  14." 

•  ■'  '*■ 

From  the  Rev,  Elisha  Parish^  D,  D. 

"  The  Israelites  became  weary  of  yielding  the  fruit  of  their  labour  to  pamper 
their  splendid  tyrants.  Ihey  left  their  poRtical  woes.  THKY  HKI'AHATKI). 
WHF.KE  KS  Ol)  It  MOSES  ! !  !  IVhen-  ia  the  rod  ofhia  miradea  !  !  !  Where  ia  our 
.■larvn  .' .' .'  Alas  !  no  voice  from  the  burning  busli  has  directed  tlicm  here." 
Diaronrse  deUvrred  ut  Hujield,  .Ipril  7,  1814,  patfe  18. 

"Theteiaa  point;  there  ia  an  hour  ,•  bvyund  which  ijoiitvill  not  hear.'/.'*' 
Idem,  i>age  12. 

'•  Such  is  tijc  temper  of  American  wpTihlicuns,  so  railed.  .1  new  Inngnaire 
;i>uxt  he  invented  hr/iiiY  wf  attempt  to  e.rfire.ta  the  liaaetieaa  nf  their  (•ondiict,  or  «/f- 
tcribe  the rotteniu-iii(f  llmir  hearts."  Idem  page  21. 

•  These  sentences  are  already  quoted  in  a  former  part  of  this  book.  They 
ar»'  novertlielcHS  repeated  here,  as  peculiaily  appi-opriate. 

I  .M'liT  till"  rei'der  has  p(>rused  this  detesl;»blc  ell'ithion  of  prej<idice  and 
viiuKMi'i',  let  bin)  eompiwe  it  with  the  followinif  declaration,  made  Ky  this  rev- 
orvml  gentleman,  in  a, sermon  pivached  at  (Cambridge,  April  H,  1810  j  "  (iod  is 
my  \\\tnes.s  that  I  would  not  upon  any  consideration,  willingly  or unnecessttrily 
wound  tlic  feelings  o»',  or  give  oIlMie"  to,  an  ituUviduiU  in  tJiis  assembly." 


I 


cuAf.  56.] 


PULPIT  POLmCS, 


909 


"  New  RnKlftnd,  if  invaded,  would  be  obliged  to  defend  herself  Do  you  not 
Ibcn  owe  it  to  your  children,  and  owe  it  to  your  God,  to  make  peace  Jor  yojir- 
nflvt'H  ?"  Idem,  |»ii(f<'  23. 

"  You  ni:i.<'  iw  wi-il  expect  tlie  catiinict  of  Niagara  to  turn  its  current  to  the 
head  of  Supi-rior,  us  a  loickTil enncfreHn  to  make  a  pau»e  in  l/ie  work  of  ileslroying 
thrir  coimtv;/,  wiule  the  people  will  fiiniiHh  the  nicuna."  Idem,  page  8. 

"Aliis!  VVK  IIAVK  NO  MOSKS  TO  STFtKTCH  HIU  HOD  OVKR  THE 
SK/V  !  ! !  No  l.ebun(m,  nor  Curmel,  nor  Zion  tu  htvitc  us  across  the  deep  *." 
Mem,  page  14. 

"The  Itepublicsof  Home,  and  Venice,  and  perb'ips  another,  which  alone 
exists,  have  heeu  us  oppvcuMivc  uu  the  despotism  of  Turkey,  of  Persia,  or  Jft> 
pan."  hk-m,  page  3. 

Of  the  law  of  Pharaoli,  which  condemned  to  death  the  first- 
born of  the  Israelites,  this  reverend  gentleman  says — 

"A  thousand  times  sis  manv  sons  of  America  have  probal>ly  fallen  victims  of 
this  ungodly  war,  as  perislied  in  Israel  by  the  edict  of  Phanu>h.  Still  the  war 
is  only  beginning.  If  ten  thousand  have  fallen,  Um  thuiuaml  times  ten  thmiaand 
ma;/ fall."  Idem,  page  7. 

Those  who  take  the  trouble  of  multiplying,  will  find  that  ten 
thousand  times  ten  thousand  make  1(K),(XJ0,000,  who  were  to 
perish  out  of  a  population  of  8,000,000 ! ! ! ! 

"  Should  the  Knglish  now  be  at  llbcHy  to  send  all  their  armies  and  all  their 
shijis  to  America,  and  in  ow  day  huvnevery  city  from  Maine  to  Ueurgiu,  your  con- 
deHcimiUng  vuU-rH  would  play  on  their  harps,  -while  they  gaxed  at  the  tremendous 
confatfratiun.*'  Idem,  page  8, 

*•  TyraiilH  arc  the  sanwnn  the  banks  of  the  Nile  and  the  Patowmac  j  at  Mem- 
phis and  at  Washington;  in  a  imiiarrhy  and  a  refmhlic."  Idem,  page  9. 

"  Like  the  worshippers  of  Moloch,  the  Hupportei-sof  a  vile  achninistration 
sacrifice  their  children  and  f:miilies  on  the  altar  of  «lem<)cracy.  Like  the  wi- 
dows of  llindostan,  they  consume  tluniselves.  hike  the  frantic  votaries  of 
Juggernaut,  they  tlirow  themselves  under  the  car  of  their  political  idol.  They 
•re  crushed  by  its  bloody  wheels.'*  Idem,  page  21. 

"  The  full  vials  of  despotibin  are  poured  on  your  hearls.  And  yet  you  may 
challenge  the  plodding  Israelite,  the  stupid  AlrJcan,  the  feeble  Chinese,  the 
drowsy  Turk,  or  the  frozen  exile  of  Siberia,  to  equal  you  in  tame  mbndanon  to 
the  fio-ivrm  that  he."  Idem,  page  12. 

"  Here  we  mnst  trample  on  the  vumdatea  of  despotism  !  !  !  or  here  We  must  re* 
main  s'avcs  forever."  hU-m,  page  13. 

•*  You  may  envy  the  privilege  of  Israel,  and  mourn  that  no  land  of  Canaan  hat 
been  promised  to  ;mir  ancestors.  Vou  cannot  separate  from  the  mass  of  corrup- 
tion, which  would  |)ois(m  the  atmosphere  of  panulise.  You  must,  in  obstinate 
•lespair,  bow  down  your  necki  to  the  yoke,  and  with  your  African  brethren 
drag  the  chains  of  Virginia  despotism,  unless  you  discover  some  other  mode  tjf 
encape."  Idem,  page  15. 

•*  H:w  not  New  Kngland  as  mtich  to  apprehend  as  the  sons  of  .Tacob  had  i 
But  no  child  has  been  taken  from  the  tivei'  to  lead  ua  through  the  sea."  Idenif 
page  20. 

"  (iod  will  bring  good  from  every  evil.  The  ftirnaccB  of  Egypt  lighted  !■• 
rael  to  the  land  (f  Canaan."  Idem,  page  22. 

"  Which  sooty  slave,  in  all  the  ancient  dominion,  has  more  obsequiously 
wntehe«l  the  eye  of  his  master,  or  flew  to  the  indulgence  of  his  desires  more 
smilely,  than  tlio  same  mastci's  have  waitecl,  and  watched,  ii:m1  obeyed  the 
orders  of  the  great  Napoleon  ?"  Discourse  delivered  at  By f  rid,  ^ipiilH,  1813, 
]>age  21. 

"  The  Icgi'ilators  who  yielded  to  this  war,  when  assailed  l)y  the  manifesto  of 
their  angry  cliief,  established  iniquity  and  murder  by  law."  Idem,  page  9. 

"  In  the  first  onset  [of  the  war]  moral  nrincinle  was  set  sit  defiance.     The 
laws  of  (lod,  and  hopes  of  man  were  utterly  tliwlained.     Vice  threw  off  her  vctY, 
O.  B.        41 


111 


■  m 

i 

'1  '< 
I  1*1    ' 


I     .V 


1.   : 
ii    ' 


,'li 


I 


m 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[caks.  56- 


and  Crimea  wrre  deckedmth  lugluat  honours.  This  war  not  only  tolerates  erimcn, 
but  calls  fortiicni,  dcinuuits  tlicm.  Crimes  are  the  food  of  its  lite,  the  umts  of 
Its  strength.  This  war  Is  a  monster,  wliich  every  hour  gonnundises  a  thousand 
crimes,  and  yet  cries,  "  give,  give."  In  its  birth,  it  demanded  the  violation  of 
all  good  faith,  perjury  of  oflice,  the  sacrifice  of  neutral  impartiality.  The  first 
moment  in  which  tlie  dragon  moved./MVar  1/  luul  murder  toere  IrgaUsed.  Havoc, 
death,  and  cniijlagration  were  t/te  viands  of  herjirat  irjiuat."  Mem,  page  11. 

"  Those  western  states  which  have  been  violent  for  this  abominable  war  of 
murder  ;  those  states  which  have  thirsted  for  blood,  God  haa  given  t/iem  Mood 
to  drink:  T/ieir  nwn  have  fallen.  Their  lamentations  arc  deep  andloitd."  Idem, 
J)age  16. 

"  Our  gvtieniment,  if  they  mail  he  called  the  government,  and  not  the  destrotjera 
of  the  coiintrii,  bear  all  these  things  as  patiently  as  a  colony  of  convicts  sail  into 
^llotany  Hay."  Idem,  page  5. 

"  Let  every  man  who  sanctions  this  war  by  his  suffrage  or  influence,  remem- 
ber that  he  is  laI)ouring  to  cover  himself  and  his  coimtry  with  blood.  'I'lIK 
BI-OOIJ  OF  rilE  SLAIN  WILL  CUY  FKOM  THE  GUUUNU  AGAINSI' 
IIIM."     Idem,  jKigc  23. 

*•  I  low  will  the  supporters  of  this  anti-chriatiau  warfare  endure  their  sentence  j 
ciuluro  their  own  reflections ;  endure  the  fire  that  forever  burna  ,•  the  worm 
■>¥/ueh  m-ver  diea  I  the  hoaannaa  of  heaven  .■  WIIILK  Tllli  SMOKE  OF  TlIEllt 
'I'OUMENTS  ASCENDS  FOHEVElt  AN!)  EVEU."  Idem,  page  24. 

"  To  raise  army  after  army  td  be  sacriliced,  when  the  English  do  all  which  is 
possiljle,  to  soften  the  rigours  of  captivity,  by  kindness  to  the  prisoners  which 
they  have  taken  nv  THOUSANDS  AND  THOUSANDS,  reatoring  them  tothtir 
/<jhm7«V»,  WITHOUT  A  UANSOM,  AND  WITHOUT  THEIll  REQUEST  ;  to 
carry  on  such  a  war,  after  its  only  avowed  cause  has  been  removed,  is  it  not 
the  lawless  attack  of  Coths  and  Vandals,  the  daring  pillage  of  wild  Arabs,  a  li- 
centious outrage  on  all  the  principles  of  Christianity,  an  impious  abandumnent 
of  divine  protection  ?'*  Idem,  page  5. 

I  hiul  begun  to  comment  on  these  extracts.  But  I  have 
changed  my  purpose.  I  resign  them  to  the  judgment  of  the 
reader.  I  shall  merely  say,  it"  the  preachers  were  really  sincere, 
what  transcendent  infatuation  !  If  not,  what  transcendent  turpi- 
tude !  In  either  case,  what  transcendent  profanation  of  the  cler- 
ical functhns  ! — and  of  a  religion  breathing  peace  and  good  will 
among  men  !  May  the  Lord  grant  that  no  American  congrega- 
tion may  ever  again  dishonoui"  or  disgrace  itself  by  patiently  lis- 
tening to  such  vile  ribaldry. 

Success  of  the  war. 
The  enemies  of  the  administration  were  lavish  of  their  re- 
proaches, in  the  early  stages  of  the  war,  on  its  ill  success,  which 
to  many  of  them  was  a  subject  of  as  nuich  triumph,  as  if  they 
belonged  to  a  hostile  nation — as  if  whatever  dishonour  and  dis- 
grace might  arise  from  it,  wcii-  to  attacli  themselves  whollj'  to 
the  administration.  The  blindttess  and  perversity  of  many  of 
our  citizens  on  this  topic,  were  utterly  aston-ahing.  Whatever 
of  glory  was  actpiired,  or  of  disgrace  stistaincd  in  the  war,  its 
friends  and  enemies  partook  ecjually  in  tlie  eyes  of  the  world.* 

•  Tiiis all-important  idea  is  jilaeed  in  i\w  strongest  and  most  slrilting  point 
ofligh*  by  tbi'  eiiitorof  tlie  Aiiulecnic  Magazine,  in  the  life  of  eoiinnoilore  I'er- 
iy  ;  ofwliicli  most  eii'ganl  perlbrniaiuT,  may  be  said  with  perfect  trutti,  "tliff 
hero  was  wortliy  of  sudt  a  biograiilur,  and  tlie  l)iognii)her was  woi-tliy  of  sneU 
an  iiiustridus  hero."  There  is  not  e\taut  a  pruduUiun  oi' wluch  1  should  be 
more  gralilieJ  to  have  bccu  the  author, 


S6. 


«HIT.  56.] 


SUCCESS  OF  THE  WAR. 


311 


M 


\A 


It  is  likewise  made  a  subject  of  reproach  to  the  administration, 
and  of  rejoicing  to  some  dt  ed  people,  whom  party  passions 
have  led  astray,,  and  blinded  to  the  interest  and  honour  of  their 
country,  that  the  government  has  abandoned  its  ground  on  the 
subject  of  impressment !  A  most  melancholy  subject  of  re- 
joicing !  Alas  !  it  was  not  the  power  of  England,  nor  the  down- 
fal  of  Bonaparte,  that  produced  this  abandonment  of  the  claims 
of  the  poor,  suffering, nautical  hero !  No.  Interfial  discord,  more 
fatal  than  tens  of  thousands  of  embattled  enemies,  has  subjected 
to  the  risk  of  impressment  countless  numbers  of  future  Hulls, 
Perrys,  Porters,  Lawrences,  and  M'Donoughs. 

The  war,  to  the  mortification  of  the  enemies  of  the  country, 
has  crowned  the  United  States  with  naval  glory.  We  have  more 
impaired  the  naval  standing  of  Great  Britain,  than  all  the  ene- 
mies she  has  had  for  a  century ;  and  our  Scotts,  and  our  Browns, 
and  our  Ripleys,  and  our  Gaineses,  and  our  Macombs,  and  our 
Harrisons,  and  our  Coffees,  and  our  Carrols,  and  our  Jacksons, 
have  acquired  by  land,  honour  and  glory  equal  to  what  has  been 
acquired  on  the  water  by  our  Hulls,  Decaturs,  Bainbridges,  Per- 
rys,  Porters,  Biddies,  Joneses,  and  M'Donoughs. 

But  had  the  war  been  unsuccessful,  it  would  not  have  been  sur- 
prising. It  would  have  more  completely  covered  the  nation  with 
the  proudest  laurels,  had  Boston  observed  an  Impartial  neutrality. 
But  she  persecuted  the  government  with  as  much  virulence,  and 
malignity,  and  violence,  as  if  it  were  administered  by  demons 
incarnate.  She  involved  in  the  vortex  of  disaffection  no  small 
portion  of  the  population  of  her  own  and  sister  states,  and  did 
£)ig'liirui  more  effective  service  than  all  her  armies,* 

Let  those  infatuated  men,  who  caught  the  government  by  the 
throat,  and  almost  strangled  it,  by  the  destruction  of  its  credit, 
and  by  shackling  all  its  efforts,  only  reflect  for  a  few  minutes 
calmly  on  the  effect  of  their  conduct.  They  desired  peace.  But 
they  really  prolonged  the  war.  If,  notwithstanding  the  immense 
disadvantages  under  which  it  was  conducted,  through  the  disaf- 
fection of  such  a  large  body  of  our  citizens,  we  so  harassed  and 
crippled  the  trade  of  the  enemy,  what  would  have  been  tlie  re- 
sult, had  the  united  energies  of  the  nation  been  employed  to 
avenge  the  national  wrongs^-had  all  the  ports  of  the  eastern 

•  Of  the  stylo  and  iTuumcr  in  wliioli  the  jjovonimcnt  lias  been  assailed  on  the 
snbject  of  llie  loans,  the  reader  will  find  in  the  fifty-seeond  and  fil\y-sixlh  chap- 
ters, a  few  si)eeiniens.  Many  of  the  par.ig'raphs  on  this  and  other  topics  display 
utlegrecof  malice,  and  viridence,  and  ribaldry,  that  can  only  beecnialledby  tlio 
wrilei-s  of  the  Courier  and  the  'rimes.  Adhesion  to  the  enemy  is  visible  in  Iho 
rlai)orate  defences  of  his  condnct  that  so  frci|uently  appeared  in  a  lar{;e  pro- 
portion of  the  papers  published  to  the  eastward.  And,  stranij'o  to  tell,  there  was 
11  most  elaborate  set  of  essays  published  in  Bo.ston  un«ler  the  sip;nuiiire  of  I'acifi- 
cus,  defending  the  monstrous  claim  to  one  hundred  and  sixty-five  millions  of 
acres  of  ourterritoiy,  as  a  Siiic-fjua-mm  condition  of  peace.  These  cssaj  s  weri! 
ro]niblishe(l  in  most  of  the  federal  papers  throughout  the  union  without  com- 
inent  or  censure- 


'f*l 


"       'It- 

1i  I J 


'41 


t      Id' 


•  •■:  *i 


''  'lis 


■  ■'    •41! 

■If  ?l 

r'l'l        !i'- 


'  '1 


*■■ 


31:3 


POUTICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[ciAP.  57 


States  contributed  their  proportion  towards  the  common  cause  ? 
Great  Britain  would  in  that  case  have  been  weary  of  the  war  in 
twelve  months.  She  would  have  given  us  an  early  and  honour- 
able peace.  Millions  of  debts  and  taxes  would  have  been  saved 
—thousands  of  lives  on  both  sides  been  preserved — the  destruc- 
tion of  public  and  private  credit  been  prevented — and  the  two 
nations  would  have  been  early  restored  to  the  relations  of  com- 
merce and  friendship.  This  is  an  awful  view  of  the  labours  of 
the  ^^  peace  party. ^* 


■r 


CHAPTER  LVII. 


Parties  change  name    and  character.     Jacohins.    Definition. 

Unholy  struggle  for  power ^  the  cause  of  all  our  difficulties. 

Parties  sometimes  change  their  names,  though  they  retain 
their  principles.  But  they  more  frequently  change  their  cha- 
racter, and  conduct,  and  principles,  still  retaining  their  names. 
On  many  occasions  in  England,  whig  administrations  have  en- 
forced tory  measures.  And  some  of  the  most  whiggish  mea- 
sures have  been  adopted  by  tory  administrations.  A  very  large 
number  of  the  democrats  in  ir93,  particularly  in  the  western 
parts  of  Pennsylvania,  were  rank  jacobins  and  disorganizers. 
They  offered  violence  to  the  government,  and  raised  an  insur- 
rection, to  free  themselves  from  a  paltry  excise  on  whiskey,  one 
of  the  most  rational  and  salutary  taxes  ever  devised.  Most  of 
those  men  vho  then  violated  the  laws  in  this  respect,  are  now 
strenuous  su[;.porters  of  the  government. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  federalists  of  1793,  4,  5,  6,  7,  and  8, 
were  zealous  '■^friends  of  order  and  good  government."  This 
was  with  them  a  sort  of  watth-word.  They  were  ardent  sup- 
porters of  the  honour  of  the  constituted  authorities,  which  they 
identified  with  their  own.  A  very  large  portion  of  them  still 
adhere  to  the  good  old  faith  and  practice.  But  there  are  too 
many  who  are  arrant  jacobins  and  disorganizers,  and  as  ripe 
for  tumult  and  commotion,  as  the  most  violent  democrats  of  1 7'J3. 
They  may  murmur  and  may  curse  me  for  this  declaration  as 
much  as  they  please.  I  care  not.  They  may  exhaust  Emul- 
phus's  whole  collection  of  maledictions  on  my  devoted  head. 
But  were  these  maledictions  ten  times  reiterated,  they  would 
not  efface  from  their  escutcheon  the  foul  blot  of  jacobinism.  A 
jacobin  is  a  man  of  violence  in  politics— an  enemy  to  legal  go- 
vernment—a man  ripe  for  revolution.  1  his  definition  is  substan- 
tially correct.  And  every  man,  therefore,  is  a  jacobin  who  was 
in  favour  of  sending  to  Elba^  the  President  of  the  United  States^ 
chosen  by  the  unbiassed  votes  of  a  free  nation.  Every  man  is  a 
rank  jacobin,  who  yras  for  putting  down  the  administration  hy 
force.  Every  man  is  a  rank  jacobin,  who,  with  Cyrus  King,  of 
Massachusetts,  regardless  of  decency,  decorum,  propriety,  or 
dignity  of  character,  theatened  the  president  in  an  inuendo  xvith 


vuAP.  57.] 


STRUGt.    t,  FOB  01     ICE. 


313 


,  ? 


a  halter.^  Every  man  is  a  rank  jacobi/i^  wh  id»  Mr  '.'ole- 
man,  editor  of  the  New  York  Evening  Post,  pi  erred  xva  with 
all  its  horrors^  all  its  clevastatio7is^  to  a  contnma,>ie  of  the  f  .  sent 
administration.  Every  man  is  a  rank,  furious,  cn\  (.nom  a,  and 
dangerous  jacobin,  who,  with  Mr.  Blake,  a  quondam  democrat, 
seized  the  advantage  of  a  distressing  war,  to  organize  one  por- 
tion of  the  nation  in  hostility  against  the  rest.f 

In  fine,  every  man  who  wishes  the  n»inority  to  trample  down 
and  rule  the  majority — who  himself  opposes,  or  who  excites  op- 
position to,  the  laws — who  seeks  to  dissolve  the  union  under  any 
pretext  whatever — who  defends  the  enemies  of  his  country, 
right  or  wrong,  and  slanders  and  degrades  his  own  government, 
is  an  enrage — a  disorganizer — a  jacobin. 

Struggle  for  office. 

It  is  in  vain  to  disguise  the  truth.  Would  to  God,  that  I  had 
a  voice  of  thunder  to  proclaim  it  through  the  nation !  The  con- 
vulsions and  dangers  of  our  country  arose  from  the  lust  of  of- 
fice and  power.  The  safety,  the  welfare,  the  happiness  of  eight 
millions  of  people  and  their  posterity,  were  jeopardized  and  ex- 
posed to  ruin,  in  the  unholy  struggle.  To  embarrass,  disgrace, 
and  render  odious  and  unpopular  the  men  possessed  of  power, 
for  the  purpose  of  displacing  them,  and  vaulting  into  the  vacant 
seats,  is  a  procedure,  as  ancient  as  government  itself.  And  that 
it  has  been  almost  universally  prevalent  here,  is  incontroverti- 
ble. It  is  not  wonderful  that  those  whose  grand  and  sole  ob- 
jects are  power,  and  the  emoluments  of  office,  should  pursue 
this  plan.  The  depravity  of  human  nature  sufficiently  accounts 
for  rt.  But  that  a  large  portion  of  the  community  who  neither 
have  nor  hope  for  places  of  honour  or  profit,  should  lend  them- 

*  To  the  dis^'ace  and  dishonour  of  the  house  of  representatives  of  the  Uni- 
ted  States,  this  vile  elfusion  of  Billingsgate  was  allowed  to  pass  without  &  call 
to  order. 

f  Mr.  Blake  is  likely  to  he  a  conspicuous  character.  Neither  Miirat,  Dan- 
ton,  nor  Robespierre  began  their  career  with  more  violence  than  he  has  already 
displayed.  JVfim  repente  turpissimus.  He  will  improve  as  he  goes  on.  j 
stake  my  existence,  that  had  a  civil  war  taken  place  (as  would  have  heen  tlie 
case,  hail  Mr.  Blake's  counsels  prevailed)  and  had  his  party  not  been  crushed  in 
the  conflict,  as  they  probably  would;  iftiiey  liad  acquired  the  ascendency,  there 
would  have  been  as  summary  process  with  the  democrats  of  that  quarter  as 
there  was  with  the  royalists  under  the  guillotine  government  of  Pans,  J\Ien  are 
monsters  all  the  world  over,  when  unrestrained  by  law  arid  constitution.  I  hope  in 
the  tender  mercy  of  (iod,  we  shall  never  try  the  experiment.  But  if,  in  the  ven- 
geance of  heaven,  we  are  destined  to  do  it,  we  snail  add  our  example  to  that 
of  Prance  in  proof  of  this  theory.  Mr.  Blake  transcended  his  friend  Afr.  Otis 
far.  The  latter  gentleman  was  surely  violent  enough ;  but  he  was  obliged  to  curb 
and  restrain  the  converted  democrat.  Perhaps  this  was  a  mse  de  gueire  ,•  per- 
haps  the  outrageous  violence  of  Mr.  Blake  was  intended  to  form  a  contrast  with 
the  mildness  of  the  projet  of  ,Mr.  Otis,  who  wiis  thereby  to  gain  the  popular  ti- 
tle of  a  "moddr^."  Otd  Lord  Burleigh,  or  Machiavel  himself,  could  not  ar- 
range the  matter  better.  But,  reader,  I  merely  gw-ss  at  these  things,  lam 
too  fax  removed  from  lUe  political  chess  board,  to  judge  of  the  stale  of  the  game. 


I 


Vf 


I    1 


iii    k 


'Will 


314 


POUTICAL  OUVE  BRANCH. 


[CHAF.  38. 


selves  to  such  a  scheme — should  allow  themselves  to  be  made 
instruments  to  be  wielded  for  the  purpose — that  they  should,  as 
the  history  of  this  young  country  has  often  verified,  shut  their 
eyes  to  the  vital  interests  of  the  nation,  in  order  to  promote  the 
aggrandizement  of  a  few  men,  is  really  astonishing. 

The  following  paragraph  from  the  New  York  Evening  Post, 
is  as  candid  a  confession  of  a  most  sinister  object  as  ever  w'as 
made.  While  we  were  exposed  to  all  the  horrors  of  war — our 
cities  and  towns  liable  to  Copenhagenism — our  wives  and  our 
daughters  to  violation — it  was  ingenuously  avowed,  that  all 
these  frightful  evils  were  of  no  account  compared  with  the  eX' 
cbision  of  Mr.  Coleman's  friends  from  office  ! ! !  It  is  impossi- 
ble to  mistake  the  idea.  It  is  capable  of  no  other  than  this  in- 
terpretation. However  we  reprobate  its  want  of  public  spirit, 
its  candour  commands  applause. 

"  What  would  be  the  value  of  a  peace,  if  not  attended  with  a  change  of 
those  rulers  who  are  drivin,e^  the  country  headlong  to  ruin  ?  A  PEACE,  if  such 
be  its  ejects,  WOULD  RE  THE  HEAVIEST  OF  CURSES.  There  is  no  et^ent 
that  could  happen  ,•  no  possible  condition  of  tliinc^s  that  could  be  imagined,  which 
ought  not  to  be  deplored,  and  avoided,  as  'the  HEAVIEST  OF  CALAMITIES, 
ifitii  tendenci)  is  to  perpetuate  power  in  the  profigate  hands  that  for  sixteen  years 
have  gwerned  this  unhappy  country." 

The  man  who  can  read  these  declarations  without  shudder- 
ing with  horror,  must  have  his  moral  feelings  destroyed,  or  at 
least  blunted  to  an  extreme  degree.  These  sentiments  have  ap- 
peared in  other  papers  besides  the  New  York  Evening  Post. 

This  paragraph  affords  a  complete  clue  to  all  the  convulsive 
struggles  in  congress — all  the  efforts  to  prevent  the  success  of 
every  measure  calculated  to  meet  the  emergencies  of  the  war. 
The  possession  of  power  on  the  one  hand,  or  the  perdition  of 
the  country  on  the  other,  were  the  alternatives.  The  parties, 
alas !  had  no  hesitation  about  forcing  the  choice  on  their  ill- 
utarred  country ! 


CHAPTER  LVIII. 


■^ 


"  Thou  shah  not  vex  the  stranger,  nor  oppress  }iim  ,•  for  ye  were  strangers  in  the 
land  of  Egypt"     Exodus,  xxii.  21. 

IlUheralitif  of  prejudices  a^^ainst  foreigners.  Ungrateful  on  the 
part  of  America.  Irishmen  and  Frenchmcji  peculiar  objects 
of  dislike.  Pemisylvania  line.  Extreme  sujffering.  Tempt- 
ing allurements.  Utishaken  virtue  and  heroism.  Arnold,  Silas 
Deane.  Refugees. 

"The  real  cause  of  the  war  must  be  traced  to  •  ♦  •  •  *  the  influence  of 
worthless  foreigners  over  tlie  press,  and  the  deliberations  of  the  government  in 
all  its  branches."  /ieply  of  the  house  of  representativet  of  Massachusetts  to  the 
ij)eech  of  governor  Strong,  June,  1814. 

I  HAVE  long  desired  a  fair  opportunity  of  handling  this  topic. 
I  have  long  felt  indignant  at  the  discrimii^te  abuse  hurled  on 


«AiP.  58.] 


PREJUDICES  AGAINST  FOREIGNERS. 


31S 


foreigners  in  general — and  more  particularly  on  the  Irish,  on 
whose  devoted  heads  are  incessantly  '■'poured  out  the  vials  of 
xvrath,^* 

There  is  no  country  that  owes  more  to-^there  is  no  country 
has  more  need  of — foreigners.  There  is  perhaps  no  country  in 
which  they  are  more  the  objects  of  invective,  of  reproaches,  of 
envy  and  jealousy. 

A  jealousy  of  foreigners  prevails  in  England.  But  it  is  con- 
fined to  the  canaille,  \.  ho,  trundling  their  barrows — sweeping  the 
streets— or  pursuing  their  genteel  offices  of  chimney  sweeps  and 
night  men — hate  and  despise  the  bag  and  tail  parleyvous — the 
blundering  Irishman — the  simple  sarvney  Scotchman — the  leek- 
eating  Welchman.  In  fact,  every  man  who  wears  a  coat  differ- 
ent from  his  own,  or  who  displays  any  indication  that  prov^T=^ 
him  not  to  be  a  "true-bom  Englishman,"  is  an  object  of  c<  ->, 
tempt  to  an  English  scavenger. 

But  it  is  not  thus  in  high  life  in  that  country.  A  '^  v  t  r  l" 
genteel  manners —  decent  address — and  good  character ,  •  \  x;\ u- ,i 
with  the  attention  and  politeness  he  deserves. 

With  a  degree  of  magnanimity,  deserving  of  \::•d^:. 
worthy  of  being  copied,  England,  who  possesses  ai;a.iaance  of 
artists  of  high  standing,  and  sterling  merits,  appointed  the 
American  West,  as  president  of  her  royal  academy.  France, 
with  a  constellation  of  native  talents  never  exceeded,  entrusted 
her  armies  to  a  Berwick,  to  aSaxe,  to  a  Miranda,  to  a  Kellerman. 
At  a  more  recent  period,  a  Swiss  banker  presided  over  her  finan- 
cial concerns.  Russia  has  frequently  placed  over  her  fleets 
Scotch  naval  heroes.  In  fact,  explore  Christendom,  and  you 
will  find  there  is  no  country  so  savage,  so  uncultivated,  or  so 
highly  polished  and  refined,  which  does  not  cheerfully  avail  it- 
self of  the  proffered  talents  of  the  foreigner  who  makes  his  per^^ 
nianent  domicil  there. 

But  in  this  "  most  enlightened^^  of  all  the  enlightened  nations 
of  the  earth,  party  spirit  has  excited  a  peculiar  degree  of  ma- 
levolence against  the  Irish  and  the  French — and  for  the  same 
reason ;  because  England  is  hostile  to  both.  The  urbanity,  the 
mildness,  the  equanimity,  the  refinement,  and  the  politeness  of 
the  Frenchman,  avail  him  nothing.  He  is  an  object  of  jealousy 
and  ill-will,  in  spite  of  all  his  own  good  and  endearing  qualities, 
and  in  spite  too  of  the  services  his  nation  "  in  the  fiery  hour 
oftrial^^''  rendered  the  United  States.  The  poor,  persecuted, 
proscribed,  and  oppressed  Irishman,  hunted  out  of  his  own  coun- 
try, and  knowing  the  value  of  liberty  here,  from  the  privation  of 
it  there — finds  the  antipathies  of  his  lords  and  mnsters  transfer- 
red to  many  of  those  whose  fellow  citizen  he  Intends  to  become. 
To  some  of  these  narrow,  infatuaf-d,  bigotted  ai  .1  illiberal  men, 
a  Hottentot,  or  a  Caffrarian,  or  a  Japanese,  would  be  more  ac- 
ceptable than  an  Irishman. 


j?i 


m 


lh* 


n6 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[chap.  58. 


One  circumstance — were  there  no  other  on  record — ought  to 
endear  to  Americans,  the  name,  the  country  of  an  Irishman.  It 
has  a  high  claim,  not  cancelled,  on  the  pen  of  the  historian.  It 
has  not  yet  had  justice  done  it.  Let  me  grace  my  book  with 
the  narrative. 

During  the  American  revolution,  a  band  of  Irishmen  were 
embodied  to  avenge,  in  the  country  of  their  adoption,  the  inju- 
ries of  the  country  of  their  birth.  They  formed  the  major  part 
of  the  celebrated  Pennsylvania  line.  They  bravely  fought  and 
bled  for  the  United  States.  Many  of  them  sealed  their  attach- 
ment with  their  lives.  Their  adopted  country  was  shamefully 
ungrateful.  The  wealthy,  the  independent,  and  the  luxurious, 
for  whom  they  fought,  were  rioting  in  the  superfluities  of  life, 
while  their  defenders  were  literally  half  starved,  and  half  na- 
ked. Their  shoeless  feet  marked  with  blood  their  tracks  on  the 
highway.  They  long  bore  their  grievances  patiently.  They  at 
length  murmured.  They  remonstrated.  They  implored  a  sup- 
ply of  the  necessaries  of  life ;  but  in  vain.  A  deaf  ear  was 
turned  to  their  complaints.*  They  felt  indignant  at  the  cold 
neglxt — at  the  ingratitude — of  that  country  for  which  so  many 
of  their  companions  in  arms  had  expired  on  the  crimsoned  field 
of  battle.  They  held  arms  in  their  hands.  They  had  reached 
the  boundary  line,  beyond  which  forbearance  and  submission  be- 
come meanness  and  pusillanimity.  As  all  appeals  to  the  grati- 
tude, the  justice,  the  generosity  of  the  country ^  had  proved  una- 
vailing, they  determined  to  try  another  course.    They  appealed 

•  It  is  painful  to  state  anmch  more  recent  case  of  this  ingratitude,  which  it 
hig^hly  (Ls(-rc(lital)Ie  to  the  city  of  Philadelphia.  In  the  summer  of  the  yeai- 
1814,  this  city  was  struck  with  fear  of  a  foe,  who  was  believed  to  be  preparing 
to  attack  us.  Thousandsof  citi/.ens,  many  of  them  hundreds  of  miles  remote 
from  us,  volunteerctl  their  services  in  our  defence.  Tliey  left  their  homes, 
tlicir  firesides,  their  parents,  their  wi»cs,  their  children,  their  business,  and  all 
their  domestic  enjoyments,  t/»  protect  us.  We  made  them  a  base  return.  They 
pined  and  languished  in  the  hardships  of  a  camp,  neglected — grossly,  shamc- 
ftdly  neglected,  by  those  for  whom  they  were  prepaiedto  risk  their  precious 
lives.  Contributions  were  requested  by  the  committee  of  defence  for  the 
comfort  of  the  soldiers,  and  for  the  support  of  their  wives  and  children.— 
It  is  painful  to  state,  but  it  must  be  stated,  that  in  a  city  where  there  are  pro- 
bably one  hundred  |)ersons  worth  above  gi.'iO.OOO — thirty  or  forty  worth  3  or 
400,0(X),  and  seveml  supposed  to  be  worth  millions ;  the  whole  contribution 
did  not  exceed  {%5,00() ;  a  sum  which  half  a  dozen  individuals  ought  to  have 
contributed  thvmselves.  The  ingratitude  and  want  of  liberality  of  the  citizens 
of  I'hiladelphia,  and  tiie  poverty  of  the  government,  which  was  unable  to  pay 
the  militia  their  haiil  earned  dues,  fnrcrd  mnny  nfthfin  In  dejtend  un  rhnriUi  for 
the  mrniin  of  michintf  their  (fintiint  hnrnen  !  !  !  (^ould  the  immortal  Pkxw,  the 
founder  of  the  City  of  llrotlierly  love,  look  down  from  the  regions  of  bliss,  wh<.  ro 
he  is  at  rest,  he  must  have  siglicd  over  the  disgntceful  scene. 

"  The  qiiality  of  nieiry  is  not  strained  : 

It  dropnefli  as  the  g<Mitle  dew  from  Heaven 

I'pon  tile  place  beneath.     It  is  twice  bh>ss*d. 

It  blcssclh  him  that  |;ivc!),  and  iiim  Uiat  takes."  i 


CHAP.  58.] 


PREJUDICES  AGAINST  FOREIGNERS. 


31? 


to  her  fears.  They  mutinied.  They  demanded  with  energy 
that  redress  for  which  they  had  before  supplicated.  It  was  a 
noble  procedure.  I  hope  in  all  similar  cases,  similar  measures 
will  be  pursued. 

The  intelligence  was  carried  to  the  British  camp.  It  there 
spread  joy  and  gladness.  Lord  Howe  hoped  that  a  period  had 
arrived  to  the  "  rebellion^^  as  it  would  have  been  termed.  There 
was  a  glorious  opportunity  of  crushing  the  half>formed  embryo 
of  the  republic.  He  counted  largely  on  the  indignation,  and  on 
the  resentment  of  the  natives  of  "  the  emerald  isle,^*  He  knew 
the  irascibility  of  their  tempers.  He  calculated  on  the  diminu- 
tion of  the  strength  of  "  the  rebels^'^  and  accession  to  the  num- 
bers of  the  royal  army.  Messengers  were  despatched  to  the  mu- 
tineers. They  had  carte  blanche.  They  were  to  allure  the  poor 
Hibernians  to  return,  like  prodigal  children,  from  feeding  on 
husks,  to  the  plentiful  fold  of  their  royal  master.  Liberality 
herself  presided  over  Howe's  offers.  Abundant  supplies  of  pro- 
visions— comfortable  clothing  to  their  heart's  desire — all  arrears 
of  pay — ^bounties — and  pardon  for  past  offences,  were  offered. 
There  was,  however,  no  hesitation  among  these  poor,  neglected 
warriors.  They  refused  to  renounce  poverty,  nakedness,  suffer, 
ing,  and  ingratitude.  The  splendid  temptations  were  held  out 
in  vain.  There  was  no  Judas,  no  Arnold  there.  They  seiz- 
ed the  tempters,  and  trampled  on  their  shining  ore.  They 
sent  them  to  their  general's  tent.  The  miserable  wretches 
paid  their  forfeit  lives  for  attempting  to  seduce  a  band  of  rag- 
ged, forlorn,  and  deserted,  but  illustrious  heroes.  We  prate 
about  Koman,  about  Grecian  patriotism.  One  half  of  it  is  false. 
In  the  other  half,  there  ia  nothing  that  excels  this  noble  trait, 
which  is  worthy  the  pencil  of  a  West  or  a  Trumbull. 

Let  me  reverse  the  scene.  Let  me  introduce  some  characters 
of  a  different  stamp.  Who  is  that  miscreant  yonder — dark,  de- 
signing, haggard— treachery  on  his  countenance — a  dagger  in 
his  hand?  Is  it  not  Arnold  ?  It  is.  Was  he  an  Irishman?  No. 
He  was  not  of  the  despised  cast,  the  foreigners.  He  was  an 
American.     Neither  Irish  nor  French  blood  flowed  in  his  veins. 

Behold,  there  is  another.  Who  is  he,  that,  Judas  like,  is 
pocketing  the  wages  of  corruption,  for  which  he  has  sold  his 
rountry  ?  Is  he  an  Irishman  i  No.  He  is  a  native  American. 
His  name  is  Silas  Dcane. 

But  surely  that  numerous  band  of  rufHans,  and  plunderers, 
and  murderers,  who  are  marauding  and  robbing — who  are  shoot- 
ing down  poor  farmers,  and  their  wives,  and  their  children,  are 
^^forrij^'ners.^*  It  ia  impossible  they  can  be  natives.  No  na- 
tive American  would  perpetrate  such  barbarities  on  his  unoffend- 
ing fellow  citizens.  It  is  an  error.  They  are  refugees  and  to- 
rics— all  native  bom. 
42 


::i:  ■MB 


m 


31B 


I'OLlTICAl,  OI.IVK  nitANCIf. 


[t.iuiv  riH. 


U 


I  am  an  Irishman.  With  the  caiifiilli'  in  supnfinc  cloths  and 
HilkH^UH  wtll  as  with  the  canaillv  in  rags  and  tattirs,  this  is  a  snl)- 
ject  of  reproach.  Kvery  man,  woman,  or  ciiild,  base  enough  to 
attach  disgrace  to  any  person  on  account  ol'  his  country,  is 
worthy  ot"  the  most  sovereign,  the  most  inetVal)h-  contempt.  Let 
ihem  move  in  what  sphere  they  may,  whether  in  cort'ee-houses, 
or  ball-rooms,  or  palaces — in  hovels,  or  garrets,  or  cellars — they 

are  groveling,   sordid,   and    contemptible. 'I'o   express  tiie 

whole  in  two  words— pity  tlierc  were  not  words  more  lortible— 
they  are  MKHK  CANAILLE. 

I  glory,  I  ieel  a  pride  in  the  name  of  Irishman.  There  ih 
not,  under  the  canopy  of  Heaven,  another  nati<m,  which,  ground 
to  the  earth  as  Ireland  has  been,  for  six  hwulred  years,  under  so 
vile  a  proconsular  government — almost  every  viceroy  a  Verres 
—a  government,  whose  fundamental  maxim  is,  "divide  and<le- 
stroy" — whose  existence  depends  on  fomenting  the  hostility  of 
the  Protestant  against  the  Presbyterian  and  Catholic, and  that  of 
the  Catholic  against  the  Protestant  and  Presbyterian — there  is 
not,  I  say,  another  nation,  which,  under  such  circumstances, 
wovdd  have  preserved  the  slightest  ray  of  respectability  of  cha- 
racter. 

A  book  now  lies  before  me,  which,  in  a  few  lines,  with  great 
naivete,  developes  the  horril)le  system  pursued  by  England  in 
the  govermnent  of  Ireland,  to  excite  the  jealousy  of  one  part 
of  the  nation  against  the  other.  A  schemer,  of  the  name  of 
Wood,  had  influence  enough  u»  procure  a  patent  for  supplying 
Ireland  with  copper  coin  in  the  year  1724,  wherel)y  he  would 
have  amassed  an  immense  fortune  by  fleecing  the  nation  of  its 
gold  and  wilver  in  return  for  his  base  copper.  Dean  Swift  ex- 
posed the  intended  fraud  with  such  /eal  and  ability,  that  he 
nroused  the  public  indignation  at  the  attempt,  and  thus  the  pro- 

I'cctor  was  tairly  defeated,  and  his  patent  revoked.  Primate 
Joulter,  who  was  at  that  period  prime  minister  of  Ireland,  in  a 
letter  to  the  Duke  of  Newcastle,  deph)res  the  consecpiences  of 
t.his  fraudulent  attempt,  in  unilinif  parties  rvhic/i,  till  tfirn^  had 
i>een  emhittcrt'd  nirmics.  This  grand  dignitary  of  the  church 
regarded  a  cessation  of  discord  and  hostility  among  the  oppress- 
ed Irish,  as  a  most  alarming  event!  pregnant  with  danger  to  the 
authority  ol"  England  !  But,  reader,  1  will  let  him  speak  for  him- 
hclf:      '  ^     . 

•*  The  ppr)j)h'  of  i-viTvrclijylon,  rotintrv.  (iiul  pnrtv  hrjT,  nrr  nlikr  spt  npnlnat 
>V(MKr»  lialf-|unii>  .  miA,  tlinr  ii^i-icnuMil  ii)  tliis  Iiuh  liud  \  \VM\  I'NIIAI'I'Y 
INFI.IKNCK  ON  TIIK.  AIM' VllJS  OF  IMK  J<\\'WS,t,>,  hriuirhirr  on  inlinui- 
«-|'c,«  helwifU  PiilHilH  tinil  .hii'iliitra,  utxtllw  M  /(/</■*',  whn  /njuir  hiiil  tin  cHrri'«/»«»i</f/i('(i 
wih  lArtw /  /  /*'     Hec  iJoulltr's Litti  is,  vol.  1,  punr  7.     Dublin  edition,  1770. 

Notwithstanding  all  the  grinding,  the  debasing  circumstances 
that  militate  ai»ainst  Irelanil  and  Irishmen,  there  is  no  country 
in  Christendom,  which  has  not  witnessed  the  heroism,  the  gene- 


i;HiP.  58.] 


PnrjUDlCES  AGAINST  FOREIGNERS. 


319 


rosity,  the  liberality  of  Irishmen — none,  where,  notwithstanding 
the  atrocious  calumnies  propagated  against  them  by  their  op- 
pressors, they  have  not  forced  their  way  through  the  thorny  and 
briery  paths  of  prejudice  and  jealousy,  to  honour,  to  esteem,  to 
respect. 

It  has  been  said,  that  they  arc  in  this  country  turbulent,  and 
refractory,  and  disorderly,  and  factious.  This  charge  is  as  base 
as  those  by  whom  it  is  advanced.  I'here  is  more  turbulence, 
more  faction,  more  disafTection  in  Boston,  whose  population  is 
only  33,(X)0,  and  which  has  as  lew  foreigners  as,  pi;thaps,  any 
town  in  the  world,  than  there  are  hi  the  two  states  of  Pennsyl- 
vania and  New  York,  with  a  population  of  1 ,700,000,  and  which 
contain  probably  two-thirds  of  all  the  native  Irishmen  in  this 
country.  While  native-born  citi/.cns,  some  of  wh<nn  pride  them- 
selves on  Indian  blood  flowing  in  their  veins,  and  others  who 
boast  of  a  holy  descent  from  Uiose  "  .sainted  pilgrims^'*  whom 
British  persecution  drove  to  the  howling  wilderness,  were  sacri- 
legiously and  wickedly  attempting  to  destroy  the  glorious  (would 
to  Heaven  I  could  say,  the  immortal)  fabric  of  our  unparalleled 
form  of  government ;  of  the  Irishmen  in  this  country,  high  and 
low,  ninety -nine  of  every  hundred  were  strenuously  labouring  to 
ward  off  the  stroke. 

I  said,  there  is  no  country  that  owes  more  to  foreigners  than 
the  United  States.  I  owe  it  to  myself  and  to  my  reader,  not  to 
let  a  point  of  such  importance  rest  on  mere  assertion.  Of  the 
men  who  actpiired  distinction  in  the  cabinet,  or  in  the  field,  du- 
ring the  rcvoluti(mary  war,  a  very  large  proportion  were  fo- 
reigners. In  "  the  times  that  tried  men's  souls,"  they  were 
gladly  received,  and  courteously  treated.  Their  services  were 
then  acceptable.  But  now,  like  the  squeezed  orange,  they  arc 
to  be  thrown  aside,  and  trodden  under  foot. 

The  illustrious  La  Fayette,  general  Lee,  general  (iates,  gen- 
eral Stewart,  the  inestimable  general  Montgomery,  general  Pu- 
laf  ',  general  Kosciusko,  banm  Steuben,  i)aron  de  Kalb,  general 
M'Pherson,  general  St.  Clair,  general  Hamiltcm,  Robert  Morris, 
the  amiable  Charles  Thompson,  judge  Wilscm,  baron  de  Cilau- 
bec,  Thomas  Paine,  Thomas  Fitzsimons,  William  Findley,  and 
hundreds  of  others,  eminent  during  the  revolution,  were  fo- 
reigners. Many  of  them  were  not  excelled  lot  services  and 
merits  by  any  native  American,  whether  the  blood  of  a  dingy 
Pocalumtas  crawled  through  his  veins,  or  whether  he  descended 
in  a  right  line  from  any  of  *'the  Pilgrims"  that  waged  war  against 
the  potent  Massasoit. 

Since  the  preceding  pages  were  written,  I  have  met  with  a 
pa  nnhlet  of  great  merit,  written  by  one  of  the  authors  of 
"  Salmagundi,"  from  which  I  (juotc  the  following  statement 
with  |iieusure  :  as  affording  an  ahK-  \  indication  of  the  Irish,  and 


\M 

m 

''^iM-. 

m 

■'  Wi 

^ 

■  '■  fk' 

|ii 

i 


m 


POLITICAL  OUVE  BRANCH. 


[chip.  53 


a  fair  sketch  of  the  oppressions  and  wrongs  they  have  endured. 
In  the  name  of  the  nation  I  thank  the  writer  for  this  generous 
cifusion,  of  which  the  value  is  greatly  enhanced,  by  the  extreme 
rarity  of  such  liberality  towards  Ireland  or  Irishmen  on  this  side 
of  the  Atlantic.  The  work  has,  moreover,  the  merit  of  being 
an  excellent  defence  of  this  country  against  the  abuse  of  British 
critics.  It  is  earnestly  recommended  to  the  perusal  of  every 
American  who  feels  for  the  honour  of  his  country. 

"  The  histonr  of  Ireland's  unhappy  connexion  with  England,  exhibits,  from 
first  to  last,  a  detail  of  the  most  pci-scvering',  galling,  grinding,  insulting,  and 
systematic  oppression,  to  be  found  any  wliere  except  amoiig  the  helots  nf  Uparta. 
There  is  not  a  national  feeling  that  has  not  been  insulted  and  trodden  under 
foot ;  a  national  right  that  has  not  been  withhcid,  until  fear  forced  it  from  the 

Sasp  of  England ;  or  a  dear,  or  ancient  prejudice,  that  has  not  been  violated  in 
at  abused  country.  As  Christians,  the  ])eople  of  Ireland  have  been  denied, 
under  penalties  and  disqualifications,  the  exercise  of  tlie  rites  of  the  Catholic 
religion,  venerable  for  il»  antitpiity  ;  admiriiblf  for  its  unity  ;  and  cimsecratetl  by 
the  belief  of  some  of  the  best  men  that  ever  bi-eathed.  As  men  they  have  been  de- 
prived of  the  common  rights  of  Uritish  subjects  under  the  pretext  that  thejr 
were  incapable  of  enjo}in^tlicm  :  which  pretext  had  no  other  foundation  than 
their  resistance  of  oppression,  only  the  more  severe  by  being  sanctioned  by  the 
laws.  ENGLAND  FHtST  UfcNlED  THEM  THE  MEANS  OF  IMPROVE. 
MENT ;  ANU  THEN  INSULTED  THEM  WITH  THE  IMPUTATION  OF 
BARBARISM." 

While  on  the  point  of  closing  this  page,  I  have  been  furnished 
with  a  noble  effusion  on  this  subject,  from  very  high  authority. 
Its  sttrlino;  merits,  and  its  justice  towards  the  nation  I  have 
dared  to  vmdicate,  will  warrant  its  insertion,  and  amply  com- 
pensate the  perusal. 

«••••••••••  ^  dependency  of  Great  Britain,  Ireland  has  long  Ian- 

gtdshed  under  oppression  reprobated  by  humanity,  and  discountenanced  by  jvst 
policy.  It  would  argtie  penury  of  hmnan  feelings,und  ignorance  of  human  rights, 
to  submit  patiently  to  those  oppressions.  Centuries  have  witnessed  the  stiiiffffles  of 
Irtlandt  nut  with  only  partial  success.  Rebellions  and  insurrections  have  conti- 
nued with  but  short  intervals  of  tranc^uillity.  Many  of  the  Irish,  like  the  French, 
ure  the  hereditary  foes  of  Great  Mritam.  ,1merica  has  opened  Iter  arms  to  thr  op- 
pressed nf  all  nations.  No  people  have  availed  themsi.' Ives  nf  the  asylum  with 
more  iilucritv,  or  in  greater  lumibers  tlmn  the  Irish.  HIGH  IS  THE  MEED  OK 
PRAISE,  RICH  I'HF.  REWARD,  WHICH  IKISHMEN  HAVE  MEHITED 
FROM  THE  GRATITUDE  OF  AMEUICA.  AS  HEROES  AND  STATES. 
MEN,  THEY  HONOUR  TIIEIR  ADOPTED  COUNTRY." 

The  above  sublime  and  correct  tribute  of  praise,  is  extracted 
from  the  Ft'ileral  Relmblkau^  of  June  22,  1812,  and  forms  part 
of  an  unanimous  atidress  agreed  to  by  \\\g  federal  members  of 
the  legislature  of  Maryland,  to  the  people  of  that  state. 

I  have  been  highly  and  ver}-  unexpectedly  gratified  to  find 
another  advocate  and  defender  of  the  Irish  nation,  since  the  pub- 
lication of  my  formir edition.  Mr.  Coleman, the  editor  of  the 
Nt'w-Tork  Kvcninif  Poftf^  bears  this  strong  testimony  in  favouf 
of  that  nation,  in  his  paper  of  the  seventh  of  March,  1815  : 

•  Sec  pamphlet  entitled  "  The  I  iiilcd  States  and  England,"  pnge  99, 


i 


OHAP.  59.] 


ADDRESS  TO  THE  FEDERALISTS 


321 


"  JVo  character  is  more  estimable  and  respectable  than  tliat  of  tlie  renl  Irish  gen- 
tJeman  .■  and  those  -who  have  come  to  reside  among  71s,  are  distinguished  by  the  tir- 
banity  of  their  manners,  and  tite  liberality  of  their  ndnds." 

CHAPTER  LIX. 

Address  to  the  Federalists  of  the  United  States.* 

GENTLEMEN, 

An  attentive  perusal  of  the  preceding  pages,  can,  I  hope, 
hardly  have  failed  to  place  me  beyond  the  suspicion  of  the  des- 
picable vice,  flatteiy — and  must  give  to  my  commendation  at 
least  the  merit  of  smcerity. 

After  these  introductory  remarks,  I  make  no  scruple  to  declare 
my  decided  conviction,  that  in  private  life,  I  know  of  no  party, 
in  ancient  or  modem  history,  more  entitled  to  respect,  to  esteem, 
to  regard,  than  the  American  federalists  in  general,  in  all  the 
social  relations,  of  husbands,  parents,  brothers,  children,  and 
friends.  There  are  exceptions.  But  they  are  as  few  as  apply  to 
any  body  equally  numerous.  Political  prejudice,  or  the  widest 
difference  of  opinions,  has  never  so  far  obscured  my  visual  ray, 
as  to  prevent  me  from  discerning,  or  my  reasoning  faculty  from 
acknowledging  this  strong,  this  honourable  truth — the  more  de- 
cisive in  its  nature,  from  being  pronounced  by  a  political  oppo- 
nent. 

But,  fellow-citizens,  after  this  frank  declaration  in  your  praise 
as  to  private  life,  and  for  private  virtue,  let  me  freely  discuss 
your  public  conduct.  Believe  me,  I  mean  not  to  offend.  I  trust 
I  shall  not.  I  address  you  the  words  of  truth.  The  crisis  forbids 
the  use  of  ceremony.  I  hope  you  will  give  the  subject  a  serious 
consideration — and  receive  with  indulgence  what  emanates  from 
candour  and  friendship. 

I  believe  there  is  not  to  be  found,  in  the  widest  range  of  his- 
tory, another  instance  of  a  party  so  enlightened,  so  intelligent, 
so  respectable,  and  in  private  life  so  virtuous,  yielding  them- 
selves up  so  blindly,  so  submissively,  and  with  so  complete  an 
abandonment  of  the  plainest  dictates  of  reason  and  common 
sense,  into  the  hands  of  leaders  so  undeservi'  c;  of  their  confi- 
dence. In  and  after  the  days  of  Washington,  you  stood  on  a 
proud  eminence— on  high  and  commanding  ground.  You  were 
friends  of  order  and  good  government.  You  were  trem- 
blingly alive  to  the  honour  of  your  country.  You  identified  <t 
with  your  own.  But  it  is  difficult  to  find  a  more  lamentable  change 
in  the  conduct  of  any  body  of  men  than  has  taken  place  with 
your  leaders.    The  mind  can  hardly  conceive  a  greater  contrast 

•  This  cimptcr  was  wTitten,  lot  it  be  observed,  in  November,  1814.  I  could 
not  alter  it  mo  iw  to  suit  it  to  exiMtinjy  cirrnmHtuncc!).  I  have  tliercfore  iiUowed 
it  to  remain  w  a  tcstijnony  of  tlie  atale  of  the  nation  at  thut  period.    . 


1!  t:    , 


;!-.Jl 


i.i, 


I.   ■« 


$& 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[CHAF.  59. 


than  between  a  genuine  Washingtonian  federalist  of  1790,  l,  2, 
3,  4, 5,  and  6,  and  the  Bostonian,  who,  covered  with  the  pre- 
tended mantle  of  Washingtonian  federalism,  destroys  the  credit 
of  his  own  government,  and  collects  the  metallic  medium  of  the 
nation,  to  foster  the  armies  preparing  to  attack  and  lay  it  waste. 
Never  were  holy  terms  so  prostituted.  Washington  from  Heaven 
looks  down  with  indignation  at  such  a  vile  perversion  of  the  au- 
thority of  his  name. 

Let  me  request  your  attention  to  a  few  facts — and  to  reflec- 
tions and  queries,  resulting  from  them — 

I.  Your  proceedings  and  your  views  are  eulogized  in  Mon- 
treal, Quebec,  Halifax,  London,  and  Liverpool.  The  Courier, 
and  the  Times,  and  all  the  other  government  papers  are  loud 
and  uniform  in  your  praise. — This  is  an  awful  fact,  and  ought 
to  make  you  pause  in  your  career. 

IL  Tour  party  rises  as  your  country  sinks.  It  sinks  as  your 
country  rises.  This  is  another  awful  fact.  It  cannot  fail  to 
rend  the  heart  of  every  public-spirited  man  among  you.  For  the 
love  of  the  God  of  Peace — by  the  shade  of  Washington — by 
that  country  which  contains  all  you  hold  dear,  I  adjure  you  to 
Weigh  well  this  sentence — you  sink  as  your  country  rises.  Yes, 
it  is  indubitably  so.  It  is  a  terrific  and  appalling  truth.  And 
you  rise  as  that  desponding,  lacerated,  perishing,  betrayed  coun- 
try sinks,  "  I  would  rather  be  a  dog,  and  bay  the  moon,"  than 
stand  in  this  odious  predicament. 

III.  Had  there  been  two  or  three  surrenders  like  general 
Hull's — ^had  Copenhagenism  befallen  New  York,  or  Philadelphia, 
or  Baltimore,  or  Charleston — or  had  our  Constitutions,  and 
United  States,  and  Presidents,  and  Constellations,  been  sunk  or 
carried  into  Halifax — and  our  Porters,  and  Biddies,  and  Bain- 
bridges,  and  Perrys,  and  Hulls,  been  killed  or  taken  prisoners, 
your  leaders  would  have  been  crowned  with  complete  success. 
They  would  have  been  wafted  on  a  spring  tide  to  that  pow  er 
which  is  "  the  God  of  their  idolatry."  Every  event  that  sheds 
lustre  on  the  arms  of  America  is  to  them  a  defeat.  It  removes  to  a 
distance  the  prize  to  which  their  eyes  ancf  eflbrts  are  directed. 
But  every  circumstance  that  entails  disgrace  or  distress  on  the 
country,  whether  it  be  bankruptcy,  defeat,  treachery,  or  cowar- 
dice, is  auspicious  to  their  views. 

iV.  Never  has  the  sun  in  his  glorious  course,  beheld  so  esti- 
mable, so  respectable,  so  enlightened  a  party  as  you  are,  in  the 
frightful  situation,  in  which  the  ambition  of  your  leaders,  and 
your  own  tame,  thoughtless,  inexplicable  acquiescence  have 
placed  you. 

V.  By  fulminations  from  the  pulpit — by  denunciations  from 
the  press — by  a  profuse  use  of  British  government  bills — by  un- 


caip.  59.] 


ADDRESS  TO  THE  FEDERAUSTS. 


333 


usual,  unnecessary,  hostile,  and  oppressive  drafts  for  specie  on 
the  New  York  banks  ;  and  by  various  other  unholy,  treasonable, 
and  wicked  means,  the  leaders  of  your  party  in  Boston  have 
reduced  the  government  to  temporary  bankruptcy ;  have  pro- 
duced the  same  effect  on  the  banks ;  have  depreciated  the  stocks 
and  almost  every  species  of  property  20  to  JO  per  cent. 

VI.  These  treasonable  operations  have  served  the  cause  of 
England  more  effectually  than  lord  Wellington  could  have  done 
with  30,000  of  his  bravest  veterans.  They  have  produced  in- 
calculable, and,  to  many,  remediless  distress. 

VII.  After  having  thus  treasonably  destroyed  the  credit  of  the 
government^  one  of  their  strongest  accusations  is  its  bankruptcy,* 

VIII.  A  man  who  ties  another,  neck  and  heels,  and  gags  him, 
might,  with  equal  justice,  blow  out  his  brains  for  not  singing 
Yankee  doodle,  or  dancing  a  fandango,  as  those  who  produce 
bankruptcy  inculpate  the  bankrupt  with  his  forlorn  and  despe- 
rate circumstances. 

IX.  There  is  no  other  pountry  in  the  world,  where  these  pro- 
ceedings would  not  be  punished  severely — in  many  they  would 
be  capitally.  Their  guilt  is  enormous,  clear,  and  indisputable. 
They  strike  at  the  safety,  and  even  the  existence,  of  society. 

X.  By  the  sedition  law,j  enacted  by  some  of  these  very  men, 
and  their  followers,  heavy  fines,  and  tedious  imprisonment,  were 
awarded  against  offences  incomparably  inferior. 

XI.  While  you  submit  to  leaders,  whose  career  is  so  iniqui- 
tous, were  you  in  private  life  as  pure  as  archangels,  you  partake 
largely  of  the  guilt  of  those  whom  you  uphold ;  whose  power  of 
destruction  depends  on  your  support ;  and  who  would  sink  into 
insignificance,  but  for  your  countenance. 

XII.  If  the  pretext,  or  even  the  strong  belief,  on  the  part  of 
the  minority,  that  a  war,  or  any  other  measure,  is  unjust,  can 
warrant  such  a  Jacobinical,  seditious,  and  treasonable  opposition 
as  the  present  war  has  experienced,  no  government  can  exist. 
The  minority  in  all  countries,  uniformly  denounce  all  the  mea- 
sures they  have  opposed,  as  unjust,  wicked,  unholy,  or  uncon- 
stitutional— or  all  united. 

XII.  The  most  unerring  characteristic  of  a  deperate  fac- 
tion, is  an  uniform  opposition  to  all  the  measures  proposed  by  its 

*  It  is  impossible  for  langfimge  to  convey  the  contempt  and  al)liorrencc  that 
»re  due  to  the  canting,  uhlniug  speeches  delivered  in  concfress  on  the  bank- 
niptcy  of  the  ffovernment,  by  the  men  who  w-'re  deeply  pruilty  of  ])rodiicing  it; 
wliose  treasonable  cftbils  have  been  crowncil  with  success ;  wlm  have  largely 
contributed  to  blast  the  most  cheering  prospects  that  Heaven  ever  vouchsafed 
lo  iicRord  to  any  of  the  human  race.  Tlio  tears  thus  shed,  are  exactly  typified 
by  those  that  so  plentifully  fall  from  tlie  voracious  crocodile  over  the  prey  he 
is  going  to  devour. 

t  See  chapter  .1. 


,1,     » 

t 
«        i 


\:, 

'i 

\  ; 

h 

L 

,i' 

K  1 

-lil 

H  1 

■  .^i 

f: 

Ik 

i 

Si! 

1; 

•'■; 

4 

ln.l 

'i 

324 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[cBAr.  59. 


Opponents^  whether  good  or  had^  and  without  offering  substitutes. 
The  more  dangerous  the  crisis,  and  the  more  necessary  the  mea- 
sureSf  the  more  infallible  the  criterion. 

XIV.  This  characteristic  exactly  and  most  indisputably  ap- 
plies to  yoiu*  leaders.  This  country  is  on  the  brink  of  perdition. 
Yet  they  have  opposed  and  defeated  every  measure  devised  for 
our  salvation.  They  appear  determined  to  deliver  us  tied  hand 
and  foot  into  the  power  of  the  enemy,  unless  they  can  seize  the 
rein.s  of  government. 

XV.  You  profess  to  be  disciples  of  Washington.  The  title  is 
a  glorious  one.  Let  us  test  the  practice  of  your  leaders  by  the 
holy  maxims  of  Washington.  He  raised  his  voice  againstr— warn- 
ed you  to  shun — and  pronounced  the  strongest  condemnation 
upon 

1.  All  obstructions  of  what  kind  soever,  to  the  execution  of 
the  laws ; 

2.  'AH  combinations  to  direct,  controul,  or  awe  the  con  itituted 
authorities ; 

3.  All  insidious  efforts  to  excite  hostility  between  the  different 
sections  of  the  United  States  ; 

4.  And,  in  the  most  emphatical  manner,  all  attempts  to  dis- 
solve the  union, 

XVI.  But  the  leaders  of  your  party,  pai  ticularly  in  Boston, 
have 

1.  Openly  obstructed  the  execution  of  the  laws  : 

2.  Combined  to  controul  the  constituted  authorities : 

3.  Actually  excited  as  dire  hostility  to  the  southern  states, 
in  the  breasts  of  those  under  their  influence  in  the  east- 
em,  as  exists  between  France  and  England ;  and 

4.  Been  constantly  endeavouring,  by  a  series  of  the  most  in- 
flammatory and  violent  publications,  to  prepare  the  eastern 
people  for  a  dissolution  of  the  union. 

XVII.  In  fine,  all  the  steps  they  take,  and  their  whole  course 
of  proceedings,  are  in  direct  hostility  with  the  creed,  the  advice, 
and  the  practice  of  Washington. 

XVIII.  While  you  follow  such  leaders,  you  may  profess  to 
be  disciples  of  Washington :  but  an  impartial  world  will  reject 
your  claim. 

XIX.  Suppose  your  leaders  at  Washington  succeed  in  driving 
Mr.  Madison,  and  the  other  public  functionaries  from  office,  and 
seize  upon  the  reins  of  government  themselves,  what  a  melan- 
choly disgraceful  triumph  would  it  not  be,  to  raise  your  party 
on  the  ruins  of  your  form  of  government. 

XX.  Such  an  usurpation  could  not  fail  to  produce  civil  war. 

XXI.  If  your  party  set  the  example  of  such  atrocious  vio- 
lence, can  you  persuade  yourselves  that  the  ^*  poisoned  chalice** 


anc 
the 
tha 
loai 


CHAF.  S9.] 


ADDRESS  TO  FEDERAUSTS. 


;325 


will  not,  at  no  very  distant  period,  be  *'  returned  to  your  own 
lips  ?" 

XXII.  You  profess  to  desire  peace.  I  firmly  believe  you  do« 
But  are  divisions,  and  distractions,  and  envenomed  tactions, 
and  threatened  insurrections,  the  seed  to  sow  for  a  harvest  of 
peace  ? 

XXIII.  All  the  seditious  and  treasonable  measures  adopted  in 
Boston  and  elsewhere,  to  harass,  cripple,  and  embarrass  your 
government,  have,  previous  to  the  war,  had  an  inevitable  tenden. 
cy  to  enable  Great  Britain  to  regulate,  controul,  and  restrict 
your  commerce — and  to  set  at  defiance  all  the  attempts  to  pro- 
cure redress — and,  since  the  war,  their  tendency  has  been  to 
prolong  its  ravages. 

XXIV.  Are  you  prepared — can  you  reconcile  yourselves,  to 
incur  all  the  risk — to  suffer  all  the  ruin  that  a  revolution  will  in- 
fallibly produce,  to  enable  Rufus  King,  Timothy  Pickering, 
Christopher  Gore,  Cyrus  King,  and  Daniel  Webster,  to  seize 
the  reins  of  government,  and  exile  "  to  £/^a"— or  execute  with 
Cyrus  King's  celebrated  "  halter^*  your  venerable  first  magis- 
trate ?  Suppose  they  succeed,  what  will  be  the  advantage  to  you 
individually? 

I  plead  not,  fellow  citizens,  for  democracy ;  I  plead  not  for 
federalism.  Their  differences  have  sunk  into  utter  insignificance. 
Were  the  contest  between  them,  I  should  not  have  stained  a  sin- 
gle sheet  of  paper.  I  plead  against  jacobinism;  I  plead  against 
faction ;  I  plead  against  attempts  to  "  overawe  and  controul  the 
constituted  authorities."  I  plead  the  cause  of  order  j  of  govern- 
ment ;  of  civil  and  religious  liberty.  I  plead  for  the  best  consti- 
tution the  world  ever  saw ;  I  plead  for  your  honour  as  a  party, 
which  is  in  the  utmost  jeopardy.  I  plead  for  your  estates,  which 
are  going  to  ruin.  I  plead  for  your  bleeding  country,  which 
lies  prostrate  and  defenceless,  pierced  with  a  thousand  wounds. 
I  plead  for  your  aged  parents,  for  your  tender  children,  for  your 
beloved  wives,  for  your  posterity,  whose  fate  depends  upon  your 
conduct  at  this  momentous  crisis.  All,  all,  loudly  implore  you 
to  withdraw  your  support  from  those  who  are  leagued  for  their 
destruction,  and  who  make  you  instruments  to  accomplish  their 
unholy  purposes.  You  are  on  the  verge  of  a  gaping  vortex, 
ready  to  swallow  up  yourselves  and  your  devoted  country.  To 
advance  a  single  step  may  be  inevitable  perdition.  To  the  right 
about.  It  is  the  path  to  honour,  to  safety,  to  gloiy.  Aid  in  ex- 
tricating your  country  from  danger.  And  then  if  you  select  calm, 
and  dispassionate,  and  moderate  candidates  for  public  oifice, 
there  can  be  no  doul)t  of  your  success.  I  am  firmly  persuaded 
that  nothing  but  the  intemperate  and  unholy  violence  of  your 
loaders  has  prevented  you  from  having  that  share  of  influence 
O.  B.         43 


,Mh 


'  U'm 


..1 

•     51 


'I 


326 


'?/»5f' 


POLITICAL  OUVE  BRANCH. 


[chap.  59* 


in  the  councils  of  the  nation  to  which  your  wealth,  your  num- 
bers, your  talents,  and  your  services,  give  you  so  fair  a  claim. 

The  constitution  may  be  imperfect.  Every  thing  human  par- 
takes of  human  infirmity  and  human  error.  It  has  provided  a 
proper  mode  of  amendment.  As  soon  as  peace  is  restored,  and 
the  fermentation  of  public  passions  has  subsided,  let  the  real  or 
supposed  defects  be  brought  fairly  forward,  and  submitted  to  the 
state  legislatures,  or  to  a  convention,  as  may  be  judged  proper. 
But  while  the  vessel  of  state  is  on  rocks  and  quicksands,  let  us  not 
madly  spend  the  time,  which  ought  to  be  devoted  to  secure  her 
and  our  salvation,  in  the  absurd  and  ill-timed  attempt  to  amend, 
or,  in  other  words,  to  destroy  the  charter  party  under  which  she 
sails. 

May  the  Almighty  Disposer  of  events  inflame  your  hearts  ; 
enlighten  your  understanding }  and  direct  you  to  the  proper 
course  to  steer  at  this  momentous  crisis !  And  may  he  extend 
to  our  common  country  that  gracious  blessing  which  brought 
her  safely  through  one  revolution,  without  entailing  on  us  the 
frightful  curses  inseparable  from  another ! 

Philad.  Nov.  18U.  .        '    ■ 


POSTSCRIPT. 


January  9,  1815. 

As  the  apprehensions  on  the  subject  of  a  dissolution  of 
the  union  which  are  repeatedly  expressed  in  this  book,  and 
which  have  led  to  its  publication,  are  treated  by  many  as 
chimerical ;  and  as  the  result  of  the  Hartford  convention, 
just  published,  appears  to  countenance  the  idea,  that  the 
danger  is  overrated,  the  writer,  in  justification  of  his  fears, 
simply  states,  that  even  admitting  that  the  leading  men  to  the 
eastward  do  not  contemplate  a  dissolution  of  the  union,  it 
does  not  by  any  means  follow  that  we  are  safe  from  such  an 
event,  while  the  public  passions  are  so  constantly  excited, 
and  kept  in  such  a  high  state  of  fermentation.  It  is  an  easy 
process  to  raise  commotions,  and  provoke  seditions.  But  to  al- 
lay them  is  always  arduous ;  often  impossible.  Ten  men  may 
create  an  insurrection  j  which  one  hundred,  of  equal  talents 
and  influence,  may  be  utterly  unable  to  suppress.  The  wea- 
pon of  popular  discontent,  easily  wielded  at  the  outset,  be- 
comes, after  it  has  arrived  at  maturity,  too  potent  for  the  fee- 
ble grasp  of  the  agents  by  whom  it  has  been  called  into  exist- 
ence. It  hurls  them  and  those  against  whom  it  was  first 
employed,  into  the  same  profound  abyss  of  misery  and  de- 
struction.—Whoever  requires  illustration  of  this  theory,  has 
only  to  open  any  page  of  the  history  of  France  from  the  era 
of  the  national  convention  till  the  commencement  of  the  reign 
of  Bonaparte.  If  he  be  not  convinced  by  the  perusal,  "  he 
would  not  be  convinced,  though  one  were  to  rise  from  the 
dead." 


1'^ 


19 


i   I  't ' 


ril 


APPENDIX 


TO    THE    SIXTH    EDITION. 


The  favourable  reception  this  work  has  experienced,  in- 
duces me  to  make  a  few  additions  to  it,  which  I  respectfully 
submit  to  my  fellow-citizens. 

They  embrace  topics  mostly  untouched,  or  at  least  slightly 
handled  in  the  original  work.  Some  of  them  are  of  vital  im- 
portance to  the  dearest  interests  of  the  nation. 

In  this  portion  of  the  publication,  as  well  as  in  what  pre- 
cedes it,  I  have  endeavoured  to  divest  myself  of  any  undue 
bias.  I  have  pursued  truth  undeviatingly,  and  regardless  of 
consequences.  How  far  I  have  succeeded,  the  reader  must 
judge. 

I  request  a  candid  and  fair  examination  of  the  various 
subjects — and  that  my  errors,  whatever  they  be,  may  be  as- 
cribed to  any  other  cause  than  an  intention  to  mislead,  of 
which  I  feel  myself  utterly  incapable. 


M.  C. 


September,  1815. 


*» 
^^^ 


'-■■^f. 


CHIP.  6D. 


ORDERS  IN  COUNCIL. 


SMI 


I II 


CHAPTER  LX.  - 

Orders  in  Council.  Restrictive  system.  Jmpolicy  of  the  British 
ministry.  Abstract  of  the  examinations  before  the  House  of 
Commons,  Ruinous  ejects  of  the  policy  of  Great  Britain  on 
the  vital  interests  of  that  nation,  '    •  ;    .. 

That  the  violation  of  the  rights  of  the  United  States  by  the 
orders  in  council,  required  to  be  resisted  by  our  government, 
will  not  be  denied  by  the  most  strenuous  opposer  of  the  ad- 
ministration. And  that  every  peaceable  means  of  obtaining  re- 
dress, ought  to  be  fully  tried  before  a  recourse  to  war,  will  be 
admitted. 

Appeals  to  the  honour  and  justice  of  the  British  government 
had  been  repeatedly  made.  Our  ministers  had  in  vain  presented 
various  remonstrances  on  the  subject.  No  redress  had  been 
vouchsafed.  Our  injuries  had  increased  in  violence.  Other 
means  were  necessary.  Perhaps  no  nation,  but  our  own,  whose 
policy  is  eminently  pacific,  would  have  hesitated  on  the  subject. 
War — horrible,  destructive  war,  would  early  have  been  the  re- 
sort. But  with  a  most  laudable  regard  for  human  life,  and  hu- 
man happiness — with  a  view  to  prevent  the  carnage,  the  demo- 
ralization of  war,  our  government  had  recourse  to  various  paci- 
fic measures  to  enforce  redress. 

Great  Britain  is  a  manufacturing  and  commercial  nation. 
Upon  her  manufactures  depends  in  a  great  degree  her  commerce. 
Both  are  indispensible  not  merely  towards  her  prosperity,  but 
her  security,  her  very  existence.  We  furnished  her  with  the 
most  important  market  in  the  world.  Our  trade  was  immensely 
valuable.  And  as  we  asked  but  simple  justice,  it  was  believed, 
and  on  the  strongest  ground  of  reason  and  policy,  that  it  could 
be  rendered  her  interest  to  cease  her  gross  violations  of  our 
rights.  The  effort  was  most  meritorious.  It  is  worthy  of  fu- 
ture imitation. 

Our  imports  from  Great  Britain  had  risen  to  the  enormous 
sum  of  above  50,000,000  of  dollars*  in  a  year.     It  had  been 

•  By  a  report  of  Alexander  Hamilton,  esq.  secretary  of  the  treasury,  dated 
December  23,  1793,  it  appears  that  at  this  very  early  perio'',  in  the  infancy  of 
our  government,  we  had  imported  from  the  Bi^tish  dominions  the  preceding 
year gl5,285,428 

Whereas  our  exports  were  only      -  .  -  .  9,363,416 

Leaving  in  favour  of  Great  Britain  a  balance  of  ■  -       §5,922,012 

Our  exports  to  the  French  dominions  for  the  same  year  were       §4,698,735 
And  the  imports  only  .....         2,088,348 

Leaving  a  balance  in  favour  of  the  United  States  o£         •         §2,210,387 


«i< 


lU  <i 


\        I' 

\    i,  i)  fll 


fn 


«!■  - 


S30 


POUTICAL  OUVE  BRANCH. 


[chat.  60. 


Steadily  improving.  The  punctuality  of  our  importers  had  ex- 
ceeded that  of  the  other  customers  of  England.  A  considera- 
ble part  of  the  trade  had  for  some  time  been  transacted  for  ready 
money. 

As  a  large  portion  of  the  continent  of  Europe  had  been,  as  it 
were,  hermetically  sealed  against  British  trade,  it  was  rationally 
presumed,  that  if  the  alternative  were  held  out  to  Great  Britain, 
either  to  cease  the  violation  of  our  rights,  or  to  forfeit  our  trade, 
she  would  certainly  adopt  the  former.  Fatuity  of  the  blindest 
character  alone  could  have  hesitated  in  the  choice. 

It  is  doubtful  whether  any  administration  of  any  age  or  nation, 
ever  displayed  a  higher  degree  of  outrageous  folly  and  dis- 
regard of  the  vital  interests  of  its  own  country.  Every  motive 
of  prudence  and  policy  dictated  to  England,  as  an  imperious  and 
paramount  duty,  to  treat  the  United  States  with  kindness,  libe- 
rality and  attention.  Every  fair  means  ought  to  have  been  em- 
ployed to  conciliate  our  citizens,  and  to  induce  them  to  bury  the 
animosities  of  the  revolution  in  utter  oblivion.  Such  a  liberal 
course  of  proceeding  would  have  been  productive  of  immense 
advantages  to  her  dearest  interests. 

The  trade  of  this  country  was  the  main  buttress  that  propped 
up  the  tottering  fabric  of  British  paper  credit,  and  furnished 
means  to  replenisli  the  veins  of  the  Irody  commercial  and  finan- 
cial, which  had  been  so  ruinously  phlebotomized  by  the  lancet 
of  sul)sidies  to  foreign  powers,  and  the  enormous  expenses  of 
war,  and  which  had  suffered  so  much  by  the  starvation  of  the 
continental  system. 

It  requires  but  a  cursory  examination  of  the  whole  tenor  of 
the  conduct  of  England,  towards  this  country,  to  be  satisfied 
that  it  has  been  steadily  and  uniformly  the  reverse  of  what  a 
wise  statesman  would  have  adopted.  The  predatory  and  lawless 
orders  in  council,  so  clandestinely  issued  against  American  com- 
merc(\  "  preipng  upon  the  unprotected  property  of  a  friendkf 
poxvcr,^''* — the  wanton,  cruel,  barbarous,  and  unprecedented  sei- 
zures of  our  citizens  on  the  high  seas — the  countenanced,  the 
flagitious  forgery  of  our  shins'  papers,  advertised  in  their  Ga- 
zettes, and  di'fended  in  parliament — the  blot  kade  of  our  ports, 
and  capture  of  vessels  bound  in  and  out — the  shameful  viola- 
tions of  our  rights  of  sovereignty  within  the  limits  declared  sa- 
cred by  the  laws  of  nations — the  murder  of  Penrce  in  one  of  our 
harbours — and  the  total  neglect  of  all  applications  for  redress  of 
these  grievances,!  were  as  utterly  impolitic  as  they  were  unjust 

•  Hpc  Hoston  moinoriul,  sipiptl  by  .lamcH  I.lityd,  jiin.  Dnvid  ftrct-n,  Arnold 
WcllcM,  Ditvid  Suurs,  Jiilni  (NiHin.loncs,  (Kiirgc  (yul)iit,  utid 'l^iomiiN  II.  I'd  kins, 
ior  itnd  ill  belmit'  of  titc  wliolc  body  oi'  the  nt(>rcuiitile  citi/ciiH  of  tliut  town, 
pufcc  HH. 

f  KcdrcHs  of  )^rirvnnro«  whn  not  only  m^vrr  »nbrdcd — Ijut  in  idino^l  cvciy 
inxtiuicc  ilio  oiliccn  whu  perpetrated  tliu  grcitltst  uutragcs  >vcrc  ubsolutcly 
pi-umulcd. 


inlh 


>■*•■■ 


60. 


cHir.  60.] 


BRITISH  IMPOUCY. 


.*>' 


8St 


and  flagitious.  It  is  impossible  to  conceive  a  course  of  con- 
duct more  completely  marked  by  an  utter  destitution  of  reason, 
common  sense,  justice,  regard  to  the  law  of  nations,  or  a  sound 
and  enlarged  view  of  the  true  and  vital  interests  of  the  British 
nation.  It  requires  no  sagacity  to  foresee  the  sentence  history 
will  pronounce  on  this  miserable,  this  harassing  system.  Un- 
qualified reprobation  awaits  it,  as  well  as  its  authors  and  abet- 
tors. It  was  calculated  to  sour  and  alienate  the  friends  of  Eng- 
land in  this  country,  and  to  increase'the  hostility  of  her  enemies 
— to  treble  the  influence  of  the  latter,  and  proportionably  to  di- 
minish that  of  the  former. 

The  conduct  of  France  had  been  in  many  points  so  utterly 
indefensible,  so  great  a  violation  of  our  rights,  and  of  the  plain- 
est dictates  of  justice,  that  had  Great  Britain  conducted  towards 
us  with  even  a  moderate  share  of  decency  or  propriety,  she 
might  have  readily  arrayed  this  nation  in  hostility  against  her 
grand  enemy  seven  years  ago.  The  sole  reason  that  prevented  an 
earlier  declaration  of  war  against  one  or  other  of  the  belligerents, 
was,  that  it  would  have  been  madness  to  have  attacked  both ; 
and  each  had  so  atrociously  outraged  and  injured  us,  that,  in  the 
strong,  clear,  and  just  language  of  Governor  Griswold,  "  such 
had  been  the  character  of  both,  that  no  circumstance  cottld justify 
u  preference  to  either. ^^  This  important  and  irresistible  decla- 
ration was,  as  already  stated,  made  to  the  legislature  of  Con- 
necticut, on  the  12th  of  May,  1812. 

The  annals  of  commerce  do  not,  I  believe,  furnish  an  instance 
of  one  nation  enjoying  so  lucrative  a  trade  with  another,  as  Eng- 
land maintained  with  this  country,  as  well  for  exter...  as  for 
immensity  of  advantage.  We  furnished  her  with  the  most  va- 
luable raw  materials  for  her  manufactures,  and  received  in  re- 
turn for  these  materials,  the  manufactured  articles,  wrought  up 
often  at  10,  20,  30  or  40  fold  advance  of  value.  It  is  hardly 
possible  to  conceive  a  more  gainful  commerce.  A  Sully,  or  a 
Colbert,  or  a  Ximenes,  or  a  Chatham,  would  have  cherished 
•uch  a  trade  as  *'  the  apple  of  his  eye""* — and  shunned  with  awe 
every  thing  in  the  least  calculated  to  impair  or  destroy  it. 

For  every  valuable  purpose,  we  were  literally  colonies  of 
Great  Britain.  That  is  to  say,  she  derived  from  us  nil  the  ad- 
vantages that  nations  have  ever  derived  from  colonies,  without 
the  expenseof  fleets  or  armies  for  our  protection.  And  so  strong 
has  lieen  and  is  the  partiality  of  a  large  proportion  of  our  citizens 
for  English  habits,  and  English  manners,  and  English  fasliions; 
and  sucn  is  the  devotion  of  a  number  of  our  presses,  and  our  li- 
terary men,  and  our  pulpits,  to  the  defence  and  justifuatinn  of 
Knglmd,  that  it  n-tjuired  but  little  care  to  h.  ve  inaintaintd  her 
influence  here  unimpaired.  If,  notwithstanding  such  an  irrita- 
ting, and  insulting,  and  predatory  system  as   she  pursvicd,  she 


4#' 


i"! 


\l  .  •   •■■■ 
h  1« 


'!    'Jt' 


'  i 


f> 


Jfe 


5i2 


FOUTieAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[chip.  60. 


Still  retained  «o  inany  warm,  zealous,  and  influential  partizans, 
what  might  she  not  have  done,  had  she  pursued  a  system  of 
kindness  and  conciliation ! 

Her  ministers  abandoned  the  noble,  lawful,  immense,  and  rtch 
trade  with  this  country,  for  a  miserable  trade  of'  smuggling,  not 
one-tenth  in  amount  or  value,  and  resting  upon  the  pcstilerous 
and  hateful  basis  of  forgery  and  perjury  !  Alas !  that  the  af- 
fairs of  mighty  nations  should  fall  into  such  hands  ! 

I  cannot  resist  the  temptation  of  enriching  this  page— of  em- 
balming it  with  the  glowing  eloquence  ot  Henry  Brougham, 
Esq.  M.  P.  on  this  inexhaustible  topic. 

"  Good  God !  the  incurable  pcrvcrsencss  of  luimun  folly !  always  striving  aftei- 
things  that  are  beyond  tlieir  reach,  of  doubtful  worth,  and  discreditable  pur- 
miit,  and  neglecting  objects  of  immense  value,  because,  in  addition  to  Uu'ir  own 
unportancc,  they  have'one  recommendation  which  would  make  meaner  things 
desirable — tliat  tliey  can  be  easily  obtained,  and  honestly,  as  well  as  justly  en- 
joyed! It  is  this  miserable,  shifting,  doubtful,  hateful  traffic,  that  we  prefer,  lo 
the  sure,  regular,  increa&ing,  hone»t  gains  of  Jimeiican  commnxe ;  to  a  trade; 
which  is  placed  beyond  tlie  enemy's  reach,  which,  besides  enriching  ourselves 
in  peace  and  honour,  only  benefits  those  who  are  our  nutuml  friends,  over  whom 
he  has  no  controul,"  •  *  "  which  supports  at  once  all  that  remains  of  liberty 
beyond  the  seas,  and  gives  life  and  vigour  to  its  main  pillar  within  the  realm, 
the  nuumfactures  and  commerce  of  England."* 

•*  I  have  been  drawn  aside  fi-on)  tlie  course  of  my  staterr^ni  "  'ting  tl»e 
importance  of  tlie  commerce  which  we  are  .sacrificing  to  thosi  .  ^intsies, 

lean  call  them  notliing  else,  respecting  our  abstract  rights.     T  ncrcc  is 

tljc  whole  American  market,  a  branch  of  trade  in  coviparisDH  ofwHitu,  ivhether  you 
rt'gnril  itn  extent,  iln  certainty,  «■  its  progiemve  increase,  evet y  otlwr  sinks  inta 
imignijicance.  It  is  a  market  which  in  ordinary  times  may  take  oft'  al)out  thir- 
teen milliom\  worth  of  our  mamifacturea ;  and  in  steadiness  and  regularity  it  is 
unrivalled. 1^ 

"  The  i-eturns  imleed  arc  as  sure,  and  tlic  bad  debts  as  few,  as  they  used  to 
be  even  in  tlie  trade  of  Holland.  'I'liese  returns  are  also  grown  much  more 
spcrdy.  Of  this  you  have  ample  prf)of  before  you,  fn)m  the  witnesses  wlu» 
have  boon  examined,  who  have  all  saiil  th,^t  the  payment  was  now  us  (juick  m 
in  any  other  line — and  that  the  Americans  often  preferred  making  ready  niunejr 
bargains  forsake  of  die  discount. "§ 

To  return  to  the  course  pursued  here.  The  intercourse  be- 
tween England  and  this  coimtry  was  prohibited  by  an  act  passed 
on  the  Istof  March,  I80v),  C(mimonly  called  the  non. intercourse 
law,  for  the  vital  clauses  of  ^vhich  I  refer  the  reader  to  chap.  28. 
A  repeal,  or  modification  of  the  orders  in  council,  so  as  to  cease 
violating  the  rights  of  the  ITnited  States,  was  to  authorise  the 
president  to  restore  the  intercourse. 

This  mild  and  laudable  mode  of  procuring  redress,  which  en- 
titles its  authors  to  the  uiu|ualified  approbalionof  their  fellow  li 
tiy.ens  and  posterity — and  to  which  history  will  do  the  justice 
that  ungratcfid  cotcmp«)raries  have  denied,  was  treated  with 
ridicide  and  contempt  in  this  country,  as  futile  and  imbecile,  and 
utterly  ineffectual  in  its  operation  upon  England. 

•  Speorh  inpiirliiunont,  .linio  16,  lai'.',  I'lul»dclpbiucdiliou,pogc39. 

f  NeuH\  MJxly  niillious  of  dullur*. 

i  Si)rrrli,  page    U. 

(^  Idem,  page  .)J. 


:#.- 


■is 


<IAP.  60.] 


ORDERS  IN  COUNCIL. 


3:^ 


With  a  blindness,  folly,  and  madness,  of  which  there  are 
few  parallels,  the  British  ministry  persevered  in  their  unjust  sys- 
tem towards  this  country,  notwithstanding  its  destructive  effects 
on  the  vital  interests  ot  their  own.  Their  most  valuable  and  im- 
portant manufactures  were  paralized — their  manufacturers  redu- 
ced to  beggary  and  ri'in — a  regular  trade,  amounting  to  above 
50,000,000  of  dollars,  annually,  annihilated — and  the  sources 
dried  up,  from  whence  they  principally  derived  the  means  of 
subsidizing  foreign  powers  to  nght  their  battles. 

In  vain  did  the  wisest  and  best  of  the  pe(  ^Ae  of  England  en- 
ter their  most  solemn  protest  against  the  orders  in  council — that 
miserable  system,  on  which  egregious  iolly  and  rampant  injus- 
tice were  stamped  in  the  most  legible  characters.  In  vain  did 
the  starving  workmen — the  impoverished  manufacturers  implore 
the  administration  for  relief.  They  were  deaf  as  the  adder,  whose 
cars  are  closed  "  to  the  voice  of  the  charmer,  charm  he  never  so 
wisely.'* 

At  length  in  the  spring  of  1812,  the  public  sufferings  had  so 
far  increased — and  the  clamour  for  redress  was  so  universal,  that 
the  British  ministry  were  impetuously  driven  to  allow  an  enquiry 
to  be  instituted  in  parliament  into  the  operation  and  effects  of 
the  orders  in  council.  This  measure  was  adopted  with  an  ill 
grace,  and  not  until  the  most  serious  and  alarming  riots  and  in- 
surrections had  occurred  among  the  workmen  and  labourers  in 
several  parts  of  England. 

The  examination  commenced  ots  the  29th  of  April,  1812,  and 
continued  until  the  13th  of  the  following  June.  Witnesses  were 
examined  from  most  parts  of  Engiind.  The  evidence  uniform- 
ly and  undeviatingly  concurred  to  prove  how  transcendently  im- 
portant was  the  American  trade  to  the  manufacturers  of  Great 
Britain — how  awfully  calamitous  the  annihilation  of  that  trade 
had  been — and  the  miserable  policy  of  an  adherence  to  the  orders 
in  council.  All  this  was  apparent  and  nndvniahle  from  the  very 
first  (/ai.f  of  the  examination^  voulil  there  have  been  any  previous 
doubt  on  the  subject. 

The  minutes  of  the  examination,  as  publishedby  order  of  par- 
liament, form  a  ponderous  folio  volume  of  nearly  700  pages,  and 
exhil)it  a  frightful  picture  of  the  results  of  the  sinister  and  absurd 
policy  which  dictated  the  orders  in  council. 

To  the  United  States  this  is  a  subject  of  immense  importance. 
Our  form  of  government— our  dearest  interests — the  habits,  and 
inclinations,  and  maimers  of  our  people,  lead  us  to  pursue  a  paci- 
fic policy.  And  if  there  be  an  elltctual  instrument,  whereby, 
without  war,  we  can  extort  justice  from  nations  which  violate 
our  rights,  or  offer  us  outrage,  it  affords  additional  and  invalua. 
ble  security  for  the  permanence  of  the  blessed  state  of  peace. — 
While  we  can  make  it  pre-eminently  the  interest  of  those  nations 
with  which  we  have  intercourse,  to  reciprocate  kindness  and  jus' 
O.  B.  44, 


i\-i 


■Sl"'^ 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[crap.  60. 


tice,  and  refrain  from  injustice  and  depredation,  we  may  reason- 
ably calculate  upon  their  pursuing  that  desirable  course. 

I'o  evince,  therefore,  the  efficacy  of  the  so-much  abused  re- 
strictive system,  I  subjoin  a  few  extracts  from  the  evidence 
given  before  the  house  of  commons,  of  its  effects  on  the  dearest 
interests  of  Great  Britain. 

April  30,  1812. 
Mr.  THOMAS  I'OTTS,  merchant  of  Bivminffliam.— From  20,000  to  25,000 
men  in  liirininpliain,  wlio  /jdt'c  now  nnl;/  hatfivorh.  General  stale  of  the  town  ex- 
tiemehi  tlt-presuctl,  and  the  ilistn'ftn  universal.  Atanti/uctnrer*  luive  been  keeping 
their  men  rni/il-tffU'i  in  creating  stork  nfiirh/  to  the  extent  of  their  capital,  and  manti 
of  them  arc  in  conse(/uenrc  in  extreme  difficulties.  If  no  favourable  clian^e  takes 
])lace,  the  manufactnrei's  will  be  obliged  within  two  months  to  dismiss  two- 
thiixls  of  their  hands,  and  some  of  them  the  whole.  Larjye  quantities  of  Hir- 
mint^huTi  jyoods  have  been  lying-  in  Liverpool,  waiting  for  slupmcnt  for  12  to 
15  months  past.  The  ,Jiiu-rican  market,  a  Hteailij  and  increasing  one,  and  tlie  pay. 
ments,  which  have  been  regularly  improinng,  now  very  good.  Since  the  prohibi- 
tion in  America,  goods  have  been  sent  to  Canada :  but  they  have  been  sold 
there  for  less  than  tlicir  cost  in  the  manufacturing  towns.  Has  tried  the  South 
American  market  with  very  indifl'erei\t  success  :  and  has  concluded  never  to 
make  another  shipuient  to  that  country,  as  he  i)elieves  those  shiputents  have 
not  yielded  25  per  cent.  Manufactures  in  America  have  made  an  alarming 
progress  within  two  years ;  but  thinks  that  if  tlic  intercouwe  was  speedily 
thrown  open,  they  woul.lbe  eftectually  checked,  ffouldslup  Ids  goods  to  ^ImC' 
rica  the  miimmt  tlw  orders  iti.  cmmcil  were  rescinded,  having  positive  and  s])ccific 
instructions  from  his  correspondent  to  that  effect.  Knows  houses  in  Hirming- 
lia'n,  who  have  goods  ready  to  ship  to  America,  which  cost  them  '  0,000/. 
50,000/.  4(),00<>/.  "25,000/.  20,000/.  and  workmen  have  emigrated  Irom  Hirming- 
liam  to  America,  lias  no  doubt  that  if  the  American  trade  was  opened,  the  distress 
in  Birmingham  would  instantly  cease. 

Mr.  AVILI.IAM  Hl.AKKWAV,  Lamp  Manufacturer  of  nirmingham.— -Goods 
principally  siiit  to  America.  Trad';  so  much  diininisiied  that  he  would  have 
Htopped  liis  liusiiK'ss  altogether,  had  it  not  been  for  reganl  for  his  workmen,  by 
whom  he  iias  been  gaining  money  for  twenty  years.  Stock  ho  much  accumula- 
ted that  nearly  the  whole  of  his  capital  is  al)sorbed  by  it.  (Jntcss  the  .imerican 
market  is  opened,  cannot  kreli  on  his  hands  at  all,  lias  hitherto  borne  the  siiH'er- 
ing<  of  his  workmen  himself,  hut  will  be  compelled  to  discharge  them,  however 
reluctant  to  ilo  so.  lias  sought,  hut  notfouiul  relief  in  any  other  market.  UecoU 
lects  the  scui-city  in  1800,  and  IKOl  :  but  the  distress  was  not  at  all  cquid  to  the 
present,  liccuuse  there  was  |)lenty  of  work, 

Mr,  JAMKS  HYI.AND,  of  Hirmingham,  manufacturer  of  platted  coach  har- 
ness and  saddle  fiiniiltire. — I'-inripal  part  of  his  nuinufnrture  exported  to  the  l/ni. 
led  Slates.  l're\i(>Ms  '  )  IHOH.the  export  was  very  considerable  and  increasing, 
the  returns  prompt,  and  payment  sure.  \V(.rkmen  who  formerly  earned  M  to 
40s.  per  wttck,  now  get  about  20s.  and  those  who  usetl  to  get  20».  now  earn 
about  1 1  or  12s.  Nhrlven  I'laded  with  stork,  ami  the  greater  part  of  lus  capital  ofi- 
sorheii  in  it.  Two-lhirds  of  the  worknicn  employed  in  this  business  must  i)e  di.s- 
eharged,  if  no  favourable  change  takes  place.  Since  the  falling  ojfofthe  .Imeii- 
can  market,  has  opened  a  hmine  in  l^ndnn  ;  hut  has  found  so  nuiny  ftersons^flockii'g 
to  the  same  market,  that  lie  has  been  ,iltle  In  carry  it  on  with  very  little  su  •.ess.  Pre- 
vi'tus  t'l  the  orders  in  council,  the  truiie  was  in  a  vevyfonrii  'ng  state  :  tiiey  Were 
full  of  orders,  and  their  men  full  «if  wirk.  Has  receiveij  no  relief  from  the 
South  Anieri<'an  market ;  and  knows  no  market  eijual  to  that  of  the  I'nited  States, 
fur  the  tale  oft/Us  manufacture. 

May  4,  1812. 

Mr.  .IKHI'MIVH  IMDOrT,  meirhant,  «if  ninninghr-.  — Has  goods  to  the 
value  of  20,000/.  prcj).»reil  for  the  American  market,  which  he  would  instantly 


CtiAP.  60.] 


STAGNATION  OF  TRADE. 


335 


ship  ifttie  orders  in  council  tvere  removed,  being  so  advised  by  his  partner  in  .Ame- 
rica. Tlie  workmen  veiy  much  distressed  ,  "  I  have  seen  people  shed  tears ;  I 
have  contined  myself  behind  the  door  for  fear  of  seeing  those  people,  lest  they 
should  iini)ortune  me  to  give  them  orders ;  they  have  told  me  they  did  not 
know  what  to  do.  One  man  said,  '  what  can  1  do  ?  if  1  go  to  the  magistrate,  he 
will  tell  me  to  go  for  a  soklic  ;  I  am  a  marrii-d  man,  and  God  knows  what  I 
must  tlo  unless  1  steal,  and  thei.  1  shall  go  to  Botany  Bay.'  I  do  not  like  such 
words ;  I  cannot  bear  it." 

Mr.  GEORGE  ROOM,  .lapanner,  of  Birmingham,  has  manufactured  princi- 
pally for  America,  which  is  the  best  market  he  ei-er  kn*^u,  after  trying  'every  one.—- 
Workmen  in  general  iiave  not  more  than  half  work.  Has  tried  the  home  trade  ; 
but  the  competition  is  so  great,  and  prices  so  much  reduced,  that  it  was  not 
worth  going  after.  Has  fotnid  very  hllle  relief  from  the  trade  to  Sicily  and 
Portugal,  which  is  the  only  foreign  European  trade  they  have  had,  and  which 
•  does  nut  bear  any  thing  like  a  comparison  to  the  American  trade.  From  600  to 
1000  hands  employed  in  this  business  in  Birmingham  alone  .  and  there  are 
great  manufactories  in  Bilston  and  Wolverhampton. 

Mr.  ROBERT  FIDDIAN,  manufacturer  of  brass  candlesticks,  &c.  at  Bir- 
mingham,  chiefly  for  home  consumntion.  Trade  much  diminished  within  the 
last  12  months,  and  eai-nings  of  workmen  reduced  one-fourth.  lUd  a  conversa- 
tion with  some  of  his  men  on  the  subject  of  dismission ;  they  entreated  him  not 
to  dismiss  them,  saying,  ••  you  know  we  cannot  get  emp'oyment  elsewhere," 
and  begged  that  he  would  apportion  the  work  among  them,  and  let  each  bear 
a  share  of  the  burden.  Stock  very  much  increamng,  and  will  be  obliged  to  dis- 
miss a  number  of  his  men,  unless  an  alteration  takes  place  speedily.  Has  no 
doubt  that  ids  trade  -would  be  put  into  its  former  projituble  situation,  if  the  American 
trade  was  again  opened, 

Mr.  .FOSEPH  WEBSITiR,  wire  manufacturer,  of  Birmingham.— //«//• /(/»»ia- 
nufacture for  the  American  market,  i\\u\  \Mi]f  ibv  the  home  trade.  'I'he  demand 
Veiy  much  diminished,  so  tiiat  although  his  manufacture  is  reduced,  his  slock  is 
much  increased.  lias  orders  from  America,  tuhich  would  exhaust  all  his  great  stock 
on  hand,  if  the  orilers  in  council  were  repealed.  If  no  favo\iral)le  change  bikes 
place,  he  shall  feci  himself  compelled  to  discharge  a  great  number  of  his  men. 

May  5, 1812. 
Mr.  JOSHUA  SCHOI-FIELD,  American  merchant,  Birmingham.— Trade 
first  began  to  fail  in  1808.  In  1809,  rather  helter,  but  still  very  limited.  In 
1810,  very  large  shipments  for  one  season.  The  goods  for  181  i  now  lying  in 
Liverpool.  Has  orders  from  Amviica  to  ship  us  .loun  as  the  ordi'r.s  in  council  are 
removal,  as  soon  as  the  trade  is  npi^ied.  Has  had  fVt(juii\t  advices  from  his  agent 
resident  in  America,  that  maniifiuturcs  ai e  very  fast  increasing  theiv,  and  has 
rea.son  to  know  it  from  particular  circunistanrcs.  One  purticular  article  now 
in  great  demand  is  tanl  wire,  for  the  uiitniiHictiire  of  cotton  and  wool  <  ards, 
which  are  wanted  for  their  machiiu  ry.  Has  luul  tin-  arlicli;  of  nails  coiinteniiimd. 
ed  on  the  ground  that  they  can  be  in;unifacture(i  cheaper  in  America  than  they 
can  be  imported,  I  fas  had  many  painful  opfwrtiiidlirs  uf  ii'itii)'s.\iiiij-  the  distreis 
which  prevails  among  the  lower  nidcrs  if  llie people  in  Hiimiiitfham  ;  belifVCH  it  to  be 
extreme.  Has  a  warelutuse  in  Wolverhampton  :  the  luwrru)  tiers  in  i/iiiie  as  great 
distress  there  i  their  goods  ma)  be  btiiiglit  at  any  priee  ;  there  are  many  small 
manufactinvrs  there,  wlio  are  sclliii;;-  some  of  their  stock  at,  he  i)eiieve8,  a 
lower  rate  than  it  cost  them,  ^.htrihulis  tin-  ilistresses  if  the  trade  and  miiniifm  - 
tares  prineifutllii  to  the  orders  in  coiiiiiil,  hilie\iiig  them  to  he  the  cause  of  the 
non-intercourse  with  America.  Has  the  most  |)ainf\il  forehotlings  that  the  con- 
tinuance of  the  restrictions  upon  tiie  American  trade  will  give  great  tucourage- 
ment  to  the  increase  of  maniifaetiircs  in  America. 

Mr.  .lOHN  B\ll,F.Y,meicha!it,ofShcni  Id.  The  inannf u'tnrcs of  ShefTield, 
or  the  siippl\  of  the  market  of  the  I'nitet'  States,  employ  GOUO  povsoiiH,  be.iides 
others  di  |)endeiit  on  tiiat  trade.  The  export  lo  jfmericu  is  aliuiit  one-third  of  the 
whole  miiniifiictiiirs  if  Shi\(f>,ld.     .\bont  one-tiiilh  of  \lic  usual  .si)riiig  shipment 


33^ 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[chap.  69. 


was  made  In  I811,nnd  none  since.  Stock  of  goods  have  been  increasing  in  Shef- 
field, to  a  considerable  extent;  btit  tfiere  are  ortler»fnr  sidpment  to  Jlmerica,  im- 
mediately  on  the  rescinding' of  the  orders  in  council.  Information  from  a  large  ma- 
nufacturer, that  he  now  pays  one-sixth  part  of  the  wages  which  lie  did  when  the  Ame- 
rican trade  was  open  i  and  that  one -half  of  what  he  has  manufactured  for  the 
last  fifteen  months,  is  now  dead  stock.  Another  of  the  principal  manufacturers 
informed  him,  that  he  nmv  employs  only  half  of  his  usual  number  of  men,  whom  he 
employs  orUyfour  days  in  a  wcefr  ,•  that  he  retains  them  from  a  principle  of  hurna* 
nity,  as  they  have  grown  old  in  his  service,  and  that  he  still  holds  in  stock  all  his 
gt)ods  made  in  the  last  eighteen  months.  Believes  this  to  be  a  fair  specimen 
of  the  general  state  of  manufactures  in  Sheffield.  His  orders  for  shipment,  on 
the  removal  of  the  orders  in  coimcil,  amount  to  the  whole  twelve  months  ship- 
ments. The  amount  of  Sheffield  goods  ready  for  shipment  to  America  400,000/.  and 
orders  on  hand  to  the  same  amount.  Poor  rates  of  Sheffield,  year  ending  1807, 
11,000/  :  now  18,000/.  Workmen's  wages  not  reduced :  but  they  are  now  only 
employed  about  three  days  in  the  week.  Every  man  fully  employed  before 
the  loss  of  tile  American  trade.  iMwer  classes  neiier  so  much  distressed  as  at 
present.  Some  articles  which  were  formerly  exported  from  Sheffield,  are  now 
manufactured  in  America. 

May  13, 1812. 
Mr.  WILLIAM  MIDCFXY,  woollen  manufacturer,  of  Rochdale,  Lancashire. 
—The  parish  contains  about  36,000  inhabitants,  of  which  about  one  half  are 
employed  in  this  manufacture.  He  formerly  employed  about  600  hands,  now 
about  400.  Began  to  turn  off  his  hands  when  his  stock  became  very  large, 
about  six  months  ago.  Stock  is  still  increasing,  and  larger  than  it  was  before  : 
and  the  home  trade  has  fallen  oft'  very  much  indeerl,  Has  in  a  considerable  de- 
gree exhausted  his  capital  in  trade,  "  and  if  there  be  not  an  opening,  it  is  im- 
"  possible  to  keep  on  my  work  people  ;  and  1  am  distressed  about  the  poor 
"  people,  for  they  have  not,  many  of  them,  Inlf  victuals  now."  If  the  market 
continues  as  it  is  now,  must  turn  oft'200  of  his  hands,  and  if  they  aretunicd  oft*, 
does  not  see  where  they  can  get  work  any  where  else.  Has  lived  in  Rochdale 
most  of  his  life  time,  and  been  in  busineis  thirty  years,  hut  never  knew  the  dis- 
tress sog^tat  as  at  present.  "  The  distress  is  to  be  seen  in  the  pi  iple's  countenances, 
"  every  week  getting  thinner  and  looking  worse  ;  those  tli  .  hatl  a  little  moneys 
"  have  hiul  to  take  it,  and  they  are  almost  run  out  of  it ;  they  have  spent  what 
"  little  they  had  to  buy  bread."  About  two-fifths  of  this  manufacture  for  the 
United  States  of  America,  and  none  f  .  foreign  Europe.  Has  very  large  orders 
for  America,  which  should  have  gone  oft*  more  than  12  months  ago.  Has  found 
that  market,  a  steady,  sure,  and  increasing  one.  Workmen's  wages  rechiced. 
Price  of  oatmeal  twelve  months  ago  2d.  per  pound,  now  Hd.  If  the  trade  ta 
America  was  opened,  there  would  be  fair  deployment  for  the  manufacturers 
of  Rochdale. 

Mr.  THOMAS  SHORT,  manufacturer  of  hosiery  at  Hinckley,  in  Leicester- 
shire.— ^The  total  number  of  persons  employed  in  the  manufacture  at  Hinckley, 
and  the  adjoining  villages,  nearly  3,000.  About  one-third  to  one-fourth  of 
the  manufacture  is  for  the  American  market,  ami  the  value  about  30,000/.  per 
annum.  In  goo-'  times  employs  upwards  of  200  hands,  now  employs  about 
two-thinls  of  the  numlier.  fu  connet/ueticc  of  the  loss  of  the  American  market,  the 
manufucturers  ingeneval  stale  they  must  turn  off  nm-  half  of  tliiir  hands,  if  the  de- 
mand is  not  greater  than  at  present.  Twelve  to  fourteen  hundred  pei-sons 
now  unemployed.  Tlic  home  trade  is  much  injured  by  the  competition  of  per- 
sons formerly  in  the  foreign  trade ;  and  now  atlbrds  no  profit. 

May  14, 1812. 
Mr.  WILLIAM  THOMPSON,  woollen  manufacturer,  of  Hawden,  near 
Leeds.  Has  been  in  liusiness  30  years.  In  1810  employed  650  hands,  and  m.i- 
nufactiired  6,00(J  piires  of  goods  for  the  Anierieaii  market.  In  the  last  year 
made  4,(XX>  pieces,  and  has  dLtniismil  200  hands.  His  stock  of  goods,  worth  U|>- 
war<l«  of  90,000/.  being  much  gn-ater  than  at  any  f'ornur  period.  The  remain- 
ing hands  have  not  more  than  one -third  woik.     In  good  times  his  men  earned 


CHAP.  60.] 


SITAGNATION  OF  TRADE. 


3*?r 


from  16».  to  30«,  a  week,  and  now  only  one-third.  J\/'ever  kmew  tfic  poor  in  to 
distressed  a  state  before ;  not  even  when  corn  wa."*  dearer  in  1800 ;  they  had 
plenty  of  work  at  that  time.  "  The  distress  of  the  workmen  is  very  evident  by 
their  countenance,  and  by  the  raggedness  of  their  dress.  They  are  evidently 
in  a  worse  situation  than  I  ever  knew  them  before."  If  a  favourable  change 
does  not  take  place,  must  dismiss  the  whole  of  his  hands,  as  the  heavy  stock  of 
goods  renders  it  out  of  his  power  to  continue  them.  Made  a  small  shipment 
to  South  America  about  twelve  months  ago,  but  has  not  yet  received  any  re- 
turns ;  and  will  not  ship  farther  at  present.  Made  a  shipment  to  Canadit,  value 
30,0001.  about  fourteen  months  ago,  for  which  he  has  not  yet  received  one-sixth; 
and  those  goods  that  did  sell  were  to  a  considerable  loss,  say  from  25  to  30  per 
cent.  If  there  was  an  open  traile  to  America,  all  the  distresses  viould  be  very  short- 
ly removed;  activity  would  be  resumed,  and  the  countenances  of  the  poor  would 
change  very  fast ;  if  that  were  once  effected,  it  would  give  a  general  spring  to 
our  neighbourhood.  Has  orders  from  America  for  the  whole  of  /da  goods,  pro- 
vided the  orders  in  council -were  rescinded. 

V.r.  CHRISTOPHEU  LAWSON,  woollen  merchant,  of  Leeds.  In  good  times 
exported  to  America,  to  the  value  of  80,0001.  ann'mlly.  Present  stock  of  goods 
40,000/.  Made  a  shipment  to  AmeUa  Island  in  1811,  under  tlie  idea  that  it 
might  get  into  America,  but  it  remains  there  at  present.  Conceives  all  the 
merchants  trading  to  America  are  in  the  same  state.  The  common  calatlatimi 
is,  that  Yorkshire  goods  are  exported  to  Ameiica,  to  the  amount  of  two  millions  aw- 
iiually.  Great  complaints  have  been  made  of  the  home  market  for  the  last  six 
months-  Has  ordei»  for  goods  to  be  sliippcd  to  America,  on  the  repeal  of  the 
orders  in  council.  .         . 

'  May  15,  1812. 

Mr.  DAVID  SHEARD,  blanket  and  flushing  manufacturer,  of  the  parish  of 
Dewsbury.  In  goo<l  times  employs  about  800  hands :  100  of  them  are  now  quite 
out  of  employ,  and  the  remainder  have  one-third,  or  one-foiulh  work.  The 
average  wages  of  men,  women  and  children,  in  good  times,  were  11».  a  week, 
and  arc  now  3«.  9d.  The  manufacturers  have  given  over  accumulating  stock ; 
they  do  not  wish  to  nin  into  debt,  and  the  money  they  had  is  all  made  up  into 
goods.  Weekly  wages  paid  in  the  hamlet,  in  good  times,  used  to  be  469/.  now 
294/.  Thinks  the  home  trade  as  good  as  it  was.  Trade  began  to  fall  off'in  the 
beginning  cf  1811 :  and  amorig  the  lower  orders  of  people  THERE  IS  VERY 
GREAT  DISTRESS  INDEED.  If  favourable  circumstances  do  not  turn  up, 
wiU  be  obliged  to  turn  off  half  the  hands  lie  now  employs.  Had  a  good  traue 
before  the  intercourse  with  America  was  stopped. 

Mr.  FRANCIS  PLATT,  merchant  and  woollen  manufacturer,  of  Saddleworth 
The  trade  has  fallen  oft'  very  considerabiv  since  1810,  owing  to  the  want  of 
American  trade.  His  own  stock  of  goods  larger  than  ever  it  was  before,  being- 
nearly  30,000/.  The  district  of  Saddleworth  contains  a  population  of  nearly 
12,000  persons,  most  of  whom  are  engaged  in  the  woollen  business,  and  they 
do  not  now  get  half  the  work  they  useu  to  have.  His  capital  absorbed  in  goocb, 
.'ind  if  there  is  not  a  market  soon,  must  discharge  his  men  in  toto  ;  which  is  the 
case  with  manufacturers  in  general  in  that  district,  fn  40  or  50  years  he  /uii 
never  known  the  tKstress  eyual  to  the  present. — Great  numbers  of  tiie  people  ne- 
ver taste  animal  food  at  all :  their  principal  food  is  oatmeal  boiled  in  water;  and 
sometimes  potatoes  for  dinner.  Was  informed,  by  a  very  honest  man,  tiiat  lie, 
his  wife,  and  all  his  children,  had  to  go  to  bed,  and  hai  lot  even  a  morsel  of  that 
oatmeal  and  water  to  put  into  tlieir  mouths.  Was  also  informed  by  another  that 
he  had  got  some  little  oatmeal,  and  boiled  it  in  water ;  that  he  had  to  wet  it  in 
water  insteiul  of  milk,  or  any  other  liquid,  with  his  Food.  The  people  have  been 
very  peaceable  in  this  parish  ;  and  is  certain  they  w  ill  remain  so,  provided  they 
couhl  get  employment,  or  any  thing  near  full  employment:  they  have  no  disposi- 
tion at  all  to  riot.  Has  enquired  in  s<mie  instances  whether  the  poor  have  receiv- 
ed  parish  relief;  but  believes  that  in  the  principal  part  of  the  niamifucturing 
districts,  the  poor  would  nearly  starve,  probably  not  to  death,  but  pretty  close 
lo  it,  before  tney  went  to  the  parish  .  for  this  reason — they  have  not  been  ae- 


■  llj  It 

'J 


338 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[«HAP.  60. 


customed  to  it,  and  it  is  a  kind  of  disgrace  or  sometliing'  of  that  kind,  and  iliey 
will  not  go  to  it  if  tlicy  can  get  half  work  and  half  wages ;  tiiey  will  take  evci-y 
means  in  their  power  to  keep  olf  the  parisii.  Oatmeal  is  3  l-2d  to  4(1  tl»e  pound, 
or  double  the  usual  price.  Fotatoes  are  about  the  sunic  proportion  ;  never 
knew  thein  any  thing  like  so  high  as  tliey  are  at  pi-csent.  Has  no  doubt  that 
if  goods  could  be  shipped  to  Ameiica,  there  would  b,e  work.  The  poor  arc 
not  well  clotlied. 

May  20,  1812. 

Mr.  JOHN  HOFFMAN,  churchwarden  of  the  parish  of  Spital  Fields.— The 
looms  employed  in  tiie  manufactures  of  Suital  Fields,  about  17,000,  to  20,000  ; 
and  about  5,000  of  them  are  in  the  parisK  of  Spital  Fiehls,  w/j«r  at  leavl  one 
Jia/f  'if  the  v/eavera  are  out  of  employment,  and  the  lower  ortlers  in  a  moat  deplorable 
itiite.  »libre  than  one ittatunce  haa ocimrred,  where THKY  HAU  DIKD  lATEUAL- 
LY  FOR  WANT.  Soup  ilistributed  is  about  3,000  to  4,000  quarts  a  day.  Has 
dismissed  a  considerable  number  of  his  hands,  who  were  employed  in  the  silk 
trade.  The  light  silks  of  Spital  Fields  sell  in  America  ;  of  other  sorts  the 
French  are  cheaper  than  ours.  If  the  American  trade  was  open,  tliere  world 
be  ai)  opportunity  of  sending  a  considerable  quantity  of  goods  there  ;  lias  in 
the  course  of  some  years,  manufactur  d  goods  for  the  American  market,  prin- 
cip..!ly  of  the  slight  (piality.  Within  these  two  years  there  has  been  no  trade 
to  A)ncrica  ;  and  therefore  he  was  obliged  to  turn  oti'  his  hands  employed  for 
that  particular  trade.  If  the  trade  was  opened  again,  has  no  hesitation  in  say> 
ing  those  very  articles  would  find  sale  there  ;  and  he  would  take  back  the 
hands  he  had  dismissed,  which  he  believes  is  the  case  with  others  in  the  same 
line  as  himself  In  October  last  he  purchased  potatoes  for  the  workhouse  at 
3/.  10«.  per  ton  ;  witliin  the  last  six  weeks,  they  have  been  seUing  in  Spital 
Fields  market,  at  12/.  13/.  and  14/.  a  ton.  Pei-aona  who  have  died  for  want,  have 
applied  for,  and  obtained  reUef:  but  they  were  too  far  gone  before  titey  made  appli- 
cation ;  hat  uniformly  found  that  the  indiiitrioua  poor  will  never  apply  for  relief  till 
the  very  latt  extremity.  Believes  tiiat  more  than  a  fifth  of  the  silk  manufactured 
in  Spital  Fields  went  to  America ;  and  more  than  one  tliird  of  his  own  manu- 
facture, for  seven  years,  was  tor  the  American  market.  The  want  of  an  ade- 
quate supply  of  raw  silk,  has  been  one  great  cause  of  tlie  want  of  employ,  and 
consequent  distress  of  the  manufacturers. 

May  25,  1812. 

Mr.  SHAKSPEARFi  PHH.LIPS,  merchant,  of  Manchester,— was  examined 
by  theJiousc  four  years  ago  upon  the  onlers  in  council.  Is  an  exporter  of 
manufactured  goods  to  the  United  States  of  America,  when  the  trade  is  open. 
Has  a  great  stock  of  goods  on  hand,  which  is  the  case  of  the  manufacturers  in 
general.  Uaa  orders  to  a  very  larffe  amount  to  be  a/apped  in  the  event  of  the  orders 
in  council  hdng  reacinded.  Has  no  doubt  that  ortlers  of  tliis  kind,  which  are  now 
in  Manchester,  woidd,  if  executed,  greatly  relieve  the  distress  of  that  place. 
The  alate  of  tlie  workmen  in  JMancheater  and  the  neighbourhood  is  very  di-phrable. 
They  are  deficient  in  work,  and  ui-e  working  at  extremely  low  wages.  If  the 
American  traile  wits  open,  would  not  fear  the  competition  of  the  American 
manufactures  in  the  market,  as  he  conceives  they  are  onlv  forced  into  that 
measure.  Several  adventures,  which  he  had  made  to  South' America,  have  left 
a  coiisideralile  lo.ss.  Cannot  sUte  the  proportion  which  the  American  market 
beai-stothe  general  manufactory  of  Manchester  and  its  neighbourhood ;  but 
from  his  knowledge  of  its  vast  inlhience  upon  the  manufacture  in  gen 
oral,  is  convinced  that  the  exports  anniiallv  amount  to  an  enormous  sum.  Has 
no  doubt  that  if  the  American  market  was' freely  open,  there  would  be  full  em- 
plovment  for  the  labouring  manufacturers  of  Manchester.  When  the  trade 
with  America  from  France  and  this  country  were  both  open,  «li<l  not  experience 
Uie  lea.st  competition  in  the  cotton  manufactures  on  the  part  of  France,  and  has 
not  the  least  apprehension  of  any.  rhe  present  dutv  on  raw  cotton  in  France 
being  about .}«.  a  pound,  amounts  to  a  prohibition  ;  and  any  ctnintry  imposing 
such  a  duty  cannot  seriously  intend  to  establish  any  great  manufacture. 

I  trust  there  is  here  superabundant  testimony  of  the  trans- 
fcncUnt  folly  and  madness,  as  well  aa  of  the  ilagrant  injustice  of 


cuAP.  60,] 


ORDERS  IN  COUNCIL. 


i'h 


the  system  pursued  by  the  British  ministry,  which  inflicted  so 
much  misery  and  wretchedness  on  that  interesting  and  valuable 
clasaof  subjects,  the  manufacturers  and  artizans.  The  testimony 
is  equally  strong  against  the  folly  of  such  of  our  fellow  citizens^ 
as,  by  rendering  nugatory  the  restrictive  system,  so  fatally  in- 
volved in  the  horrors  of  a  wasting  war,  two  great  nations  whom 
ten  thousand  motives  arising  from  mutual  interests — common 
descent — congenial  manners — and  sameness  of  language— ought 
to  have  impelled  to  cultivate  the  strictest  ties  of  friendship. 

During  the  progress  of  these  examinations,  on  the  21st  of 
May,  the  official  repeal  of  the  Frencl  decrees  was  communicat- 
ed by  Mr.  Hussel,  the  American  minister,  to  the  court  of  St. 
James.  But  notwithstanding  the  solemn  pledge  of  the  British 
ministry  to  proceed  pari  passu  with  the  French  government,  in 
the  business  of  repeal,  there  was  no  step  taken  respecting  a  re- 
peal of  the  orders  in  council,  till  the  23d  of  June,  that  is,  for 
nearly  five  weeks.  Nothing  was  done  till  after  the  whole  ex- 
amination was  completed,  and  until  after  an  address  had  been 
moved  in  the  house  of  commons,  for  the  repeal,  by  Mr.  Brough- 
ham,  on  the  17th  of  June,  grounded  on  the  result  of  the  exami- 
nations, which  was  withdrawn  by  the  mover,  on  a  pledge  by  the 
ministers,  that  the  orders  would  be  repealed. 

As  a  palliation  for  this  delay,  it  is  stated  that  the  assassination 
of  Mr.  Percival,  the  British  premier,  on  the  11th  of  May,  dis- 
tracted the  attention  of  the  ministry,  and  prevented  the  redemp- 
tion of  the  pledge.  This  palliation  will  not  bear  a  moment's  re. 
flection.  The  parliamentary  examination  was  predicated  on  the 
injury  the  British  trade  suffered — and  had  hardly  the  slightest 
regard  to  any  other  consideration.  And  as  I  have  stated,  the 
revocation  o^  the  orders  in  council  was  not  attempted  till  mat 
examination  was  finished.  Nearly  five  weeks  [thirty.three 
days]  had  elapsed  from  the  notification  of  the  French  repeal,  and 
forty-three  days  from  the  death  of  Mr.  Percival.  And  no  man 
can  pretend  that  one  or  two  weeks  would  not  have  been  abun- 
dantly suf%ient. 

To  prove  the  charge  I  have  adduced  against  the  British  mi- 
nistry of  gross  impolicy,  as  well  as  injustice,  in  their  treatment 
of  this  country,  which  led  to  the  wasting  war  so  injurious  to 
both  nations,  I  submit  to  the  reader,  part  of  a  speech  delivered 
in  the  British  house  of  commons,  by  Mr.  Whitbread,  on  the 
13th  of  February,  1812,  about  four  months  previous  to  the  de- 
claration of  hostilities,  embracing  a  review  of  the  diplomatic  in» 
tercourse  between  the  two  countries.  • 

••  of  Mr.  Piiikney  he  neiul  say  little  :  he  M-as  a  mnn  of  sound  srnsc  and 
.iii(l|ifnu'nt,  of  im  able  and  acute  mind,  and  of  the  hi^'iicst  rrpiitiition.  Mo  was  k 
man  who  had  conducted  himself  (hirin(*  his  residence  in  this  country,  in  a  man- 
ner most  honourable  to  himself,  and  likely  to  benefit  both  nations.  At  all 
tinirs,  lakinjf  the  most  impartial  virw  of  the  difl'erent  interests  concerned,  liis 


U     'l 


:  ^ 


in 


,  u 


■aiiiu-' 


340 


POUTICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[chap.  6Q. 


conduct,  though  firm,  had  been  most  conciliatory.  Without  losingf  tight  of  the 
claims  of  his  couiitr}',  with  which  he  was  intrusted,  he  had  at  all  times  ap- 
proaciied  the  ministers  witli  whom  he  was  in  treaty,  with  respect,  attention, 
and  deference.  Firm  to  his  purpose,  and  able  to  elucidate  the  subjects  under 
discussion,  he  had  never  failed  in  time,  punctuality,  or  mode  of  procedure,  in 
his  mission.  He  ivoiUd  he  could  aay  at  much  for  thoie  with  whom  Mr.  Pinkney  had 
intercoune.  But  it  was  not  so :  and  it  was  impossible  to  say,  that  gentleman 
had  been  treated  witii  the  proper  and  punctiliuus  ceremony  he  merited  by  the 
marquis  Wellesley.  At  the  period  when  this  correspondence  commenced,  a 
g^eat  soreness  prevailed  in  America,  on  account  of  the  rupture  with  Mr.  Jack- 
son. The  feeluigi  of  that  coutUry  were  in  a  state  of  extreme  irritation;  and  this 
topic  was  the  subject  of  Mr.  Pinkuey's  first  letter  to  the  noble  marquis.  One 
would  liavc  thouglit  at  such  a  time  that  a  minister  would  have  felt  that  no  want 
of  decorum  or  attention  on  his  part,  should  be  superadded  to  augment  the  un- 

[>leasant  feeling  already  too  prevalent ;  but  it  so  happened,  that  to  this  very 
etter  of  Mr.  Finkney,  of  the  2d  January,  on  the  subject  of  another  minister's 
bcinjc  appointed  in  tlie  room  of  Mr.  Jackson,  no  answer  was  returned,  until  the 
i4th  of  March,  Upwards  of  two  months  of  precious  time  were  wasted,  during 
which  Mr.  Pinkney,  aware  that  some  time  might  be  necessary,  waited  with  the 
most  patient  respect  and  decorum. 

"  OntJie  15th  of  February,  the  American  minister  again  wrote  to  the  British 
iecretaiT,  on  the  subject  of  our  blockade,  one  of  the  most  important  in  discus, 
sion,  and  in  all  its  bearings,  between  the  two  countries.  To  this  no  answer  was 
returned  till  March  2.  Again,  on  the  30th  of  April,  Mr.  Pinkney  addressed  a 
letter  to  lord  Wellesley,  relative  to  the  Berlin  and  Milan  decrees,  which  were 
considered  as  the  chief  source  of  all  the  existing  differences,  and  therefore 
merited  the  most  earnest  and  immediate  attention ;  but  to  tliis  letter  no  answer 
was  ever  returned. 

"  JOn  the  4th  of  May  following,  another  letter  was  sent  to  our  forcigfn  secre- 
tary,  complainint' of  the  forging  of  thipa'  papers,  carried  on  in  London,  by  which 
British  slaps  and  property  were  maile  to  appear  as  American.  This  traffic  was 
alleged  to  be  openly  and  notoriously  earned  on  :  and  it  was  not  possible  to  coti- 
ceive  one  more  infamotts  to  the  nation  whei-e  practised,  or  iT{jurious  to  the  cmntry 
mgainsl  which  it  was  tUrected.  Yet  THIS  CHARGE  OF  INFAMY  AGAINST 
BRITAIN,  THIS  INJUSTICE  AND  INJURY  TO  AMERICA,  WAS  PASSED 
OVER  IN  UTTER  SILENCE,  AND  NO  ANSWER  WHATEVER  TO  THE 
LETTER  WAS  RETURNED. 

"  On  the  23d  of  June,  Mr.  Pinkney  agun  wrrote,  referring  to  his  letter  of 
the  30th  of  April,  on  the  subject  of  the  Berlin  and  Militn  decrees,  and  request- 
ing an  ansv^cr ;  but  no  answer  was  returned.  On  the  7th  of  July  he  wrote 
again  relative  to  the  appointment  of  a  minister  in  the  room  of  Mr.  Jackson, 
(his  first  subject  on  tlie  2d  of  January)  and  even  at  this  distance  of  time  re- 
ceived no  official  answer,  but  merely  a  verbal  assurance  or  private  note,  that  a 
minister  would  be  immediately  sent  out.  On  the  8th  of  August,  Mr.  Pinkney 
once  more  wrote,  riiferring  to  his  letters  of  the  23d  June  and  3Uth  April ;  but 
could  obtain  no  answer. 

"  On  the  21st  August,  he  again  by  letter  pressed  the  subject  of  blockade  ; 
but  could  obtain  no  answer.  On  the  25th  of  the  same  month,  he  again  wrote 
to  state  the  revocation  of  the  Berlin  and  Milan  decrees  ;  and  to  this  communi- 
cation our  minister  at  length  condescended  to  send  a  reply.  The  next  part  of 
the  correspondence  was  another  letter  from  Mr.  Pinkney,  relative  to  a  misap- 
prehension of  Sir  James  Saunuircz,  on  the  nature  of  the  blockade  of  Elsincur, 
and  on  th^  impressing  of  certain  seamen  from  an  American  ship.  To  the  for- 
mer subject  an  answer  was  returnetl ;  but  of  tlut  latter  no  notice  was  taken.  He 
had  indeed  been  much  surprised  at  the  whole  course  of  this  correspondence  ; 
but  at  this  partic\ilar  period  his  astonishment  was  greater  than  ever.  That  a 
subject  so  keenly  felt  by  America,  as  the  impressing  of  her  citizens,  should  be  entirely 
passed  over  in  silence,  was  beyoml  all  former  nei(lect  and  inattention. 

"  All  t!ie  world  knew  that  this  point  was  the  one  on  which  the  greatest  dif- 
ficulty existed  in  neg«>cialing  an  amicable  a<lju8tment  between  the  two  coun- 
tries )  and  that  our  conduct  towards  ^imeiican  saumen  stood  mure  in  t/n  wu^  of  co/t- 


otip.  61.] 


STRUGGLE  FOR  EXISTENCE. 


S*l 


ciliation  than  any  other  matter  whatever.  Surely  then  such  an  opportunity  oughl; 
not  to  have  been  neglected ;  surely  it  was  the  duty  of  the  British  minister  to 
show,  b^  his  speedy  attention  to  the  subject,  that  he  was  as  anxious  to  evince 
the  spirit  of  conciliation  as  to  profess  it ;  and  that,  knowing  how  fatal  to  the  in- 
terest of  tliis  country  a  rupture  with  America  would  be,  he  would  have  eagerly 
cmliraced  the  opening  presenting  itself,  to  demonstrate  our  amicable  intentions, 
and  remove  one  of  tlie  sorest  grievances  complained  of.  But,  no !  reluctantly 
and  coldly  was  the  answer  on  this  subject  wnnig  forth— not  from  the  noble 
secretary,  not  by  letter  from  him,  but  practically  by  the  discharge  of  these  sea- 
men, by  Sir  William  Scott,  in  the  court  of  admiralty,  thereby  acknowledging 
and  declaring  the  right  and  justice  of  the  claim  urged  on  the  part  of  America. 
Tliis  was  the  conciliation  ot  the  noble  secretary,  that  he  permitted  the  sentence 
of  a  court  of  justice,  to  give  a  practical  answer  to  afoi-eign  minister,  whom  ho 
woukl  not  take  the  trouble  of  putting  pen  to  paper  to  satisfy  on  so  interestmg^ 
a  point. 

"On  the  21st  of  September,  Mr.  Pinkney  found  it  necessary  again  to  ad- 
dress the  British  government;  and  referring  to  his  letters  of  the  30th  April, 
23d  Jime,  and  Ktii  August,  on  the  subject  of  the  Berlin  and  Milan  decrees,  h» 
urged  an  immediate  answer,  as  his  government  had  lung  been  in  expectation 
of  a  communication  on  tliat  liead.  Again,  on  the  8th  and  10th  December,  he 
wrote  ;  and  with  these  httcvs  concludetl  hin  correafioudenctt,  being  unable  to  obtain 
any  sutisfactonj  information  ,•  and  soon  after  he  demantkd  Ida  audience  of  leave  of 
the  Prince  RegetU.'" 

The  wretched  and  depredating  system  pursued  by  the  British 
ministry,  has  in.  its  consequences  produced  the  most  saUitary 
effects  on  this  country,  and  inflicted  the  most  serious  and  vital 
injury  on  Great  Britain.  It  has  accelerated  the  progress  of  our 
manufactures  more  in  five  or  six  years,  than  in  the  common 
course  of  events  would  have  taken  place  in  thirty.  It  has,  in  a 
very  great  degree,  emancipated  us  from  our  former  slavish  de- 
pendence on  thp  looms  and  the  anvils  of  Great  Britain.  .  And 
on  the  subject  of  naval  affairs,  it  is  impossible  to  estimate  the 
injury  Great  Britain  has  received  by  it,  or  the  glory  the  United 
States  have  acquired.  The  vaunted  prowess  of  England,  her 
towering  pretensions  to  naval  pre-eminence,  that  character 
which  in  former  naval  conflicts  prepared  her  sailors  for  victory, 
and  her  enemies  for  defeat,  are  irretrievably  tarnished  in  a  con- 
test with  the  youngest  maritime  power  in  the  world. 


;  t 


CHAPTER  LXI. 


England  said  to  be  struggling  for  her  existence.  This  no  pal- 
liation of  her  outrages  on  neutral  nations.  Attack  on  Copen- 
hagen. 

Among  the  various  errors  lately  pre  v^alent,  and  pregnant  with 
baneful  consequences,  a  very  important  one  was,  that  the  Euro- 
pean war  on  the  part  of  England  was  a  war  for  her  existence — 
and  this  has  been  alleged  not  merely  as  a  palliation,  but  as  a  jus- 
tification of  her  outrages  upon  our  citizens  and  upon  our  com- 
merce.  The  outrages  and  depredations  she  perpetrated,  were 
covered  over  with  this  mantle  of  oblivion,  for  the  p^irpose  of 
defaming  the  administration  that  resisted  them. 
O.  B.  45  . 


343 


POLITICAL  OUVE  BRANCH. 


tcBAT.  61. 


I  have  already  touched  on  this  subject  incidentally.  It  re. 
quires  further  elucidation.  And  at  the  hazard  of  repetition,  I 
resume  it. 

The  most  important  aggressions  of  England  on  the  commerce 
of  this  country,  may  be  referred  to  four  epochs — 

1.  The  lawless  and  predatory  captures  in  1793,  during  the 
administration  of  gen.  Washington. 

2.  The  application  in  1805,  of  the  rule  of  1756,  without  any' 
previous  notice  or  warning,  and,  to  aggravate  the  enormity, 
against  her  own  exposition  of  the  law  of  nations,  and  against 
the  decisions  of  her  courts  of  admiralty  j  whereby  the  seas  were 
swept  of  the  American  vessels  and  commerce. 

5,  The  paper  blockade  by  Charles  J.  Fox^s  administration, 
of  the  coast  from  the  Elbe  to  Brest,  an  extent  of  800  miles. 
4.  The  orders  in  council  of  Nov.  1807. 
Of  these  in  due  course. 

1.  Lord  Castlereagh  himself,  or  the  marquis  of  Wellesley, 
would  not  dare  to  assert  that  the  depredations  in  1793  could  be 
palliated  by  the  jeopardy  of  her  existence.  They  were  wanton, 
unprovoked,  lawless,  and  predatory  to  the  last  4eg''ee.  General 
Washington  presided  over  the  destinies  of  this  country.  He 
had  resolved  on  and  observed  a  fair  and  impartial  neutrality. 
The  manner,  and  time,  and  circumstances,  were  as  monstrous 
as  the  measure  itself. 

2.  On  the  subject  of  the  predatory  system  of  1805,  I  shall 
merely  refer  the  reader  to  the  mercantile  memorials  of  that  pe- 
riod* written  and  signed  by  men  who  have  since  as  ably  de- 
fended and  justified  ^he  conduct  of  England,  as  at  that  period 
they  unqualifiedly  reprobated  and  denounced  it.  This  change 
in  their  opinions  and  conduct  changes  not  the  nature  of  the 
facts.  For  the  proceedings  of  the  British  ministry  at  that  pe- 
riod, every  honourable  Englishman  must  blush.  They  were 
unworthy  of,  and  disgraceful  to,  a  mighty  and  respectable  na- 
tion. 

3.  Charles  James  Fox's  blockade  was  a  gross  violation  of  the 
laws  of  nations. — It  was  in  direct  hostility  with  previous  decla- 
rations made  by  that  statesman  himself — as  well  as  with  the  ho- 
nourable and  indeed  the  only  legal  definition  of  a  blockade,  pre- 
viously given  to  our  government  by  Mr,  Merry,  the  British  mi- 
nister here,  as  follows  :— 


"  Sir, 


•*  Admiralty  Office,  January  5, 1804. 


"  Havinpf  communicated  to  the  lords  of  the  admiralty,  lord  Hawkesbury's 
letter  of  the  23d  ult  enclosing  the  copy  of  a  dispatch  which  his  lordship  had 
received  from  Mr.  Thornton,  his  majesty's  charge  d'affaires  in  America,  on 
the  subject  of  the  blockade  of  the  isltmds  of  Martinique  and  Gaudaloiipe,  to- 
gether with  the  report  of  the  advocate  general  thereupon,  I  have  their  lord- 

•  Sec  chapters  xiv,  xv,  and  xvli. 


hot, 


CBAP.  61.] 


STRUGGLE  FOR  EXISTENCE. 


343 


ships'  command  to  acqiuunt  you,  for  his  lordship's  information,  that  they  have 
sent  orders  to  commodore  Hood,  not  to  consider  any  blockade  as  existing,  uii- 
le»»  in  respect  to  particular  porta  w/dch  may  be  actually  invested ;  and  then  not  to 
capture  vessels  bound  to  such  ports,  unless  they  shall  previously  have  been 
warned  not  to  enter  them ;  and  that  they  have  also  sent  tlie  necessary  direc- 
tions  on  the  subject  to  the  judges  of  the  vice-admiralty  courts  in  the  West 
Indies  and  America.  "  I  am,  &c. 

George  Hammond,  Esq.  EVAN  NEPEAN." 

Here  is  the  only  fair,  and  honest,  and  honourable  exposition 
of  the  law  of  nations  on  this  subject,  laid  down  by  England 
herself.  This  letter  stands  on  eternal  record — and  seals  the  ir- 
revocable condemnation  of  that  vile  predatory  system,  whereby, 
according  to  George  Cabot,  James  Lloyd,  and  the  other  Boston 
memorialists,  she  was,  during  the  course  of  the  French  war, 
«  PREYING  UPON  THE  UNPROTECTED  PROPER- 
TY  OF  A  FRIENDLY  POWER."*  If  lord  Castlereagh, 
the  marquis  of  Wcliesley,  lord  Catiicart,  George  Canning,  Mr. 
Rose,  or  Mr,  War-in-Disguise,  should  find  this  accusation 
somewhat  indigestible,  let  thea  hurl  the  gauntlet  at  Mr.  Lloyd 
and  his  friends. 

4.  The  orders  in  council  close  the  f  dialogue.  They  will  form 
an  eternal  blot  on  the  escutcheon  of  tit  administrs^tion  by  which 
they  were  enacted,  and  so  long  sui)ported.  For  their  impolicy 
the  reader  is  referred  to  c^.i|:ter  LV.  It  \  as  at  least  equal  to 
their  flagrant  injustice. 

From  the  1st  of  March,  1809,  they  lost  whatever  plea  or 
palliation  might  have  previously  existed  for  them.  The  non- 
intercourse  act,  passed  on  th?t  day,  put  it  in  the  power  of  Great 
Britain,  at  any  hour  she  pleased,  to  open  our  ports  to  her  trade 
and  navigation— to  shut  them  against  the  vessels  and  trade  of 
France — and  in  effect  to  have  ultimately  produced  war  between 
that  nation  and  the  United  States. 

The  refusal  of  this  oflfer  was  a  clear,  convincing,  and  unan- 
swerable proof,  that  her  sole  object  was  monopoly  j  and  that, 
in  the  language  of  Mr.  Bayard,  retaliation  was  merely  "  a  pre- 
tence." Her  ^depredations  were  committed  without  intermission. 
Let  anyhortt  !ilnglishman — any  candid  federalist,  now  that 
the  reign  of  delusion  has  terminated,  say,  were  these  depreda- 
tions, to  pass  over  their  immorality  and  injustice,  such  measures, 
as,  on  mrre  principles  of  policy,  "  a  nation  struggling  for  her 
existenc'^y'*  ought  to  have  adopted  ?  Was  it  just,  or  proper,  or 
prudent,  for  "  a  nation  struggling  for  her  existence^^^  to  violate 
the  rights,  and  to  plunder  the  property,  of  an  unoffending  neu- 
tral, and  risk  a  war  with  that  neutral  ?     Surely  not. 

In  a  word,  let  Timothy  Pickering,  Rufus  King,  George  Ca- 
bot, or  governor  Strong,  decide,  whether  the  conduct  of  Great 

•  Let  it  be  observed  that  the  predatory  system  of  1805,  denounced  by  the 
Boston  memorialists,  as  "  preying  upon  the  unprotected  property  of  a  friendly 
power"  was  incomparably  less  unjust  and  more  defensible  than  the  subae« 
qucnt  outrages  porpeU-atcd  on  Amerlciui  commerce. 


i  1  i-' 


ii 


MS 


f!44 


POLITICAL  OLn^  BUANCII. 


[cAap.  61 


Britain  on  the  ftcean  were  not  as  unjust,  as  arbitrary,  and  as 
lawless,  as  that  of  Bonaparte  on  terra  fnnia i  Whether  the 
clandestine  orders  of  17^3,  and  those  of  ib05,  were  not  as  per- 
fidious, as  faithless,  and  as  utterly  indefensible,  as  any  act  olthe 
French  emperor?  And  finally,  to  sum  up  the  whole,  whether 
there  be  in  the  history  of  mankind  any  ai  t  much  more  atrocipus 
than  the  attack  upon  Copenhagen,  the  capital  of  an  innocent  and 
respectable  neutral,  for  the  purpese  of  seizing  her  fleet  ?  Whe- 
ther tbis  act,  and  the  perfidious  conduct  of  Bonaparte  towards 
Spain,  are  not  exactly  of  the  same  character  ? 

"  Amidst  all  the  convulsions  whirli  Europe  had  experienced  in  conseqiicic* 
of  the  revoliuion  in  France,  the  kinj,'doni  of  Dennmrk  had,  hy  the  wise  and 
tcmpcnite  policy  of  her  jailer,  heeii  in  a  ("Teat  measure  preserved  from  the  fa- 
t:J  consequences  of  tliose  commotions  which  had  «)verturned  governments  of 
much  greater  political  consequence.  This  had  heen  accomplished,  not  by  hu« 
miliating  himself  to  any  of  tlie  belligerent  powers;  not  by  espousing  the  cause 
of  sucliof  thema-s  appeared  for  the  moment  to  be  succesrful;  but  by  maintain- 
ing a  firm,  dignified,  and  uudeviating  indepen<lencc,  neither  influenced  by  in- 
trigues nor  nitimidated  by  threats.  Her  naval  and  military  establishments, 
though  not  great,  were  resneciable  ;  and,  combined  with  the  natural  advanta- 
ges of  her  situation,  might  justity  her  in  the  hopes  of  tlefending  herself  with 
Hiccess  against  any  enemy  that  should  attempt  to  infringe  upon  Tier  neutrality. 
In  order  to  defend  this  neutrahty,  the  Danish  goven\ment  had,  for  u  considera- 
ble time  past,  concentred  its  army  on  its  continental  frontiers ;  and  it  has  been 
stated,  tliat  this  measure  was  adopted  at  the  instance  of  (ircat  Kritain,  as  being 
favourable  to  the  protection  of  her  commerce.  In  this  situation  the  British 
flcit,  with  u  large  military  force,  arrived  on  the  coast  of  Zealand,  whei-e  the 
Dunisli  government  saw  no  reason  to  recogni^re  them  in  any  other  character 
than  tliat  of  frientls  and  proteci>)rs.  They  were  tlare  joined  by  the  (ierman 
legion  from  the  isle  of  Hugen  :  and  Mr.  Jackson,  the  Hiitish  resident  at  Copen- 
hagen, according  to  the  instrurlions  rccci\  e«l  from  liis  couit,  ihmmndrd  from  tfin 
Daimh  srnvernmrnt  VWV.  SntKKNDI.K  OF  I'l'S  NAVY  TO  HIH  HRH'ANMC 
MA.IFiSTY,  to  be  retained  by  him  until  the  restoration  of  a  genend  peace. 
Tliis  proposition  was  indignanlly  rejected  ;  in  «:onse<iuence  of  which  the  troops 
were  landed ;  and  a  ])i*oclamation  was  ])ublis)ied  liy  lord  Catheart,  the  com- 
man<ler-in-cbief,  stating  tlie  ntotlvcs  and  objqcts  of  such  a  pi"oceediiig,  and 
threatening,  that  in  case  oC resistance, //n- r/Vi/ 6/"  ('«/«7)/«/(f()/  slioidd  be  deso- 
lated HY  F,M-WY  I'OSSini.K  MKANS  OF  l')F,\AsrA'l"lbN.  I  nprepared  .is 
the  city  tlun  wies,  the  ci-own  prince  gave  order)  that  it  should  be  dc  fended  to 
the  last  extn  niily.  tW  tlie  Danish  navy,  in)t  a  sliip  was  rigged,  aiul  the  crews 
were  al)seni.  On  the  seconil  day  of  Hipti  nii)er,  the  llritisb  troops  Comnu  ncctl 
(he  attack,  on  three  sides  of  the  city,  w  liicli  continued  for  several  days  \\  itbout 
inlerniissi»)n;  during  wliieli  6,.'){).)  slii  lis  were  thrown  into  (lu-  town,  which 
was  soon  on  fire  in  upwards  of  ihirly  places  The  timbir-yanls  were  con- 
sinnetl ;  the  powiU  r  manu/ine  bhw  up;  the  steeple  of  the  cathedral  church 
was  in  n  bla/e,  and  ft  II  amidst  the  continual  sliontsof  the  Dritisli  troops.  From 
tlie  nuide  of  attack  wliTh  had  been  a(h)pted, //«»/;7/V/c«  wov  »«/  roii final  to  the 
Jhiiiiuh  Koldifiii  tind  the  iirvwd  /■uifihrrx  nifrmrrd  in  Ihv  ilrfinir  nf  the  rilti  ,■  /nit  r.r- 
triidt'd  In  thr  iuhnhitantx  of' huth  i.r.ii n — thf  uifvd,  thv  uimiitf,  fhfi  infirm,  Ihv  sick', mid 
thr  hr/ftlfH^,  fur  ivhusr  inij'iii  tin  oli/iiirliiuilii  vuh  iijf'iirili'd  iif  liruvidiiii(,und  irvi'id 
Vlimfirr.i  nf  li'hitm  (h  lirhrd  />ii  1/ir  hurntimr  nf  nhr/ln,  thr  firr  nf  ttir  uytillcni,  mid llw 
iiini.iiii  rafi/r  iiiiidnitt;  runs,  i/i>i  nf  on  *»  ilnitilfid  mid  /'/»<  .rfirrtrd  mi  iitliirh.  It  soon 
•pp(  arnl  thiit  the  city  was  unable  to  make  an  eHeciual  resistancr  t  tlu-  llrilish 
forces  having  approached  \«'idi  their  trenches  so  near,  as  to  be  euahleil  to  set 
it  on  fire  wh(  i'<  \<  r  tli<  y  phased,  'I'o  pre\  cut  this  «oiisninniation  of  misery, 
t'le  Daiiiiih  >'(ininian(ii  r  assented  to  terms  of  cupitidatlon,  l)y  whidi  be  agrt cd 
to  Kurreiultrup  tlic  fleet,  upon  condition  tlmt  the  lltilisli  army  should  evacuate 


war 


cKap.  61.] 


STRUGGLE  FOR  EXISTENCE. 


■^^^P^ ' 


the  island  of  Zealand  within  six  weeks,  and  that  public  and  private  proper^ 
should  in  tlie  mean  time  be  respected."* 

.»      ..-^ 

Of  these  horrible  scenes,  worthy  of  Alaric,  Attila,  or  Genghis 
Khan,  it  is  impossible  to  read,  without  shuddering  with  horror. 
Every  Englishman,  who  possesses  a  due  sense  of  national  hon- 
our, must  deplore  the  stain  they  have  impressed  on  the  escut- 
cheon of  his  native  land — and  must  join  in  the  execration  to 
which  the  upright  part  of  mankind  have  consigned  and  will 
eternally  consign  the  ministers  who  planned  and  ordered  the 
perpetration  of  such  a  scene  of  barbarous  and  merciless  outrage. 

Away  then  for  ever  with  the  miserable  cant  of  "  a  struggle 
for  her  existence^''  as  not  merely  a  palliative,  but  a  justification 
of  "  PREYING  UPON  THE  UNPROTECTED  PROP- 
ERTY OF  A  FRIENDLY  POWER."|  This  high  and 
damning  accusation  against  Great  Britain,  of  *'*'  prey vig  upon 
the  unprotected  property  of  a  friendly  poxver*'^  was  advanced,  as 
I  have  repeatedly  had  occasion  to  state,  by  George  Cabot, 
James  Lloyd,  Thomas  Perkins,  Arnold  Welles,  and  the  other 
Boston  merchants  who  signed  the  memorial  to  congress  in  1805 ; 
but  who  have,  from  that  period  to  the  present,  inconsistently 
been  the  advocates  of  the  British,  and  the  accusers  of  their  own 
government. 

Every  nation  at  war  may  be  said  "  to  struggle  for  her  exist- 
ence.'"' But  she  is  not  Mer^ort?  to  *''■  struggle'"'  her  unoffending 
neighbours  out  of  their  ships,  their  seamen,  their  property,  or 
their  dearest  rights  of  sovereignty,  to  help  to  preserve  herself 
in  '•^ (I  struggle^''*  created  by  lawless  ambition. 

Not  many  months  have  elapsed  since  the  United  States,  con- 
tending single-handed  against  the  most  formidable  naval  power 
that  ever  existed,  might  be  most  en.phatically  and  most  correct- 
ly said  to  be  '■^struggling  for  their  existence^''  which  was  really 
and  truly  jeopardized.  What  consummate  folly  and  madness, 
as  well  as  injustio.-,  would  it  have  been,  to  have  commenced  de- 
predations on  the  commerce  of  Russia,  France,  Spain,  or  Hol- 
land, and  to  add  one  or  more  of  those  nations  to  the  list  of  our 
enemies  ?  At  such  a  critical  time,  it  becomes  nations  to  "  carry 
their  faculties  so  meek''  as  to  give  no  reasonable  cause  of  offence. 
If,  therefore,  the  idea  be  correct,  that  Great  Britain  was  really 
"  'itruirgl/ngfor  her  existenn\'*''  so  tar  from  justifying  or  palliat- 
ing her  irritating  and  outrageous  conduct  towards  the  tinited 
States,  which  ultimately  goaded  us  into  war,  it  only  more  fully 
proves  the  dire  insanity  of  those  fatuitous  and  ruinous  counsels 
l)y  which  her  affairs  were  directed. 


,»*-«l:  "^ 


I'll 


■     i'.l! 

('  ■ 


•  "  Hosrof'M  view  of  t)ic  ranscn,  ohjcrtH,  nixl  conscqiirncrs,  of  thf  present 
war — iind  on  the  eipetliciicy  or  llio  dniij^rr  of  n  pcnt^c  with  France,"  page  4^. 
I  8ce  Uuston  incuiurialt  L'hap.  11 


iMfft.- 


346 


.!  POLITICAL  OUVE  BRANCH. 

CHAPTER  LXII. 


[CIIAP.  1^2. 


The  loud  clamour  raised  by  the  eastern  states  on  the  subject  of 
representation  wholly  unfounded.  The  result  of  factious  de- 
lusion. Statistics,  Examination  of  the  representation  iti  the 
Senate.* 

To  reconcile  the  people  of  the  eastern  states  to  the  parricidal 
project  of  a  dissolution  of  the  union,  there  has  been  a  fearful 
outcry  raised  on  the  subject  of  its  inequalities  and  disadv^^tiiages, 
and  its  oppressive  operation  on  that  portion  of  the  nation,  par- 
ticularly in  regard  to  the  representation  in  the  lower  house  of 
congress.  The  most  extravagant  errors  are  afloat  on  this  topic. 
It  is  generally  believed,  that  the  southern  states  have  an  enor- 
mous and  undue  influence  in  that  body,  in  consequence  of  taking 
the  slaves  into  account  m  iiking  the  number  of  its  members. 

I  waive,  for  a  few  minutes,  the  consideration  how  far  this  in- 
equality and  injustice  exist.  For  sake  of  argument,  I  will  admit 
them  for  the  present.  And  I  respectfully  ask  the  reader, 
whether  it  be  possible  to  form  a  partnership  or  connexion  of  any 
kind,  V  ithout  inequality  ?  Take  any  species  you  choose.  Ex- 
amine the  talents,  the  address,  the  capital,  the  means  of  promot- 
inc  the  joint  interests  of  the  concern ;  you  will  find  that  there 
is  m  some—perhaps  in  all  these  respects — a  considerable  ine- 
quality ;  that  one  party  has  an  advantage  in  respect  to  under- 
standing, or  influence,  and  another  in  point  of  capital  or  skill — 
or  in  some  of  the  various  ways  in  which  men  difler  from  their 
fellow  mortals.  Go  to  the  married  state.  And  I  aver,  that  it 
is  almost  absolutely  impossible  to  form  any  connexion  whatever 
with  a  perfect  equality. 

This  being  obviously  and  strikingly  the  case  in  those  simple 
associations  which  I  have  considered,  how  could  it  be  supposed 
that  so  delicate  and  complicated  an  association  as  that  of  thir- 
teen independent  sovereignties,  more  or  less  various  in  their 
habits,  in  their  productions,  in  their  climates,  in  their  population, 
in  their  pursuits,  could  have  been  formed  without  a  spirit  of 
compromise — without  a  mutual  balancing  of  advantages  and 
disadvantages  ?  To  expect  it,  would  be  the  quintessence  of  folly. 
But  the  reader  will  doubtless  be  astonished,  when  he  finds 
what  is  the  real  state  of  the  rase.  He  will  be  convinced,  that 
the  alleged  grievances  which  have  been  made  the  instruments  of 
exciting  the  angry  passions  of  our  eastern  brethren,  and  prepar- 
ing them  for  rebellion,  have  no  existence.  I^et  the  two  legisla- 
tive bodies  he  combined  together,  and  it  will  be  obvious,  that 
the  eastern  states  have  had,  and  still  have,  rather  more  than  the 
share  of  influence  to  which  their  white  population  entitles  them. 

•  Thin,  and  thr  two  inircpr<linff  chonloM,  arc  cxtrnrtt'd  from  a  pampliU'l,  |»il)- 
listhed  Nov.  2H.  1814,  by  the  mithorof  tlio  (Hive  UiOiich,  uiul  cnUtlcu"  A  toftn 
Addrcbs  to  the  people  of  the  F.nnlcrn  iiiatci." 


^2. 


G&AP.  62.] 


STATISTICS. 


347 


the 


I  have  taken  some  pains  to  make  the  calculations  requisite,  in 
order  to  lay  the  real  state  of  the  case  before  the  public :  and  I 
submit  the  result  in  both  branches  of  the  legislature. 

Examination  of  the  representation  of  the  eastern  states  in  the 
Senate  of  the  United  States^  on  the  ground  of  white  population 
,    onlt/^  since  the  organization  of  the  government. 

Population  of  the  United  States,  Anno  1790,  3,929,326 

Deduct  slaves,  ...  -  697,697 


White  population,        -  • 

Total  population  of  the  eastern  states. 
Deduct  siuves. 


3,231,629 

1,009,522 
3,886 

1,005,636 


White  population,        -  -  -  - 

1  otal  number  of  Senators,  28. 
As  3,231,629  :  28  ::  1,005,636  :  8.713 
Thus,  their  exact  proportion,  had  the  slaves  been  rejected, 
vras  8.713  ;  whereas  they  had  ten  senators. 


,'     .r 


Population  of  the  United  States,  Anno  1800, 
Deduct  slaves,         .         -        -        .         - 

White  population,        -        -        -         -        . 

Population  of  the  eastern  states 
Deduct  slaves,  -         -         .         - 


5,303,666 
896,849 

4,406,817 

1,233,011 
1,339 

1,231,672 


White  population,        -        .        .        _ 

Total  number  of  Senators,  34.  *• 

As  4,406,817  :  34  :  *•  1,231,672  :  9.502. 
Here,  again,  they  had  more  than  their  proportion,  which  was 
9.502 ;  whereas,  they  had  ten. 


Population  of  the  United  States,  Anno  1810, 
Deduct  slaves, 

White  population,        -        _        -        - 


7,239,903 
1,191,364 

6,048,539 

1,471,973 


White  population  of  the  eastern  states. 

Total  number  of  Senators,  36.  * 

As  6,048,539  :  36  :  :  1,471,973  :  8.760. 
On  this  recent  census,  their  proper  proportion  is  8.760  j 
whereas,  they  have,  as  before,  ten. 


'  I,;':* 


M8 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[chap.  63. 


Thus  it  is  evident  that  the  eastern  states  have  had  in  the 
senate,  more  than  their  due  proportion  of  influence  from  the 
commencement  of  the  government — and  that  in  the  present  se- 
nate they  have  actually  14  percent,  more  than  they  are  entitUd 
to,  taking  into  consideration  merely  the  white  population  of  the 
nation^  notwithstanding  the  introduction  ofnerv  states. 

Who  can  forget  the  daring  threat  held  out  by  JVl  r.  Quincey, 
of  resistance  to  the  introduction  of  new  states,  "  amicably  ij  they 
couldy  violently  if  they  must  ?'' 

"  Mr.  Quincey  repeated  and  justified  a  remark  he  liad  made  ;  which,  to 
save  all  misapprehension,  he  committed  to  writing  in  the  following  words  : 
— "  If  this  bill  passes,  it  is  my  deliberate  opinion,  that  it  is  virtually  A  DISSO- 
LITTION  OF  rilK  UNION  i  that  it  will  free  the  states  from  their  morsil  obli- 
gation ;  and  as  it  will  be  the  right  of  all,  so  it  will  be  the  duty  of  some,  'J'O  VRV,- 
PARK  FOR  A  SEPARATION,  anuvublt, if  they  cm»i— VIOLEN'ILY  IF  IHEY 
MUST."* 

Any  person  unacquainted  with  the  subject,  to  have  heard  or 
re:id  Mr.  Quincey's  speeches,  would  have  concluded — and  not 
unreasonably — that  some  lawless  outrage;  had  been  perpetrated 
on  the  section  of  the  union  which  he  represented  ;  and  that  it 
was  robbed  of  its  due  share  of  influence  in  the  senate  by  that 
measure.  How  astonished  must  he  be  to  find,  that  from  the  or- 
ganization of  the  government,  the  fact  has  been  directly  the  re- 
verse ;  that  it  has  had  more  than  its  due  share  of  influence ;  and 
that  tite  other  sections  of  the  union  have  had  solid  and  substan- 
tial causes  of  complaint  on  this  subject ! 

CHAPTER  LXIII. 

Statistics  continued.    Slave  representation  fairly  stated, '  Result. 

The  state  of  the  representation  in  the  lower  house,  to  which 
the  loud  complaints  of  Francis  Blake,  Mr.  Lowell,  Mr.  Harri. 
son  Gray  Otis,  and  their  friends,  particularly  refer,  remains  t<» 
be  considered.  They  have  been  but  too  successful  in  persuad- 
ing their  fellow-citizens,  that  to  the  fatal  source  of  slave  repre- 
sentation may  he  ascribed  all  the  manifold  oppressions,  and  in- 
justice, which,  they  allege,  the  eastern  states  have  experienced. 
I  here  is  probably  not  one  man  in  a  thousand  who  has  a  con- 
ception how  very  slight  the  inequality  is  here.  I  have  asked  a 
number  of  intelligent  and  well-informed  men  their  opinions — and 
some  surmised  HX)  per  cent  beyond  the  truth— others  were 
wide  of  it  iJ(K)  per  cent. 

What  must  be  yoiu-  ama/.cment,  reader,  to  learr,  that  if  all 
the  slaves  in  the  United  States  were  discarded,  in  the  apportion- 
ment of  menibers  of  ib<.  house  of  representatives  of  the  Ihiiteil 
States,  it  would  make  a  difterenee  of  only  tlirce  in  the  nuuiber  of 
representatives  of  the  eastern  states  ? 


*  Nationnl  Intelligencer,  Jan,  IJ,  Itjll,  in  the  Ucbiito  un  the  udmiiiiiiuu  of 
I.ouisiunu  us  u  stutf. 


cmAp.  63.] 


STATISTICS. 


349 


The  white  population  of  the  United  States  at  the 

late  census,  was        --.._-    6,048,539 
That  of  the  eastern  states,         -         -         .         -         1,471,973 

Total  number  of  members,  182. 
Actual  representatives  of  the  five  eastern  states  41. 

As  6,048,539  :  182  :  :  1,471,973  :  :  44,0048. 
Thus  it  appears,  that  were  the  representation  graduated  by  the 
white  population  alone,  the  eastern  states  would  be  entitled  to 
but  44  representatives.  Therefore,  the  injury  they  suffer  by  the 
admission  of  the  slaves,  is  only  a  reduction  of  three  members, 
in  a  body  of  182 — whereas  they  have  one  and  a  quarter  more 
than  they  are  entitled  to  in  the  senate,  a  body  of  36  members. 
That  is  to  say,  and  let  it  be  borne  in  remembrance,  in  one  branch 
they  are  not  two  per  cent,  below  their  proportion — and  in  the 
other  branch,  which  is  by  far  the  more  influential  and  powerful, 
they  have  about  14  per  cent,  more  than  they  are  fairly  entitled 
to  by  their  white  population.  • 

A  view  of  the  filnve  representation  in  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives of  U.  S.  Census  of  1810. 
Ratio^  one  representative  for  35,000  inhabitants. 

Mavyland.  Itemaimlor  10,950 

T(ital  population  380,546 

Deduct  Hlav us  111,503 


Add  3.5th.s  of  80,561  slaves    48,336 


Divide  by  ihc  ratio  35000)269,044(7 


Divide  by  35,000)59,286(1 


Fraction  rejected  24,286 

Ten  representatives — nine  for  wliitcii 
— one  for  slaves. 

J\'iirth-  Carolina. 

Total  population  555,500 

Divide  by  35,000)90,944(2    Deduct  slaves  168,824 


Remainder  24,044 

Add  thrcc-fifths  of  111,502 
slaves  66,900 


fraction  rcjectcil  !>'(),94'1' 

Nine  representatives — 7  for  whites — 
2  for  slavis 

Virgiuitt. 
Total  population  974,622 

Deduct  slavfis  392,518 


Divide  by  35,000)386,676(11 

Hemaiiider  1,676 

Add  tiiree-fifths  of  168,824 

ilavcs  101.292 


Divide  by  35,000)582,104(16 


Divide  by  35,000)  1  (»2.'.)r.8(2 


Fraction  rejected  32,'»r)8 

Thirteen  representatives— eleven  fot 
whites— two  for  slaves. 
Smith-  Carolina, 

Total  pop!\Iiition  41 5,1 11 

Divide  by  35,000)257,608(7     Deduct  slaves  196,365 


Hemainder  22,104 

Atld  three-fifths  of  392,518 
Bk>ve«  235,504 


fraction  rejected  12,608 

Twenty-three  representatives — 16  lor 
whites,  7  for  slaves. 
KftitUiky. 
Total  population  406„1U 

DciUict  slaves  Ht),.»61 

Divide,  bv  35,(K>(-^  125,950(9 
O.  IJ.  40 


Divide  by  35,000)218,750(6 

Hemainder  8,750 

Add  three-fifths  of  196,365 

sitfvci  117,819 

Bividc  by  35,000)1 20,  j62(3 


»•  m 


350 


POLITICAL  OUVE  BRANCH. 


[CBAF.  63 


W\f'^'' 


Fraction  rejected  21,569       Fraction  rejected  345 

Nine  representatives — six  for  whites —    Six  representatives — ^four  for  whites^ 


three  for  slaves 

Georgia. 
Total  population  252,433 

Deduct  slaves  105,218 


IMvide  by  35,000)147,215(4 

7\:us 
a, 15' J 


Remainder 

Add  three-fiflhs  of  105,218 
ahves 


two  for  slaves 

Tenneaaee. 

Total  population  261,727' 

Deduct  slaves  44,535 

Divide  by  35,000)217,192(6 

Kemanid,"'  7,192 

Adds- 51 1     of  44,535  slaves  26,661 


Fracturi  :v;jected 


33,853 


Divide  by  35,000  ;r0,345(2    No  representative  of  the  slaves. 

Afexvficts  on  the  subject  of  the  slave  representation  in  the  lower 

house, 

New-York,  by  Uie  finrt  Hn<.l  last  cen-  }lieiav)are  has  a  slave  repreaentative. 

sus,  has  had  for   ten  years,  »i. 'I  w\)]  Total  population  of  Delaware 

havefortenmor.',  ono  slave  npresei.  in  1810                                72,674 

tutive.  Heduci  slaves                           4,177 

I'otal  population  ol'  New -York,  • 

Anno  1790                         340,120  Divide  by  35.000)68,497(1 

Deduct  slaves  21,324  • 

^— — — ^—  Rema'iider                              33  497 

Divide  by  tlve  ratio  of  Jo,000)318,796(9  Add  3.5Uis  of  4,177  slaves        2',505 


Remainder  21,796 

Add  3-5U1S  of  21,324  slaves    12,794 


Divide  by  33,000)34,590(1 
Fraction  rejected  1,590 


Divide  by  35,000)36,002(1 
Fraction  rejected  1,002 


Massachusetts,  to  her  great  Iionour, 
hus  no  slaves.  But  it  is  a  curious  fact, 
that  she  has  a  representative  of  her 
black  population. 

Ilcr  white  population  is  693,039 

Divide  by  35,000)943,998(26    Black  7,706 


Total  population  of  New-\ork, 

Anno  1810  959,069 

Deduct  slaves  15,071 


Hemaindcr  33,998 

Add  3-5ths  of  15,071  slaves      9,009 


700,745 
This,  divided  by  35,000,  just  allows 
— — —     her    twenty    members.    I)edtict  the 
Divide  by  35,000)43,007(1    blacks,  and  she  would  have  but  nine- 
teen. 


Praction  rejected 

8,007 

ttfpresentatives  of  slaves 

1790 

1800 

N'ew-York 

1 

0 

Delaware 

0 

0 

Mar>  land 

2 

Vir^-inia 

6 

6 

North  Carolina 

1^ 

2 

South  Carolina 

o 

■I 

Cicorgia 

1 

1 

Tt'iiiicHHee 

u 

X 

Kcntuckv- 

0 

\ 

1810 


,  K 


u 


t5 


If 


GRAF.   63.] 


STATISTICS. 


351 


The  following  views  display  the  very  extraordinary  inequali- 
ties that  exist  in  the  representation  in  the  senate.  They  fully 
establish  the  mutual  forbearance  and  the  laudable  spirit  of  com- 
promise that  prevailed  in  the  federal  convention. 


VIEW  I. 


Massachusetts 
N.  Hampshire 
Vermont 
Connecticut 
Rhode  Island 


Free  persons.  Senators. 


700,745 
214,460 
217,895 
261,632 
76,823 


2 
2 
2 
2 
2 


1,471,555       10 


New- York 
Pennsylvania 
Virginia 
N.  Carolina 
Kentucky 


Free  persons.  Senators. 


944,032 
809,296 
58^,104 
386,676 
325,950 


2 
2 
2 
2 
2 


3,048,058       10 


Free  persons. 
Thus  it  appears  that  the  eastern  states  with  only  1,471,555, 
have  as  much  influence  in  the  senate  of  the  United 
States,  as  the  above  five  middle  and  southern  states 
with  -  ...  -  3,048,058 

VIEW  II. 


Free  persons.  Senators. 
N.  Hampshire  214,460  2 
Vermont  217,895         2 

Connecticut        261,632         2 
Rhode  Island        76,823         2 


770,810         8 


Free  persons.  Senators. 
New- York  944,032         2 

Pennsylvania      809,296         2 
Virginia  582,104         2 

N.  Carolina       386,676         2 


2,722,108         8 


Thus  four  of  the  eastern  states,  with  775,810  free  persons,  have 
as  much  influence  as  four  middle  and  southern  states  with 
2,722,108 — and  four  times  as  much  as  Pennsylvania  with  809,296. 


. 

, 

VIEW  III. 

* 

1 

Free 

persons.  Senators. 

Free  persons.  Senators. 

Massachusetts 

700,745 

2 

Maryland 

269,044 

2 

N.  Hampshire 

214,460 

2 

Virginia 

582,104 

2 

Vermont 

217,895 

2 

N.  Carolina 

386,676 

2 

Connecticut 

261,632 

2 

Ohio 

230,760 

2 

Rhode  Island 

76,823 

2 

Kentucky 

325,950 

2 

Tennessee 

217,192 

2 

S.  Carolina 

218,750 

2 

• 

1,471,555 

10 

Georgia 

147,215 

3 

2,377,691 

16 

IMM 


i%P^ 


1  1 


356 


POUTICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[CBAF,   63, 


The  result  of  this  comparison  was  utterly  unexpected.  It 
■will  no  doubt  surprize  the  reader.  It  is  a  fair  and  overwhelm-, 
ing  view  of  the  comparative  influence  in  the  senate,  of  the  mur- 
muring, discontented,  and  oppressed  "nation -of  New  Eng-» 
land*'  with  that  of  the  whole  of  the  ancient  "  slave  states,"  as 
they  are  called.  It  appears  that  the  former  have  one  represen- 
tative in  senate  for  every  147,155  free  persons,  and  that  the  lat- 
ter have  one  for  every  148,605. 

The  addition  of  Louisiana  has  somewhat  altered  the  state  of 
the  representation.  It  makes  the  ratio  for  the  slave  states  about 
136,000. 

VIEW  IV. 


Free  persons.  Senators. 
Rhode  Island  76,823  2 
Delaware  6s,497        2 


145,320 


Free  persons.  Senatori. 
New- York  944,032         2 

Pennsylvania      809,296         2 

1,753,328         2 


Thus,  one  free  person  in  Rhode  Island,  it  is  obvious  from  the 
above  view,  possesses  as  much  influence  in  the  senate  of  the 
United  States  as  twelve  in  New  York  or  ten  in  Pennsylvania, 
And  one  in  Delaware  possesses  nearly  as  much  as  fourteen  in 
New  York  or  twelve  in  Pennsylvania.  One  in  Rhode  Island 
has  more  than  seven  in  Virginia. 


VIEW  V. 


1 1 


Free  persons.  Senators. 
N.  Hampshire  214,460  2 
Connecticut  261 ,632  2 
Bhode  Island       76,823         2 


552,915 


Virginia 


Free  persons.  Senators. 
58ii,104         2 


582,104 


Thus,  three  eastern  states,  with  552,915  free  persons,  have 
six  senators ;  and  Virginia,  with  58i.»,104,  has  but  two. 

If  the  wisest  and  best  of  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  as- 
sembled in  convention,  with  General  Washington  and  Dr. 
Franklin  at  their  head,  found  it  necessary  for  the  peace,  and 
happiness,  and  respectability  of  the  country,  to  agree  to  the  con- 
stitution, with  such  pro'ligious  inequalities  as  are  stated  above, 
it  is  not  difficult  to  form  an  opinion  on  the  folly  and  wickedness 
of  the  loud  complaints  of  injustice  and  inequality,  on  points  to 
the  last  degree  insijjnificant,  whereby  the  spirit  of  sedition  has 
been  excited  in  the  eastern  states. 

The  war  question,  it  has  been  said,  was  canied  by  the  slave 
rcpretentatives.    This  is  an  egregious  error.    The  majority  in 


ciAP.  63] 


STATISTICS. 


353 


the  lower  house  was  30.  And  the  whole  ftumber  of  slave  re- 
presentatives is  only  19.  So  that  had  they  been  totally  reject- 
ed, the  question  of  war  would  have  been  carried.  I  pass  over 
the  slave  representatives  from  New  York  and  Delaware,  both 
of  whom  voted  against  the  war.  I  likewise  waive  the  conside- 
ration of  the  fact,  that  eleven  members  from  the  southern  states 
also  voted  against  the  measure. 


A  fair  view  of  all  the  preceding  tables  and  facts,  will  satisfy 
•any  man  not  wholly  destitute  of  truth  and  candour,  that  the 
interests  of  the  eastern  states  have  been  carefully  guarded  in 
both  branches  of  the  legislature  of  the  union.  Their  complaints 
are  to  the  last  degree  groundless  and  factious.  It  will  further 
prove,  that  Pennsylvania  has  a  stronger  ground  of  complaint  by 
far  in  the  senatorial  branch,  than  the  eastern  states  in  the  other. 
With  a  population  of  809,296  free  persons,  she  has  but  two 
senators;  whereas  New  Hampshire,  Vermont,  Rhode  Island, 
and  Connecticut,  with  770,810,  have  eight.  The  difference  is 
enormous  and  immense. 


,1  I  'if) -I 

;  - 1  ;     ft.  i| 


Statement  of  the  number  of  members  in  the  house  of  representO' 
t'lves^  after  each  different  census. 


New  Hampshire, 

Vermont, 

Massachusetts, 

Connecticut, 

Rhode  Island, 

New  York, 

New  Jersey, 

Pennsylvania, 

Delaware, 

Maryland, 

Virginia, 

North  Carolina, 

South  Carolina, 

Georgia, 

Kentucky, 

Tennessee, 

Ohio, 

Louisiana, 


''irst. 

Second. 

Third, 

4 

5 

6 

2 

4 

6 

14 

17 

20 

7 

7 

7 

2 

2 

2 

10 

17 

27 

5 

6 

6 

13 

18 

23 

1 

1  ^■ 

2 

8 

9 

9 

19 

22 

23 

10 

12 

13 

6 

8 

9 

2 

4 

6 

0 

6 

10 

0 

3 

6 

0 

0 

6 

0 

0 

1 

103 


141 


182 


'3,!., 


■'.i1 


^^  rill 
IV" 


■i  It 


354 


POUTICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


CHAPTER  LXIV. 


[grap.  64. 


Enquiry  into  the  allegation  against  the  southern  states,  of  de- 
stroying commerce,  to  promote  manufactures*     Utterly  un- 
founded. The  eastern  states  deeply  interested  in  mamfactures. 
The  southern  the  reverse. 

Let  me,  reader,  still  further  trespass  on  your  attention.  There 
is  one  point  of  considerable  importance,  on  which  our  eastern 
fellow  citizens  have  been  egregiously  deceived,  and  on  which  it 
is  desirable  they  should  form  correct  opinions. 

That  the  administration  and  the  southern  members  of  con- 
gress are  actuated  by  an  inveterate  hostility  to  commerce,  and 
that  their  measures  have  been  dictated  by  a  desire  to  destroy 
it  for  the  purpose  of  injuring  the  so-styled  commercial  states, 
has  been  assumed  as  an  incontrovertible  fact,  which  could  nei- 
ther be  disputed  nor  denied.  It  has  been,  as  I  have  stated,  re- 
echoed by  governors  and  legislatures — by  inflammatory  writers 
in  newspapers — and  by  equally  inflammatory  cleygymen  in  their 
pulpits,  until  any  doubt  of  it  is  believed  to  be  as  wicked  and  he- 
terodoxical,  as  a  doubt  of  the  miracles  of  the  Koran  is  regarded 
by  the  mufti  at  Constantinople. 

It  was  necessary  to  find  some  motive  for  this  hostility.  It 
would  have  been  too  monstrous  to  assert  that  the  southerners, 
as  some  of  the  eastern  writers  have  styled  the  people  of  the 
southern  states,  destroyed  commerce  to  promote  agriculture, 
and  of  course  to  advance  their  own  interests.  This  would  not 
stand  examination,  and  was  therefore  abandoned.  It  was,  how- 
ever necessary  to  devise  some  pretext.  And,  it  has  a  thousand 
times  been  asserted,  that  the  hostility  to  commerce  arose  from  a 
desire  to  promote  manufactures.  ■  And  this  sorry  tale  has  been 
believed  by  the  "  most  enlightened''^  portion  of  "  the  most  en- 
lightened nation  in  the  world." 

The  following  facts  will  shew  the  transcendent  folly  and  im- 
posture of  this  allegation. 

1.  The  eastern  states  have  numerous  and  important  manufac- 
tories,  established  on  a  large  and  extensive  scale. 

2.  The  extreme  sterility  of  a  large  portion  of  their  soil,  and 
the  comparative  density  of  their  population,  render  manufactu- 
ring establishments  indispensibly  necessary  to  them. 

3.  They  are  therefore  deeply  and  vitally  interested  in  the  pro. 
motion  of  manufactures,  without  which  they  would  be  in  a  great 
measure  depopidated  by  the  attractions  of  the  western,  middle, 
and  southern  states, 

4.  The  manufactures  of  the  southern  states  are  principally  in 
private  families. 

5.  These  states  have  no  redundant  population.  Their  people 
find  full  employment  in  agriculture. 


CBAP.  €5.) 


STATISTICS. 


m^ 


6  They  have  therefore  little  or  no  interest  in  the  promotion 
of  manufactures, 

7.  But  the  reduction,  or  restriction,  or  injury  of  commerce, 
cannot  fail  vitally  to  injure  them^  by  lessening  the  demand  for^ 
and  lowering  the  price  of  their  productions.  We  have  seen  that 
it  has  produced  this  effect  to  a  most  ruinous  extent, 

8.  It  irresistibly  follows,  that  if  the  southern  states  wantonly 
destroyed  or  restrained  commerce,  to  promote  manufactures,  it 
would  be  inflicting  the  most  serious  and  vital  injury  on  them' 
selves^for  the  mere  purpose  of  serving  those  states  to  which  they 
are  said  to  bear  an  inveterate  and  deadly  hostility  !  !  ! 

9.  Whoever,  possessing  any  mind,  can  disseminate  those 
opinions,  must  mean  to  deceive  :  for  he  cannot  possibly  believe 
them  himself. 

10.  Whoever  can  believe  in  these  absurdities,  may  believe 
that  rivers  occasionally  travel  to  their  sources — ^that  lambs  de- 
vour wolves — ^that  heat  produces  ice — that  "thorns  produce 
figs"— -or,  what  is  almost  as  absurd,  that  the  soil  of  Massachu- 
setts is  as  fertile,  and  the  climate  as  mild,  as  the  climate  and 
soil  of  South  Carolina  or  Georgia. 

CHAPTER  LXV. 

Militia  defence.  System  of  Classification  proposed  in  Congress, 
Rejected,  Awful  outcry. 

Towards  the  close  of  the  late  war  with  Great  Britain,  an 
attempt  was  made  in  Congress  to  employ  in  the  defence  of  the 
nation  a  portion  of  the  militia,  in  a  mode  the  most  simple,  the 
most  practicable,  the  most  efficient — and  at  the  same  time,  the 
least  burdensome,  that  was  ever  adopted  in  any  country.  Those 
persons  throughout  the  United  States,  who  are  subject  to  militia 
duty,  were  to  be  divided  into  classes,  each  of  twenty-five. 
Every  class  was  to  furnish  one  of  its  members,  who  was  to 
serve  for  one  year,  or  during  the  war,  and  whose  bounty  was  to 
be  contributed  by  the  rest  of  the  class  in  certain  proportions.  Or, 
if  one  of  the  class  thought  proper  to  serve,  a  recruit  was  to  be 
enlisted  at  their  joint  expense.* 

Against  this  noble  system  of  defence,  so  equitable,  so  just,  so 
unexceptionable — so  adequate  to  its  end — so  easy  and  free  from 
burden  to  our  citizens — ^o  likely  to  bring  the  war  to  a  close,  by 
convincing  the  enemy  of  the  impossibility  of  making  any  im- 
pression on  us,  there  was  a  most  hideous  outcry  raised  in  and 

•  These  were  the  grand  important  features  of  various  plans  subniitted  to 
Congress,  and  to  the  Legislature  of  Pennsylvania,  which  were  absurdly  reject- 
ed to  the  disgrace  and  dishonour  of  both  parties.  There  were  some  unessen- 
Ual  differences  between  them,  not  worth  attention  in  this  discussion.  To  the 
honour  of  the  enlightened  and  patriotic  Legislature  of  Ncu-York,  it  was  not 
deterred  by  the  wretched  and  factious  clamour  that  prevailed  on  this  subject. 
It  passed  an  act  to  raise  10,000  men  on  thq  classih^ation  \}hx\. 


'4  W 


I 


if  H! 


3'5ft 


vohrrs 


XL  OUVE  BRANCH. 


[chap.  ^. 


out  of  congress— an  oui.  v  higiily  disgraceful  and  factious.  It 
Vas  branded  with  the  odioas  name  of  "  Conscription^''  and  iden- 
tified with  the  French  system,  whereby  the  whole  male  popula- 
tion of  France  was  subject  to  the  despotic  will  and  pleasure  of 
the  executive. 

•To  the  passions  of  the  people  the  most  inflammatory  appeals 
were  made.  A  most  lamentable  delusion  prevailed  on  the  sub- 
ject. The  attempt  was  of  course  defeated.  Many  of  our  citi- 
zens were,  by  unceasing  efforts,  led  to  believe,  that  the  plan  was 
wholly  unprecedented  in  this  country ;  that  it  was  utterly  un- 
constitutional and  pernicious  ;  and  that  it  was  intended  as  the 
basis  of  a  military  despotism.  And  to  such  an  awful  extent  was 
the  frenzy  carried,  that  open  resistance  was  publickly  threatened. 
Sexegenarian  veterans,  shaking  their  hoary  locks,  and  burnishing 
their  rusty,  revolutionary  arms,  were  disposed  to  punish,  at  the 
point  of  the  bayonet,  those  whom  they  were  taught  to  regard  as 
violators  of  the  constitution. 

It  is  hardly  possible  to  conceive  of  a  more  awful,  or  more  dis- 
graceful  delusion.  Never  were  the  public  cuUibility  and  cre- 
dulity more  miserably  played  upon ;  for,  as  I  have  already 
observed,  it  is  hardly  possible  to  contrive  a  plan  of  public  defence 
more  just,  more  rational,  more  unexceptionable,  or  more  effi- 
cient. 

Let  us  calmly  examine  the  matter.  Recruits  for  a  year,  or 
for  the  war,  could  have  been  readily  procured  at  any  time  for 
about  two  hundred  dollars.  Of  course,  the  tax  on  each  indivi- 
dual, of  twenty-five  persons  bound  to  furnish  a  recruit,  would  be 
only  eight  dollars,  for  which  he  would  be  exempt  from  all  the 
dangers,  and  hardships,  and  privations  of  a  military  life ! 

The  British  ministry  wpuld  probably  have  made  immense 
sacrifices  to  prevent  the  establishment  of  such  a  system.  It  was 
the  measure  most  really  formidable  and  efficient  against  their 
veteran  armies,  that  had  been  devised.  But  surely  this  ought  to 
have  been  no  reason  why  American  legislators  should  oppose 
it — or  why  the  factious  or  tumultuous  meetings,  held  to  denounce 
the  system,  should  be  eulogized  as  displays  of  "  the  spirit  of  se- 
venty-six.''^* Had  such  a  wretched  spirit  prevailed  m  '76,  this 
glorious  country  would  never  have  emerged  from  its  colonial 
and  dependent  state. 

From  the  extreme  abhorrence  of  wars  and  fightings,  manifest- 
ed by  some  of  the  members  of  congress— from  the  wailings, 
and  whinings,  and  lamentations,  and  strong  sensibilities,  at  the 
possible  loss  of  a  single  life,  a  stranger  might  suppose  they  were 
quakers  or  menonists,  who  were  not  merely  conscientiously 
scrupulous  against  carr}ing  arms  themselves,  but  principled 

*  In  several  parts  of  the  union,  factious  and  seditious  meetings  were  held  to 
denounce  this  plan,  whose  proceeiUngs  were  detailed  in  inany  yf  oiq:  papers, 
headed  in  large  iettcra  wilU  the  \voi%l*,  "  SflKIT  of  76." 


I« 


45. 


CBAP.    65.] 


MILITIA  DEFENCE. 


3S7 


against  warfare  altogether.  And  from  the  delicacy  of  their 
constitutional  exceptions  and  objections,  it  might  be  reasonably 
presumed,  if  the  constitution  were  not  at  war  with  such  pre- 
sumption, that  there  was  no  power  given,  or  intended  to  be  con- 
veyed, to  the  general  government,  to  command  or  coerce  the 
military  service  of  any  individual  citizen.  It  would  appear, 
that  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  had  obtained  letters  pa- 
tent from  Heaven  for  enjoying  all  the  benefits  of  society  and  of 
self-government,  without  risking  either  life  or  limb — or  shed- 
ding a  drop  of  blood  in  their  defence. 

While  the  public  delusion  on  this  topic  lasted,  argument  was 
useless.  Prejudice,  and  passion,  and  iiTationality,  almost  uni- 
versally predominated.  But  every  species  of  folly  and  madness 
has  its  day.  When  the  spell  is  dissolved,  it  becomes  harmless 
and  inoffensive.  It  is  then  a  fair  subject  of  inquiry  and  investi- 
gation. The  understanding  of  the  public  may  be  addressed  with 
a  tolerable  chance  of  success. 

I  therefore  venture  to  discuss  the  subject,  and  solicit  the  calnn 
attention  of  the  reader.  In  case  of  future  wars,  from  which  we 
cannot  hope  to  be  exempt,  it  may  be  of  considerable  importance 
to  establish  correct  opinions  on  a  subject  of  such  immense  magni-> 
tude, — I  mean  the  most  eligible  mode  of  public  defence. 

I  undertake  to  prove  these  seven  points  : — 

1.  That  there  is  no  principle  more  clearly  recognized  and  es- 
tablished in  the  constitutions  and  laws  of  the  several  states,  than 

THE  RIGHT  OF  SOCIETY  TO  REQUIRE  AND  COERCE,  AS  WELL  AS 
THE  DUTY  OF  THE  CITIZEN  TO  AFFORD,  MILITARY  SERVICE  FOR. 
THE  GENERAL  DEFENCE. 

2.  That  the  power  of  congress  to  call  forth,  and  order  the 
employment  of,  the  militia,  in  cases  of  invasion^  rebellion,  or  in- 
surrection, is  as  clearly  established  as  any  other  power  vested  in 
that  body. 

3.  That  the  mode  of  drafting,  generally  prescribed  by  the  mi- 
litia laws  of  the  several  states,  is  oppressive,  unequal,  and  unjust. 

4.  That  the  force  so  drafted  is  generally  inefficient,  and  enor- 
mously expensive. 

5.  That  the  system  of  classification  is  the  most  impartial — ^the 
most  efficacious — and  the  least  oppressive  mode  of  calling  into 
operation  the  militia,  of  any  of  the  plans  that  have  ever  been  de- 
vised. 

6.  That  the  proposed  system  of  classification  prevailed  du- 
ring the  revolution — and  of  course,  instead  of  having  been  bor- 
rowed from  France,  by  our  present  rulers,  was,  if  borrowed  at 
all,  borrowed  by  her  from  this  country. 

7.  That  the  classification  or  conscription  system,  elaborately 
matured  by  general  Knox,  and  stamped  with  the  seal  of  general 
Washington's  approbation,  was  more  strict  and  extensive  in  its 
provisions,  than  any  of  the  recent  plans. 

O.  B.  47 


'  I',;" 


•  i  ifill 


m 


'  m 


I 


liH 


rOUTlCAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[chap.  66. 


CHAPTER  LXVI. 

Right  of  society  to  coerce^  and  duty  of  the  citizens  to  afford^  mili" 
tary  service^  recognized  by  the  constitutions  and  laws  of  the  se- 
veral states.  Mode  of  drqjfiing  militia  unjust  and  oppressive. 

To  establish  my  first  point,  that  "•  there  is  no  principle  more 
clearly  recognized,  and  established,  in  the  constitutions  and  laws 
of  the  several  states,  than  the  right  of  society  to  require  and  co- 
erce, as  well  as  the  duty  of  the  citizen  to  afford,  military  service 
for  the  general  defence,''  I  submit  to  the  reader,  the  most  sa- 
tisfactory extracts  from  the  constitutions  of  New-Hampshire, 
Vermont,  Massachusetts,  New  York,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware, 
and  Kentucky ;  and  from  the  militia  laws  of  Massachusetts, 
Connecticut,  Rhode  Island,  New. York,  New-Jersey,  Fennpyl- 
vania,  Delaware,  Maryland,  Georgia,  and  Kentucky.  These 
are  all  the  states  whose  statute  books  I  have  been  able  to  procure. 

The  declaration  of  rights  of  the  state  of  New-Hampshire,  ex- 
pressly provides,  that 

"  Every  member  of  tlie  community  has  a  right  to  be  protected  by  it,  in  the 
enjoy  incut  of  his  life,  hbci-ty  and  property  :  he  is  therefore  bound  to  contribute 
his  slKire  to  the  expense  of  such  protection  ;  and  TO  VIELU  HIS  PERSONAL 
SERVICE  WHEN  NECESSARY,  or  wi  equivaletU." 

It  gives  the  governor  for  the  time  being,  complete  and  plenary 
power,  "  by  himself  or  any  chief  commander  or  officers, 

"To  train, instruct,  exercise,  and  g'oVcm  the  mihtia  and  navy  ;  and  for  the 
special  (kfence  and  safety  of  the  state,  to  assemble  in  martial  army,  and  tnit  in 
warlikr  posture  tlie  inhabitimta  thereof  ,•  and  to  lead  and  conduct  them  ;  and  with 
them  encoiuiter,  repulse,  ri'sist,  and  pursue  by  force  of  anns,  as  well  by  sea 
as  by  land,  within  and  tnthout  the  Umitsafthe  state,  every  such  person  or  pel-sons 
as  shall  at  anv  future  time  attempt  the  destruction,  invasion,  detriment,  or  an- 
noyance of  the  state." 

It  further  invests  the  governor  with  the  mighty  and  tremen- 
dous power, 

"  To  usfi  and  cxcrciHC  over  the  army  and  navv,  and  otw  the  militiain  actual 
sen>ire,  THE  LAW  M  \|{  11 AL  l\  TIME  OF  WAR.  INVASION,  AND  ALSO 
IN  REBELLION,  declared  by  the  legislature  to  exist,  as  occasion  shall  ueccs< 
uuriiy  require." 

Nothing  ev»n  be  more  clear  and  explicit  than  these  provisions. 
They  level  in  liic  vlv.' t  the  volumes  of  rant  and  di  ilamation, 
which  have  been  utttied  in  congress,  and  with  which  the  press 
has  teemed  on  this  important  topic. 

The  constitution  of  the  stiite  of  Massachusetts  contains  the 
same  provisions,  couchetl  in  the  verv  same  words,  as  that  of 
New-IIunipshire.  One  has  been  obviousU  copiid  IVom  the 
other.  It  is  therefore  unnecessary  fur  me  to  make  any  extract 
from  that  of  the  fornKt  state.  I  refer  the  reader  fo  the  volume 
of  the  Constitutions  of  ihe  United  States. 

I'hc  constitution  of  New  York  explicitly  declares,  tliat 


of 


ii.i 


(jUAP.  66.] 


mLITIA  DEFENCE. 


359 


"  Whereas  it  is  of  the  utmost  importance  to  the  safety  of  every  state,  that  it 
should  always  be  in  a  condition  of  defence,  and  IT  IS  THE  DUTY  OF  EVERY 
MAN  WHO  ENJOYS  THE  PROTECTION  OF  SOCIETY,  TO  BE  PREPA- 
RED  AND  WILLING  TO  DEFEND  IT  :  Therefore  this  convention,  in  the 
name  and  by  tlie  authority  of  the  good  people  of  tins  state,  doth  ordain,  deter- 
mine, and  declare,  tliat  the  militia  of  this  state,  at  all  times  hereafter,  as  well  in 
peace  a«  in  war,  shall  be  armed  and  disciplined,  and  IN  READINESS  FOR 
SERVICE." 

The  declaration  of  rights  of  the  constitution  of  Vermont,  states 
that 

"  Every  member  of  society  hath  a  right  to  be  protected  in  the  enjoyment  of 
life,  liberty,  and  property  ;  and  therefore  is  liound  to  contribute  his  jiroportioii 
towards  the  expenses  of  that  protection,  and  YIFJ.D  HIS  PERSONAL  SER- 
VICE, when  necessiiry,  or  an  equivalent  thereto.*"*.  J^'or  can  uni/  man  -m/io  is 
conscientioualy  scrupn/uns  of  /waring  aims,  be  justly  cnmpelled  thereto,  IV  HE  WILL 
PAY  SUCH  EtlUIVALENT." 

The  old  constitution  of  Pennsylvania  is  in  unison  with  those 
already  quoted — viz. 

"  Every  member  of  society  hath  a  right  to  be  protected  in  the  enjoyment  of 
life,  liberty,  and  property ;  and  tlicrefore  is  bmmd  to  contribute  his  proportion  to- 
wards the  expense  of  that  protection,  or  an  equivalent  thereto,-  but  no  part  of  a 
man's  property  can  be  justly  taken  from  him,  and  iipplied  to  public  uses,  with- 
out his  consent,  or  that  of  his  legal  representatives  ;  nor  can  any  man  who  is 
conscientiously  scrupulous  of  bearing  arms,  be  justly  compelled  thereto,  if  he 
•U'illpuij  such  an  equivalent." 

The  existing  constitution  of  Pennsylvania  is  equally  clear  : 

"Tlic  freemen  of  tliis  connnonwcalth  nhnll  he  armed  and  disciplined  for  its  de- 
fence. Those  who  conscientiously  scruple  to  bear  arms,  shall  not  be  compelled 
to  do  so  ;  but  shall  pay  an  equivalent  for  personal  service," 

Kentucky  holds  the  san^^  language— 

"  The  freemen  of  this  commonvveultli  (negroes,  mulattocs,  and  Indians  ex- 
cepted) shall  be  armed  and  disciplined  fur  its  difence.  Tliosc  who  conscientious- 
ly icruple  to  bear  arms,  shall  not  be  compelled  to  do  so  ;  but  shall  pay  an  equiv 
atontfir  personal  servLe." 

The  old  constitution  of  Delaware  has  a  clause  nearly  verbatim 
with  some  of  the  preceding — 

"  F.vcrv  member  of  society  Imtb  urij^-Iitio  l>o  protected  in  the  enjoyment  of 
life,  lihiTlv,  and  property  ;  and  is  tlicrefore  bound  lo  contribute  his  proportion 
towanUllie  expi-nsc  of  that  protection,  and  VIELD  HIS  PERSONAL  SER- 
VICE, 'vhcn  necessary,  or  an  eqaivalent  thereto." 

I  prosui-ne  I  mi>Tht  here  dismiss  the  suhject.  It  is  impossil)le 
to  resist  the  convi  Jtitm  the  foregoing  clauses  Dash  on  die  mind. 
Thiy  strike  cavilling  and  casuistry,  declamation  and  sophistry, 
dead,  as  with  tlie  Jorked  liglitning.  Tbc  wisest  and  l)(.st  men  of 
Hcven  states, engaged  indie  all-important  duty  of  framing  forms 
of  government  tor  their  fellow-titi/A-ns,  solemnly  recogni/.e  the 
paramount  right  of  society  to  coerce,  and  the  imperious  duty  of 
the  I  iti/.en  to  alTord,  personal  service,  or  an  equivalent,  for  die 
general  defence.  And  die  iiiteHijr.nt  and  respectable  men  who 
framed  the  cfuistitutions  of  New-liampsliire  and  Massachusetts, 
invested  the  governors  with  the  power  to  lead  the  militia  in  pur- 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BKANCII. 


[chap.  66- 


suit  of  an  enemy, "  within  and  without  the  state^''  and  to  exercise 
MARTIAL  LAW  on  the  militia^  as  well  as  on  the  regular 
army. 

I  now  proceed  to  detail  the  legal  provisions  on  this  point. — 
They  will  be  found  equally  clear  and  conclusive.  I  begin  with 
Massachusetts. 

"  Whenever  tlie  governor,  or  commander  in  chief,  shall  order  ii  detachment: 
from  the  miUtia  aforesaid,  and  any  person  who  shall  be  detached  in  oliedicuco 
to  such  ortlers,  being  duly  notified  thereof,  and  ordered  to  march  to  tlie  placo 
of  rendezvous,  shall  neglect  or  refuse  to  obeij  sitvh  order;  or  shall  not,  withht  twenty 
Jour  hours  after  he  shall  have  been  notified  as  aforesaid,  pay  a  fine  often  pounds  to 
the  captain  or  commanding  officer  of  the  compani/  to  which  he  shall  belong,  or  pvorire 
an  able-bodied  man  in  his  strad,SVV.U  PKUSOX  SHAf-LnKCONHlDF-RKl)  AS 
ASOLDIEKIN  SUCH  DETACHMENT,  AND  HE  DEALT  WITH  ACCOKD- 
INGT  Y  ;  and  in  all  cases  where  the  said  line  shall  be  paitl,  the  same  shall  l)e 
apphed  to  hiring  men  for  any  service  vhicli  shall  be  required  of  tlie  comjiany 
under  the  command  of  tlie  r,;;ptr.ir.  i<r  uIHcer  who  shall  receive  the  same."* 

Should  any  commissioned  officer  of  the  militia  refuse  to  make 
a  detachment  from  the  corps  under  his  command,  for  the  purpose 
of  repelling  invasion,  suppressing  insurrection,  &c.  then 

"  In  additicm  to  tlic  punishment  whicli  may  be  inflicted  by  virtue  of  any  act 
for  regulating  the  militia,  if  convicted  thereof  before  the  justices  of  tlie  su- 
preme judicial  court,  he  shall  be  sulijecttobe  lined //(,  a  sum  not  exceeding  fifty 
pounds,  and  to  he  adjudged  incufmhle  of  sustaining  any  office  in  the  cunimonwealth 
fur  a  term  not  exceeding  ten  years ;  to  either  or  both  of  tlie  said  peiuihies  ac- 
coniingto  the  aggravation  of  the  otleiice  and  circumstances  of  the  oHcnder,  as 
to  the  justices  of  the  saitl  court  shall  seem  meet. 

"  And  he  it  further  enacted,  'I'hat  if  any  person,  whether  non-commissioned 
officer  or  private,  and  belonging  either  to  the  train  liand  or  alarm  list,  wlio 
siiallbedeUiched  or  ordered  to  march  for  the  support  of  the  civil  luitiiority,  or 
8U|)prc8sioti  of  any  insurrection,  existing  or  apJH'vhendid,  as  ajorrsnid,  shall  refuse 
or  neglect  to  march,  armed  and  ecpiipned,  in  the  maimer  and  at  the  time  which 
the  ofticerby  whom  he  shall  be  detaelied  sliall  direct,  or  shall  desert  or  leave 
the  service  before  he  sliall  be  regularly  (hscliarged,  if  convicted  tiiei-eof  before 
the  justices  of  the  supreme  judicial  court,  Ac  shot/  he  subject  to  be  fined  ut  the  dis- 
cretion of  the  said  cnurt,  in  a  sum  wt  rxcerding  t'u  pounds. 

"  And  lie  it  furtiier  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid.  That  if  any  person,  in 
public  or  private  coin  ersation,  or  by  any  ways  or  means,  shall  dissuade  or  endea- 
Tour  to  fiirvnit  any  militiiry  officer  from  firrforming  Ihr  duty  ret/uiredof  biiii  by  this 
act,  or  any  person  or  priNiiiin,  di-t'irlinl  nr  orttereil  to  march  for  the  purpose 
aforesaid,  from  marchliig  to  tin-  place  of  reniKv.vmiH,  or  riom  continuing  in  the 
.service  until  regularly  <iiseharg(<l,  each  person  .'•  oHinding,  being  coiivii  ted 
ilureof,  as  aforesaid,  shall  pus  a  fine  to  the  use  of  the  eomiiioiiwealth,  nut  rx- 
leeding  I'll' 'lY  I'Ol'  M)S,  and  shall  ncognize  for  his  gooil  behaviour  for  a  term 
not  exceeding  three  years."\ 

I  hope  tlie  reader  will  compare  these  sections  with  the  most 
rigorous  of  those  contaiiu'd  in  Mr.  Moume'sor  Mr.  (iiles's  plans. 
Candour  will  rompil  him  to  arknowUdgc,  that  the  latter  are 
incoinparabl)  less  burdensome  and  opjircssive  than  the  former. 

The  statute  of  Connecticut  respecting  tfie  militia,  adupts  the 
rcgidatioti  of  the  act  of  congt i  ss,  wlurcliy  every  free  able-bodied 
wli'*e  man,  between  the  ages  of   1H  and  45,  is  declared  subject 

•  I'ermaiiciit  lawsof  Masbuclmselts,  vol.  1.  page  j14. 
f  idem,  page  330, 


«H*p.  66.] 


MILITIA  DEFENCE. 


361 


to  militia  duty.  It  further  exempts  quake!  ^  from  that  duty,  on 
the  payment  of  three  doUars  and  thirty  cents  per  annum.  It  ihcti 
invests  the  captain  general  with  power,  in  certain  specified  cases, 
to  order  out  even  the  whole  of  the  militta  or  militarij  Jorcc  of  the' 
state.  I  submit  the.  very  strong  and  expressive  clause  to  the 
reader : 

"  The  captain  general,  or,  in  his  absence,  the  next  commanding^  officer  of 
state,  is  iiereby  authorised  and  cnipowercd,  as  he  may  judge  iircessitr;/,  upon  the. 
occasion  of  analanii,  invasion,  or  notice  of  the  appearance  of  an  enemy,  either  by 
sea  or  by  land,  to  order  out  the  WHOLE  or  any  part  of  the  military  force  of  this 
state ;  to  assemble  and  put  tlie  same  in  warlike  onler ;  and  the  same  to  lead,  or- 
der, and  employ,  for  the  assistance  or  relievimf  any  of  Ike  inhabitants  ofthii  slate,  at- 
tacked by  an  enemy,  or  in  danger  thereof;  and  generally  to  issue  and  ))nblisi),  by 
proper  staff  or  orderly  officer,  such  orders  as  he  shall  judge  expedient,  to  cany 
into  execution  the  intent  and  design  of  this  act,"* 

The  militia  law  of  New  York  is  equally  clear  and  explicit — 

"  The  commander  in  chief  of  this  state  may,  in  case  of  iniasion  or  other  emer- 
gency, when  he  shall  jiidsfe  it  necessartj,  order  out  ANY'  PI{<)I*(>HT1()\  (>]'  I  (IE 
MU.ITIA  <)E  THIS  STATE  TO  MARCH  TO  ANY  HAiri'  THKUEOF,  and 
continue  as  long  as  he  way  think  necessary  ,•  and  likewise  may,  in  conseijiieiice  'f  an 
application  of  the  executive  of  any  of  the  t'nileil  States,  on  an  invn.iion  or  insurrec- 
tion, or  an  apprehension  of  an  invasion  of'such  state,  AT  HIS  DISCUE'I'ION  order 
ANY  NIJMJJEH  OF  THE  MILITIA,  not  exceeding  one  third  part  thereof,  TO 
SUCH  STATE  •  Provided,  Tiiat  they  be  not  comnclied  to  continue  o<'  (hity 
uut  of  this  state  more  tlian  foi*ty  days  at  one  time  ;  tliat  while  in  actual  s«  nice, 
in  consequence  of  being  so  called  out,  llicy  shall  receive  the  same  pay  and  ra- 
tions, and  be  subject  to  the  same  rules  tind  regulations  as  the  troops  of  the  bnited 
States  of  ,1inerica.'''\ 

New-Jersey  has  not  heen  deficient  in  making  similar  provision 
for  the  public  safety.     Her  militia  hijv  declares, 

"  That  till-  commander  in  chief  of  Hiis  state,  for  the  time  being,  may,  /;(  rase 
uf  invasion  orotluv  emergency,  WHEN  HE  SHALL  .lUlHiE  IT  NECESSAIIY, 
order  out  any  p^vportiun  of  the  militia  of  thin  stu.e,  to  march  1o  any  part  tin  rcof, 
ami  eonlinue  u;i  lonj,       lie  may  think  it  necessary,  not  exceeding  two  months. "v 

She  imposes  a  I  cavy  and  burdensome  fine  on  cU  linqucnts — a 
fine  wluch  the  poo.i  r  classes  cannot  pay,  and  which,  of  course, 
inevitably  compels  them  to  the  service. 

"  Any  p<>r'"<  refusing  or  neglecting  to  |)eif(irni  his  tour  of  duty,  or  to  pro- 
'ure  a  subs' i;ii^,  shall  |)uy  a  fine  oft.ventij  dollars  for  every  such  neglect  or  re- 
fusal.^ 

"  If  any  mihtiu  man  shall  desert  while  he  is  on  a  tour  of  duly,  he  sindl  be  fin- 
«'d  //(  ((/((/  sum  not  exceeding  twenty  duUavs  for  I'Vei'y  such  olleiice  ;  iir  muii  be 
imprisoned  for  nay  time  not  exeeeiliiig  two  months,  at  the  discretion  of  a  cdui-l 
niurlial  i  an<l.  <f  Jinun-conimisiiiimcdotHccr,  he  shall  also  be  di  graded  and  placed 
in  the  ranks."|| 

I  next  ])r()cced  to  state  the  law  in  Pennsylvania.— The  same 
good  sense  that  presided  over  the  decision  (m  lhit«  su'fjett  in  the 
other  states,  is  discernible  here  : 

•  Statuti'  lawsdf  (Joniu'cticut,  page  ilO. 

•}•  l.aws  of  the  state  of  New-York,  vol.  I,  page  513, 

t  ratlerson's  lawsof  Www-Jcrscy,  |)agc  4'IL  • 

<j  Idi  in,  page  44'J. 

!  Idem,  pajfo  i-W.  '  '      •    .  ■ 


.    I 


POLITICAL  OUVE  BRANCH. 


[chap.  6.6. 


**  Whenever  it  may  be  necessary  to  call  into  actual  service  any  part  of  the 
militia,  in  case  of  rebellion,  or  of  actual  or  threatened  invasion,  of  this  or  any  of 
the  neighbouring  states,  tlien  it  shall  and  may  be  laivfnl  fur  the  gc-i'emor  to  order 
into  actual  service,  SUCH  PART  OF  THE  MILITIA,  BY  CLASSES,  AS  THE 
EXIGENCY  MAY  REQUIRE  ;  provided  tliat  the  part  so  called,  doth  not  ex- 
ceed four  classes  of  the  militia  of  any  brigade."* 

"  If  any  mlitiuman  shall  desert  w/iile  he  is  on  a  tour  of  duty,  he  shall  b"  f,te<t 
thirty-tvio  dollars  for  every  such  offence,  and  be  obliged  to  march  on  tlu:  next  tour 
of  duty,  imder  the  same  penalties  as  at  first.  If  a  non-conimi^.dioned  officer 
eh&ll  so  desert,  he  shall  be  degraded  and  placed  in  tiie  ranks ,  shall  pay  a  fine 
of  thirty  six  dollars;  and  be  obliged  to  serve  another  tour  as  a  ])rivate."f 

"  The  militia  of  the  state,  wliile  in  the  actual  service  thereof,  or  of  the  United 
States,  shiill  be  sttbject  to  t/ie  same  rules  and  regulations  as  thefcdeial  urmy."\ 

The  little  state  of  Delaware  recognises  the  same  principles — 
the  same  rights — the  same  duties — of  which  I  have  shewn  the 
recognition  in  so  many  other  states. 

"  The  governor  shall  have  full  power  and  authority,  in  case  of  em  invasion, 
relx'llion,  ur  insurrection  within  thr  state,  or  any  <f  the  neighbimving  states,  to  cull  into 
terriff  such  part  of  the  militia  by  classes,  as  to  him  shall  serm  necessary  ,-  and  \n 
case  of  theabsenci-  of  the  governor  of  this  state,  on  any  insurrection,  rebellion, 
or  invitsion,  the  cnmmanding  officer  of  each  brigade  is  hrreliy  avthoiised  and  direct- 
edtoinK'ir  Ids  orders  to  cull  out  such  part  of  the  militia  as  he  may  Judge  immediately 
necrxsary."^ 

The  provisions  of  the  militia  law  of  Maryland  arc  equally 
strong  and  unequivocal. 

"  In  ;ill  rases  whore  a  militiaman  may  bo  drafted  to  perform  a  toiir  of  duty 
under  ( lie  luw  -  of  this  stale,  he  nhall  lie  considered  an  ii  siildier,  arid  liable  to  all  llir 
duties  as  mich,  unni.K  hr  shall  f'urni.sh  a  substitute:  and  the  lieutenant  oolone)  of 
the  n-giment,  orruinin.ni.liug  otticcr  of  (he  extni  battalion,  as  the  ease  may  hr., 
to  which  he  may  belong,  a'laJl  l)e  the  boK-  Juilgcs  of  tlu-  (iiialification  of  said  sub- 
Btitiite  ;  and  may  receive  liini  or  rejert  him  at  their  di.seretion  "|| 

"Ifasudclen  invxsion  .shall  l>f  made  'nto  any  county  in  this  state,  or  in  case 
of  an  insiirrcrtion  in  any  c  luntv.thc  coinmaiidingofrHtTin  such  county  islure- 
by  .\»  'nmUISED  ANl)  Kf.m  IKK.I)  to  order  out  IHK  WHOLE  or  such  part  of 
his  mlilii  an  he  may  think  nece  :mry,  and  in  such  nuinner  us  he  may  lliink-  bent,  for 
rcp<llinic  'irli  invasion,  or  »u])pr<  sslng  sucli  insurnctioii  ;  ai\d  .shall  call  on  the 
commanding otlicers  of  rcgi mi  itM  m  the  adja<'cnt  ctMUdies,  for  such  aid  as  he 
inay  think  neces.sary  ;  wivi  ihatl  furllnuiili  in  like  manner  furnish  the  sami'."^ 

Bv  the  »nilitia  law  of  the  ntate  of  (u-orgia,  every  male  citizen 
who  has  n K«<ied  within  the  ntate  for  ttfN  doi/ft,  if  of  the  projur 
agf ,  is  suhjrct  to  perform  militnry  ckity.**  This  carries  the 
rin;ht  of  society  to  coerce  the  titi/AU  to  military  dvity  in  puMii 
def.iice,  to  thr  utmost  exter*. 

'I'he  duty  <»f  the  jiff>vemor,  m  the  case  of  insurrection  or  inva- 
sion, is  as  expluith'  ;»nd  nn«*qiu vocally  stated  in  the  militia  law 
of  Georgia,  as  in  Uio.e  already  quoted  :— • 


•  Punlon's  AlM»i«lgm«nt  of  the  bw»uf  Pcnnsylvaniu,  page  .181. 

f  Mem,  |>«g''  >M4. 

I  (d<  m,  1).<K''  '^''• 

i  Laws  of  holawaro  (Wilmington,  179.1,)  page  213. 

R  Kilty's  Laws  of  .Mar\lund,  \ol.  II.  IZ'JU.chap.  c. 

1  Ibid 

*•  Di^rt  of  uiws  of  G';or|fiu,  page  i&). 


CHAP.  67.) 


MIL     ?A  DEFENCE. 


S63 


*'  His  excellency  the  governor  is  hereby  empowered  to  assemble  and  embody 
such  part  of  the  militiii  of  the  state  ui  he  may  from  thiie  to  time  think  neces- 
sary, to  repel  any  invasion,  insurrection,  or  rebellion,  which  may  happen  with- 
in the  same,  and  lo  order  such  ofliccrs  to  command  the  said  militia  as  he  may 
see  lit."* 

Kentucky  has  been  equally  mindful  with  her  sister  states,  of 
the  great  duty  of  makin;^  adequate  provision  for  the  public  safety. 

"  Every  ablc-bfidicd  male  citizen,  of  lliis  or  any  of  the  United  States,  resid- 
ing in  tliis  state ,  who  is  of  t'ne  age  of  eighteen  antl  under  forty-iive,  shiUl  be  en- 
rolled by  tlic  conunanding  ofhcur  of  the  comi)any  within  wiiose  bounds  he  may 
reside."f 

"  The  governor  shall  have  power  to  call  forth  such  paits  of  the  militia  as  hn 
may  judge  mecosary,  in  time  of  war,  invasion,  or  insurrection,  or  when  the  dan- 
ger may  be  such  that  the  puhhc  safi.'ty  shall  require  it." 

"  The  militia,  when  in  the  service  of  this  state,  sliall  be  governed  by  the  ar- 
tides  of  war,  which  shall  be  in  force  in  the  continental  army."t 

By  the  law  of  Rhode  Island,  like  the  others  I  have  quoted, 
the  militia,  when  in  actual  service,  are  regarded  as  soldiers,  and 
subject  to  martial  law — 

"  Whenever  the  military  force  of  this  state,  or  any  part  thereof,  shall  he  call- 
ed into  actual  service,  it  shall  bv  subject  to  the  articles  of -war,  prescribed  by  con- 
gress for  the  government  of  the  troops  of  the  IJniled  States."|| 

These  are,  as  I  have  already  observed,  all  the  states  whose 
statute  laws  I  have  been  able  to  procure.  They  are,  I  presume, 
adequate  to  the  purpose.  It  is  not  to  be  doubted,  that  similar 
provisions  exist  in  all  the  others. 

CHAPTER  LXVII. 

Power  of  r.on^resa  to  call  out  the   Militia,     The  usual  modv  of 
diuftitiir  ojjpii'fifiivcy  unequal^  and unjufit. 

My  second  position  is,  "  that  the  power  of  congress  to  call 
forth,  and  order  the  employment  of,  the  militia,  is  as  clearly  es- 
tablished as  any  other  power  vested  in  that  body." 

The  general  di  fence  of  the  nation  is  confided  to  congress. 
I'his  is  their  incumbent  duty.  The  means  and  power  to  per- 
form this  duty  are  vested  in  them  by  the  constitution.  They 
are  authorised  and  empowered — 

"  To  raise  and  support  armies." 

The  exercise  of  this  jxnvt  r  has  not  been,  nor  can  it  be,  called  in 
question.     They  are  further  authorised  and  empowerctl — 

•'  Tu  provide  far  mMntf  fo'ih  llie  militia  to  rxeculr  the  ftnui  of  l/tcutuon  f  *!</»- 
preiiB  imun-eclio'n  ;  and  UKI'KI.  INVASIONS." 

I  beg  the  reader  will  carefully  examine  this  clause  over  and 
over.     It  recjuires  the  most  serious  and  .sober  reflection.     Here 

•  lilem,  imge  4(i,>. 

t  roulinih's  i.uws  o<  Kentucky,  page  76. 

)  Idem,  page  HO. 

II  l'ui)lic  J.awH  of  the  State  of  Ithodc  Ulwul  and  I'rovidciK'C  I'lantations 
IVovideucc,  I7y8.    I*«gc4t0 


'        ii^ 


^64 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[chap.  67. 


is  a  clear,  explicit,  and  most  unequivocal  power  given  to  the 
general  government  by  the  constitution  of  the  United  States,  to 
call  forth  the  militia  in  three  specified  cases.  One  is  "  to  repel 
invasion,^''  The  country  was  "  invaded^''  during  the  last  war. 
And  yet  every  attempt  to  carry  this  power  into  operation,  in 
the  mode  most  efficient  and  least  burdensome,  was  opposed  and 
defeated  by  men  of  high  standing,  great  talents,  and  professing 
a  sacred  regard  to  the  honour  and  interests  of  their  country  ! ! ! 
And  the  whole  of  the  opposition  rested  on  the  absurd,  the  un- 
tenable ground  of  the  measure  being  "■  unconstitutional.''^  And 
this  wretiched  pretext  was  blindly  admitted  and  defended  by  a 
large  portion  of  our  citizens !  It  will  be  difficult  for  posterity  to 
give  credence  to  the  existence  of  such  miserable  folly  on  the 
part  of  their  ancestors,  who  had  nearly  put  on  record  the  modest 
declaration,  that  they  were  "  the  most  enlightened  nation  on  the 
surface  of  the  globe." 

As  a  specimen  of  the  declamation  used  on  this  subject,  I  an- 
nex a  short  extract  from  a  speech  delivered  by  Cyrus  King, 
member  of  the  house  of  rtprcsentatives  of  the  United  States, 
from  the  state  of  Massachusetts. 

"If  what  I  have-  urged,  will  not  induce  you  to  arrest  the  progress  of  this 
bill,  I  appeal  to  you,  1  beseecli  you,  as  friends  to  humanity,  to  spare  the  teara 
which  the  passage  of  tliis  bUl  will  cause  to  flow  !  I  appeal  to  you  as  fathers,  by 
every  endearing'  tie  which  binds  you  to  your  childrc^n,  not  to  deprive  the  ajfcd 
pai-ent  of  the  child  of  his  youth  I  the  support  and  solace  of  his  declining  years! 
lest  you  bring  his  grey  hairs  with  iorrow  to  the  gi-ave  !  i  entreat  you  to  make 
Uk-  ciisc  your  own!  suppose  a  darling  child!  an  only  son  snatched  from  you 
by  the  scourge  of  war !  in  the  language  ,(  gi-ief  and  nature,  you  would  ex- 
claini :  "  would  to  (iod  [  had  died  for  tlicc,  O  Absalom,  my  son  !  my  son !" 

This  was  the  miserable  rant  by  which  our  fathers  and  our 
mothers— our  wives  and  our  children— our  towns  and  our  cities 
— were  depri\  ed  of  protection,  and,  but  for  the  peace,  would 
hu\  i-  been  delivered  defenceless  to  the  enemy  ! 

Mr.  Miller,  of  New  York,  was  equ' Uy  eloquent  in  his  denun- 
ciation of  this  system.  I  lay  before  the  reader  a  specimen  of  the 
cotient  and  eonvincinir  arguments  he  used  :— 

"  I  oliject,  sir,  to  the  whole  system  of  force  and  coercion;  and  contend  tliat 
iindi  r  this  constinnion  you  have  no  riglit  Id  raise  annies  except  by  voluntary 
."•Tihstmeiit;  and  fuitlicv,  that  if  you  hatl  llic  riglit,  ii  would  not  be  discreet  to 
c»cfriscit. 

"  T'.  •  plan  which  gentlemen  wish  adoptetl  is  conscription!  They  call  it  clus- 
tijivii  unit  priwilii — ctoH>-ifiriUi<-n  and  di  ft — s\v,llure  is  (ioitii»i  in  tlw  diu'i  . 
gami^  itasyirti  please,  there  is  poison  ■^till".  Vmi  r\\\  \i  rinmfication  !  I  nlicklr 
wit  for  (lami  •*— "  u  \•^^\^,  hy  snv  other  name  would  smell  as  sweet."  Is  this 
elassinratioii  '  Disgumi-  thyvlf  as  thou  wilt,  slavery,  still  thou  art  a  biUer 
druuglit  "  The  times  demand  tli:it  tilings  slioiild  hi  called  li\  their  riglit  mirncs. 
'/'/»>  is  rnniinHf>tirm,  ii'id  I'iih  ffiitmri,  iiwvi'  fiiili'ini\,  than  art  to  bejuund  in  th-: 
^jftlmlfd.'ijiitfmof  'ir   n'lf  niiiHuIr  vitiiniii  of  lilbd  '.'.'* 

•  Perhaps  a  m(»re  cxtrmvagant,  grovindUns,  nnd  absunl  assertion  was  never 
hazardiil  1)1  fort  It  i(i\(r\  diHieult  In  compare  the  two  s^s;elns  together, 
there  is  sucii  un  iiumcnsc  diUvrgiicc  between  tUwm     I  shaU  stat«  but  one  ^in- 


CHAP.  67.] 


MILITIA  DEFENCE. 


365 


"  By  this  system  the  people  of  these  United  States,  will  be  instantly  MiAfor- 
»bly  transformed  into  toldiers^the  ordinary  course  of  life  must  be  abandoned, 
for  the  perils  and  vexations  of  a  camp  !  Our  peaceful  occupations  must  be  for- 
saken. The  merchant  must  quit  his  counting  house ;  the  farmer  his  plough  ; 
the  mechanic  his  work  shop  ;  the  professional  man  his  pursuits—all,  all  must 
become  soldiers ! — Our  sons  and  our  brothers,  those  who  are  to  be  tiie  "  future 
men"  of  tliis  countiy,  instead  of  laying  the  foundation  for  future  usefulness, 
must  be  subjected  to  the  moral  and  physical  evils  of  a  camp.  All  the  habits  of 
domestic  life  must  be  annihilated,  and  all  its  endearments  outraged  or  disre- 
garded. The  husband  must  be  torn  from  his  wife  and  cliildren,  and  the  child 
forcibly  separated  from  the  society  and  protection  of  his  parents.  I  beseech 
gentlemen  to  pause  before  they  venture  upon  a  system  like  this. 

"  This  plan  violates  the  constitution  of  your  country.  It  invades  the  rights  of 
the  state  governments ;  it  is  a  direct  infringement  of  their  sovereignly.  It 
concentrates  all  power  in  the  general  government,  and  deprives  the  states  of 
their  "  necessary  security."  It  does  away  all  claim  to  personal  freedom.  It  is  a 
daring  attempt  upon  the  rights  and  liberties  of  tliis  people. 

"  ./?cn«es  are  the /orccs  ^the  United  States,  with  whicii  they  are  to  carry  on 
their  wars;  and  are  subject  to  their  exclusive  jurisdiction  and  controul.  Bnt 
the  militia  are  the  state  troops,  tofiich  conffress  have  no  power  to  raise.  They  are  a 
force  existing,  known,  and  acknowledged  at  ti>e  time  of  the  adoption  of  this 
constitution ;  existing  without  the  aid  or  concurrepfie  of  tlie  general  govern- 
ment. The  eetieral  poiver  over  the  militia  resides  r  u^  tales  ,-  a  particidar  au- 
thority for  objects  defined,  was  carved  out  of  tiiat  general  power,  and  gfi-anted 
to  the  United  States." 

When  the  reader  has  attentively  perused  all  this  rhapsody, 
and  is  almost  terrified  to  death  by  reflection  on  the  frightful  des- 
potism which  was  preparing  to  swallow  up  our  freedom  and  hap- 
piness, he  has,  in  order  to  calm  the  ebullitions  of  his  indignation 
— to  restore  his  tranquillity — only  to  read  two  lines  of  the  con- 
stitution, granting  the  power,  and  dictating  the  duty  of  the  ge- 
neral government,  "  to  call  forth  the  militia,  to  repel  invasion." 
Let  him  then  ascertain  the  fact,  that  the  coimtry  was  actually 
invaded  at  the  very  time  when  Mr.  Miller  so  confidently,  in  the 
face  of  the  constitution,  dared  to  assert,  that  *'  the  militia  are  the 
state  troops,  which  congress  have  no  power  to  raise.''''  When  he 
has  proceeded  thus  far,  he  will  soon  be  convinced  that  all  the 
long,  declamatory,  and  inflammatory  speeches  on  this  subject, 
which  occupied  so  many  weeks  of  the  time  of  congress,  were 
mere  "  sowni  and  fun/," 

To  return.  The  con.'titutiou  further  authorizes  the  general 
government — 

"To  provide  for  organizing,  arminp,  .and  discipVming  Ihc  militia;  and,  for 
rover iiiiiif  sucfi  p<irt  of  them  an  may  he  einfilifyeil  in  the  service  of  the  I  'nited  Slates." 

Thi  ■>  last  i^ower  is  merely  limited  and  qualified  by  the  reser- 
vation, to  the  several  states,  of  the  appointment  of  officers,  and 
training  tho  men.     The  limitation  is  in  these  words  : 

glc  feature  of  that  difTcrcncc.  In  Fi-ance  it  was  hanlly  possiiilo  to  induce  go- 
vernment to  accept  of'Mul)stituteH,  an!  never  witliout  great  interest  and  immense 
Jiecuniarv  siierifices  ;  and  of  course  those  persons  conscripteil  wer::  almost  uni- 
versally oldigcd  to  ser\  e,  in  spite  of  il.eir  utmost  opposition  ;  whereas,  by  the 
American  act,  express  provision  was  made  for  substitutes,  MiiU  no  mstn  need 
lerve,  wlio  could  raise  ciirht  or  ten  dollar*! ! 

o.  a.  4s 


■■if 


366 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BKANCH. 


[chip,  er . 


*•  Reserving  to  the  states  respectively  the  appointment  of  the  officers,  and 
the  authority  of  training  the  mihtia  according  to  the  discipUne  proposed  by 
congress." 

A  calm  and  candid  review  of  these  clear  delegations  of  power, 
cannot  fail  to  result  in  a  conviction,  that  in  all  cases  of  obstnid- 
tions  to  the  laws — of  insurrection — or  invasion— the  right,  the 
power,  and  duty  of  congress,  to  order  out  the  militia,  are  as  clear 
a  right,  power,  and  duty,  as  ever  were  conveyed  or  ordained  by 
any  instrument,  public  or  private.  It  follows,  that  the  attempt 
to  defeat  this  grant  of  power,  was  antifederal  and  factious,  and 
had  a  tendency  to  destroy  tlie  government. 

I  SHALL  now  proceed  to  prove,  "  that  the  existing  mode  of 
drafting  the  militia,  is  oppressive,  unequal,  and  unjust." 

In  nearly  all  the  states,  as  we  have  seen,  the  governor  is  au- 
thorised, in  certain  specified  cases,  to  call  the  militia  into  ser- 
vice, in  such  numbers  and  proportions  as  he  may  judge  proper. 
He  possesses  plenary  discretionary  powers.  He  may  raise  the 
whole  in  three  or  four  counties,  or  he  may  divide  them  equally 
among  all  the  counties  in  the  state. 

This  discretionary  power  is  highly  exceptionable  on  the 
ground  of  favouritism  ;  and  is  in  direct  hostility  with  the  gene- 
ral spirit  of  all  our  institutions,  which  universally  define  duties 
and  limit  powers  with  great  precision.  It  will  not,  it  cannot,  be 
denied,  that  it  is  liable  to  consideiable  abuse. 

But  I  shall  not  consider  the  danger  of  its  abuse.  The  discus- 
sion of  this  objection,  great  and  powerful  as  it  is,  does  not  come 
within  my  present  plan.  I  shall  suppose  the  power  exercised 
with  sound  judgment  and  strict  impartiality,  so  far  as  the  latter 
requisite  is  compatible  with  the  present  system.  It  is  still  liable 
to  the  most  serious  and  solid  objections.  It  is  radically  and  in- 
curably defective.  Its  operation  is  unjust,  vmequal,  and  oppres- 
bivc.     Let  us  examine  how  it  is  carried  into  operation. 

Suppose  therv'  are  ten  counties  in  a  state,  each  containing 
10,0()0  militia-  -and  that  the  presence  of  an  invading  foe  induces 
the  president  to  make  a  call  upon  the  governor  for  a  draft  of 
5,000  men.  It  is  obvious,  that  the  most  equitable  and  impartial 
mode  of  drafting  them,  according  to  the  present  miserable  sys- 
tem, will  be,  to  make  a  requisition  of  5'X)  out  of  each  county. 
But  it  is  generally  made  on  two  or  three  neighbourhoods,  as 
Hear  to  the  place  of  danger  as  possible,  while  the  remainder  of 
tht  state  is  wholly  exempt  from  the  duty.  The  extreme  op- 
prcsbion  and  injustice  of  this  niode  are  too  palpable  to  require 
fnforcement. 

And  it  is  impossible  to  remove  its  radical  injustice ;  for  in 
whatev  r  way  they  arc  drawn,  tht  burden,  the  risl:  of  health,  and 
lilr,  the  sacrifice  of  hvismess,  fhe  expenses  of  a  camp,  and  all  the 
other  disa'lvantajris  of  military  duty,  which  ought  to  be  borne, 
or  p;ii'l  for,  equally,  hv  KKMKX)  persons,  fall  exclusively  on 
5fM\    It  is  impossible  lor  the  human  mmd  to  conceive  of  any 


CBAP.  68.] 


i^nLITIA  DE?ENCfi. 


^67 


of 


system  much  more  unequal,  unjust,  absurd,  or  contemptible. 
Five  thousand  citizens  bear  all  the  burden  of  military  service, 
for  the  protection  of  95,000,  who  neither  run  risk,  incur  ex- 
pense, nor  suffer  any  inconvenience  ! 

It  is  an  arduous  task  to  impress  the  public  mind  with  a  correct 
sense  of  the  folly  or  absurdity  of  laws  or  customs,  which  have 
"  grorvn  with  the  grorvth''''  of  society.  This  renders  it  difficult, 
in  all  countries,  to  gain  a  fair  or  patient  hearing  for  arguments 
against  the  established  order  of  things,  however  contrary  to  rea- 
son, common  sense,  or  comvkion  justice.  But  let  us,  in  order  to 
display  the  injustice  of  this  wretched  principle,  extend  it  to  the 
affair  of  taxation.  This  will  render  it  more  palpable  and  strik- 
ing. Suppose  a  law  were  passed  to  oblige  5,0(X)  men  to  pay  aU 
the  taxes  of  95,000  others,  who  were  themselves  to  be  totally  ex- 
empt from  taxation !  What  an  uproar  would  it  not  excite  !  The 
clamour  would  be  loud  and  general  with  the  parties  that  suffer- 
ed the  oppression,  who  would  by  force  resist  the  operation  of  it. 
Yet  the  injustice  of  such  a  law  is  far  inferior  to  that  of  the  ex- 
isting militia  system,  to  which  we  submit  without  murmur — 
and  not  merely  submit  without  murmur,  but  were  of  late  sense- 
lessly ready  to  rise  in  insurrection,  to  prevent  any  melioration  of 
such  vile  oppression  !  I  say  inferior;  because  the  burden  of  mi- 
litary service  is  far  more  onerous  than  that  of  taxation.  If  this 
do  not  prove  the  propriety,  truth,  and  justice  of  our  claim  to  the 
title  of  "  the  most  enlightened  nation  in  the  world,"  I  am  afraid 
it  v,'ill  never  be  established. 

CHAPTER  LXVIII. 

Incfficiencij  of  Militia  genernlly.  Extravai^anthj  expenaive.  Gen- 
eral Washington's  testimony  oji  the  subject  full  and  complete. 

My  fourth  position  is,  that  "  the  force  thus  drafted  is  general- 
ly inefficient,  and  ruinously  expensive." 

At  present,  the  militia  are  collected  together  in  a  disorderly 
and  irregular  manner.  The  materials  are  as  discordant  and  in- 
coherent as  the  mind  can  conceive.  The  men  are  unaccustomed 
to  discipline — they  have  very  loose  ideas  on  the  sul^jcct  of  sub- 
ordination.    They  have  little  experience — less  military  skill* — 


\W 


'•K  '■• 


•ii:  V 


.1  '!\n 


on 
any 


*  "  To  place  any  dependence  on  nulitia,  i»  assitYcdly  resUiiir  ufmn  n  bvokeii  staff 
— men  just  drugged  from  tlie  tender  sccncH  of  domestie  life — imiiccnstomed  to 
the  din  of  arms — totally  unacquainted  with  every  kindofniilitarj  skill;  which 
l)cin>f  followed  by  a  want  of  confidence  in  themselves,  when  ojiposed  to  troops 
repfularly  trained,  disciplined,  and  unpointed,  superior  in  know!e<l}'e  and  s\i- 
perior  in  arms,  makes  them  timid  and  rciidv  to  fly  from  their  own  sIi.mIdws.  He- 
sides,  the  sudden  ciianj^e  in  their  manner  of  livin^y,  (parlieniarly  in  die  Iodising) 
brings  oil  sickness  in  many,  impatience  in  all.  and  snch  on  viivuu'iuerubk  dnire 
Iff  vrtiirninir  to  their  rr.ifierlive  /irnieti,  that  it  not  onhi  In'odtieen  sham  -fid  and  scaiidii- 
huH  ileHcrtinna  amoji!^  themxeh'",  hut  in/imei  the  like  x/iirit  into  'ifhi'rn,"  lieiiersJ 
Washington's  letters,  l-ondon  edition,  vol,  I  pag'c  "27'). 


POUTICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH 


[chap.  6S' 


little  confidence  in  themselves — ^little  ivs  their  officers— and  their 
officers  are  not  so  void  oi  justice  as  to  lavish  any  large  portion 
of  confidence  on  them. 

Suppose  them,  thus  assembled,  thus  officered,  thus  qualified 
—to  encounter  a  discipiined  foe  of  half  their  numbers,  in  the 
open  yield.  And  we  must  take  the  open  field  into  our  calcula- 
tion. Lamentable  would  be  the  issue.  On  the  one  side  would 
be  a  band  of  hardened  desperadoes,  inured  to  slaughter — repos- 
ing full  reliance  in  their  officers — and  marching  forward  with 
that  confidence  in  themselves,  which  is  the  harbinger  and  pre- 
sage of  victory.  On  the  other,  men  utterly  undisciplined — dis- 
trusting each  other,  and  distrusting  themselves — and  under  of- 
ficers chosen,  in  most  cases,  not  for  their  military  talents  and 
endowments,  but  for  companionable  qualities,  which,  however 
agreeable  in  the  social  circle,  are  of  no  avail  in  the  tented  field. 

The  mind  sickens  at  the  contemplation  of  the  result.  Nothing 
short  of  a  miracle,  can  render  it  prosperous  to  the  militia.  The 
chances  are  immensely  against  them.  They  may  be  said  to  be 
literalh'  led  to  slaughter — the  result  being  too  generally  a  most 
frightful  carnage. 

There  is  a  further  consideration,  which  greatly  enhances  the 
horror  of  this  contemplation.  The  materials  of  the  two  hostile 
bodies  are  as  different  as  can  be  conceived.  On  one  side  are  to 
be  seen  in  the  ranks,  some  of  the  most  invaluable  of  our  citi- 
zens, men  with  large  families,  whose  whole  future  happiness 
depends  on  their  preservation — future  Washingtons,  or  Fran):- 
lins,  or  Livingstons,  or  Dickinsons.  On  the  other,  a  congeries 
of  the  refuse  of  society  from  all  parts  of  Europe.  What  a  con- 
trast! It  is  in  fact  a  game  of  hazard,  at  which  guineas  are  staked 
against  cents — and  at  which  it  is  impossible  ever  to  equalize  the 
stakes. 

That  some  of  the  best  men  in  the  world  are  destitute  of  per- 
sonal courage — and  that  some  of  the  worst  are  abundantly  sup- 
plied with  it,  is  well  known  to  every  man  who  has  even  but  su- 
perficially reflected  on  human  nature.  Courage  is  a  constitu- 
tional quality,  which,  when  not  imparted  by  nature,  can  hardly 
ever  be  acquired.  And  it  therefore  follows,  that  in  these  com- 
pulsory embodyings  of  militia,  there  will  be  often  found  men, 
who,  however  useful  they  may  be  in  civil  life,  are  wholly  un- 
suitable for  the  camp.  Inability  to  pay  for  a  substitute,  or  a 
false  shame,  may  lead  many  of  these  men  to  obey  the  summons 
to  the  field.  But  when  the  clangor  of  arms  sounds,  nature, 
whose  voice  has  been  disregarded,  asserts  her  sway.  Ten  men 
of  this  description  may,  by  spreading  a  panic,  cause  the  defeat 
of  an  entire  army. 

In  political  economy,  as  in  all  other  sciences,  it  may  be  laid 
down  as  an  incontrovertible  maxim,  that  wherever  there  is  a 


68' 


CHAP.  68.] 


MHJTIA  DEFENCE. 


369 


'J, 


llh 


strong  and  striking  opposition  between  fact  and  theory, the  latter 
is  a  fallacious  guide,  which  cannot  fail  to  lead  its  votaries  astray. 
But  when  theories  are  supported  by  facts,  they  rarely  mislead. 

The  American  revolution  is  fraught  with  strong  and  decisive 
facts  on  the  subject  of  the  militia,  which  hold  out  the  most  unerr- 
ing admonitions. 

The  letters  of  General  Washington  to  congress  are  replete 
with  complaints  of  the  inefficiency,  and  of  the  ruinous  results,  of 
the  militia  system  of  the  United  States.  They  fully  prove, 
moreover,  that  the  cost  of  militia  service  is  extravagantlv  high 
—and  that  a  dependence  on  militia  for  regular  and  *-':  'o.l:,^jed 
service,  i'         aded  with  the  utmost  danger. 

Ther  no  authority  on  any  subject  whatevei    a.oi  r;  crnc- 

mandin  •  decisive,  than  that  of  General  vV'ashiagton, 

upon  m  ice.     In  no  nation  was  it  ever,  probably,  more 

fully  ana  njuipit-  ly  essayed,  than  in  the  United  States,  during 
the  war  that  eventuated  in  the  acknowledgment  of  their  indepen- 
dence. No  man,  therefore,  ever  had  a  fairer  opportunity  of 
judging  on  this  topic — and  there  is  no  man  on  whose  judgment 
more  reliance  could  be  placed. 

As  this  is  a  subject  of  vital  importance  to  the  nation — as  our 
happiness,  and  that  of  our  posterity,  as  well  as  the  safety  and 
independence  of  our  country,  may,  and  probably  will,  depend 
upon  a  correct  system  of  defence,  I  have  judged  it  proper  to 
produce  the  most  ample  display  of  the  general's  experience  on 
the  subject. 

An  examination  of  the  dates  will  shew  that  the  evils  com- 
menced with  the  very  dawn  of  the  revolution  ;  for  the  first 
complaint  of  the  general  is  contained  in  a  letter,  dated  July  10, 
1 775,  not  two  months  after  the  battle  of  Lexington. 

July  lOlh,  1775. 

"  All  the  general  officers  agree,  tliat  no  dependence  can  be  put  on  the  militia, 
for  a  continuance  in  camp,  or  regularity  and  discipline  dtiring  the  short  time  they 
may  stay."* 

July  Uth,  1775. 

"From  some  authentic  and  late  advices  of  the  state  of  the  ministerial  troops, 
and  the  great  inconvenience  of  calling  in  the  militia  in  the  midst  of  harvest,  I  have 
been  induced  for  the  present,  to  waive  it."f 

February  9th,  1776. 

"  Though  I  am  hensible  tliat  we  never  have,  since  that  period,  been  able  to 
HCt  upon  tlie  offensive,  and  been  at  times  not  in  a  condition  to  defend,  yet  the 
coat  ofnuirching  home  one  set  of  men — biinging  in  another — the  havoc  and  -waste  oc- 
easioned  by  the  first — the  repairs  necessary  for  the  second — with  a. thousand  incident 
tal  charges  and  inconveniences  which  have  arisen,  and  which  it  is  scarcely  pos- 
sible either  to  recollect  or  descrii'c — amount  to  near  as  much  as  the  keeping  up  a 
respectable  body  of  troop*  the  whole  time,  ready  for  any  emergency,  would  have  done. 
To  bring  men  well  acquainted  with  the  duties  of  a  soldier,  requires  time-    To 

•  Official  letters  to  tlic  honourable  the  American  Conp^rcss,  written  during 
the  war  between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain,  by  liis  excellency  Gene- 
ral Washington.    London,  17y5  :  vol.  1.  p.  7. 

t  Idem,  page  9-  *. 


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POLITICAL  OUVE  BRANCH 


[crap.  68. 


UIAP.  I 


bring  them  under  proper  discipline  and  subordination,  not  onlj  requires  time, 
but  is  a  work  of  g^reat  tUfiiculty ;  and  in  Uiis  arm^,  where  there  is  so  little  dis- 
tinction between  the  officers  and  soldiers,  requires  an  uncommon  deg^c  of 
attention."* 

**  Again,  men  of  a  day's  standing  will  not  look  forward :  and  (ix>m  experience 
we  find,  tliat,  aa  the  time  approachet  for  their  diicharge,  they  jrow  careleat  of  their 
amu,  ammumtion,  camp  utensils,  &c.  Nay,  even  the  barracks  themselves  have 
felt  uncommon  marks  of  wanton  depredation,  and  lay  us  under  fresh  trouble 
and  additional  expense  in  providing  for  every  fresh  set,  when  we  find  it  next 
to  impossible  to  procure  such  articles  as  are  absolutely  necessary  in  the  first 
instance.  To  this  may  be  added  the  seasoning  which  new  recruits  must  have 
to  a  camp,  and  the  loss  consequent  thereupon.  But  this  is  not  all — tnefi,  eii- 
gtufedfor  a  short  limited  time  only,  luive  the  ojfffcers  too  much  in  their  /wwer  ;  for  to 
obtain  a  degree  of  popularity,  in  order  to  induce  a  second  enlistment,  a  kind  of 
familiarity  takes  place,  which  brings  on  a  relaxation  of  discipline,  unlicensed 
furloughs,  and  other  indulgences,  incompatible  with  older  and  p^ood  govern- 

liit;!it.*'t 

"There  are  yet  but  few  companies  of  the  militia  come  in.  TViis  delay  mil, 
I  am  much  afraid,  frustrate  the  intention  of  their  being  called  upon,  as  the  season 
M  flipping  fast  av/ay  when  they  may  be  of  service."  i 

Jlpril  4th,  1776. 

**  I  heartily  wish  the  money  had  arrived  sooner,  that  the  militia  might  have 
been  paid  as  soon  as  their  term  of  service  expired.  The  disappointment  has 
l^rcn  them  great  uneasiness,  and  they  are  gone  homemuch  dissatiajied."^ 

"  I  would  also  mention  to  congress,  that  the  militia  regiments  which  were 
last  called  upon,  in  making  up  tlieir  abstracts,  charged  pay — the  officerH,  from 
the  time  they  received  orders  to  raise  companies — mid  the  privates,  from  the 
time  they  respectively  engaged  to  come  or  were  called  upon,  though  they  did 
not  marclifor  a  cunsiaerabic  time  after — some  not  within  three,  four,  to  twenty 
days,  during  all  which  tliey  remained  at  home  about  their  own  private  affairs, 
without  doing  any  thing  else  than  "  preparing  for  the  march,"  aa  they  say,  by 
way  of  plea."! 

July  \7th,  1776. 
**  The  Connecticut  light-horse,  mentioned  in  my  letter  of  the  11th,  notwith  ■ 
utanding  their  then  promise  to  continue  here  for  the  defence  of  this  place,  arc 
now  discharged,  anu  are  about  to  return  home — having  peremptorily  rtfnacd  all 
kinds  of  fatigue  dtUy,  or  ei<e7i  to  mount  guard,  claimiug  exemption  as  troopera. 
Though  their  tkssistance  is  much  needed,  and  might  be  of  essential  service  in 
case  of  anattack.  yet  I  judged  it  advisable,  on  their  application  and  claim  of 
■ucli  indulgence,  to  discharge  them  i  as  granting  them  would  set  an  example  to 
others,  and  might  produce  many  ill  consequences.  The  number  of  men  in- 
cluded in  the  last  return,  by  this  is  lessened  about  five  hundred."^ 

August  IWt,  1776. 
"  They,  [the  British]  mean  to  procrastinate  their  operations  for  some  time, 
trusting  that  the  militia  which  have  come  to  our  succour  will  soon  become  tired,  and 
return  honte,  as  is  but  too  usual  inlh  them  "**. 

Augiisl\9th,1776. 
«•  Governor  Tnimbull,  in  a  letter  of  the  13lh,  advises  me  that  Wani's  regi- 
ment  in  the  service  of  the  statis,  was  on  the  march  to  this  army,  and  that  Ik; 
and  his  council  of  safety  hod  iVi  tht-  whole  ordered  fowteeti  militia  regimetita  to  rein- 
force us.  Three  of  them  have  arrivetl,  and  amount  to  about  a  thousand  and 
twenty  men.  When  the  whole  come  in,  we  shall  be  on  a  much  more  rrspoct- 
■blc  ftiotin^  tlinn  we  have  been ;  but  1  greatly  fear,  if  the  enemy  defer  tlieir 
•ttemjtt  fill-  any  considerable  time,  they  mil  be  extremely  impatient  to  return  lumc  , 
and  if  they  should,  w«*  shall  be  reduced  to  dislresa  agmn."f\ 


•  Idem,  page  87. 
^  Idem,  |)»ge  118. 
**  Idem,  page  'ii2, 


f  Idem,  page  88. 

n  Mem,  piige  r^O. 

It  ia«ui,pae;c:j33. 


t  Idem,  page  OL 
i  Idem,  (lagc  19 


uiip.  68.] 


MILITIA  DEFENCE. 


The  militia,  instead  of  calling  forth  their  utmost  efforts  to  a  brave  and  man* 
ly  opposition,  in  order  to  repair  our  losses,  are  diamayed,  intvactuble,  and  impa- 
tient to  return.  Great  numbers  of  them  have  gmie  off— in  some  instances,  almost  by 
■whole  regiments,  by  half  ones,  anil  by  companies  at  a  time.  This  circumstance,  of 
itself,  independent  ot  others,  when  fronted  by  a  well-appointed  enemy,  supe- 
rior in  number  to  our  whole  collected  force,  would  be  sufficiently  disagreeable 
— but,  when  their  example  has  infected  another  part  of  the  army — when  their 
\vant  of  discipline,  and  refusal  of  almost  every  kind  of  restraint  and  govern* 
mcnt,  have  produced  a  like  conduct  but  too  common  to  the  whole,  and  an  en ! 
tire  disregard  of  that  order  and  subordination  necessary  to  the  well  doing  of  an 
army,  and  which  had  been  inculcated  before,  as  well  as  the  nature  of  our  mili- 
tary estabUshments  wouliiadmit  of— our  condition  is  still  more  alarming ;  and 
with  the  deepest  concern  I  am  obliged  to  confess  my  want  of  confidence  in  the 
generality  of  the  troops. 

'I  All  these  circumstances  fully  confirm  tlie  opinion  I  ever  entertained,  and 
which  I  more  than  once  in  my  lettera  took  the  liberty  of  mentioning  to  con^ 
gress,  that  no  depetidence  can  be  put  on  the  mililia,  or  other  troops  than  those  en- 
listed and  embodied  for  a  longer  period  than  our  regulations  heretofore  have 
prescribed.  I  am  persuaded,  and  a>  fullv  confirmed  as  1  iOn  of  any  one  fact  that 
has  happened,  that  our  liberties  must  of  necessity  be  gjcatly  hazarded,  if  not 
entirely  lost,  if  their  defence  is  left  to  any  but  a  permanent  standing  army — I 
mean  one  to  exist  during  tlie  wai*.  Nor  would  the  expense  incident  to  tlie  sup- 
|)ort  of  such  a  bodv  of  trpops  as  would  be  competent  to  almost  every  exigency, 
liir  exceed  that  wiiich  is  daily  incurred  by  calling  in  succour,  and  new  enlist- 
ments, which,  when  effected,  are  not  attended  with  any  good  consequences. 
Men  who  have  been  free,  and  subject  to  no  controul,  caimot  be  reduced  to  or- 
der in  an  iuHtant :  and  the  privileges  and  exemptions  they  claim  and  will  have, 
influence  the  conduct  of  others;  and  the  aid  detived  from  them  is  nearly  counter- 
balanced by  the  ilitorder,  irrtffidarity  ami  confusion,  they  occawoti."* 

September  4lh,  1776. 
"  The  militia,  under  various  pretences,  of  sickness,  8cc.  are  daily  dimnisMvp  ,- 
and  in  a  little  time,  I  am  persuaded,  their  number  will  be  very  inconsiderable.'  jf 
"  The  militia  from  Connecticut  is  reduced  from  6000  to  2000,  and  in  a  few 
ilays  will  be  merely  nominal.  The  arrival  of  some  Mjtryland  troops,  gic.from  the 
flying  camp,  has  in  a  irreat  degree  supplied  the  loss  of  men  ;  but  the  ammuni- 
tion they  have  carried  away  will  be  a  loss  severely  felt.  The  impulse  for  going 
home  -was  so  irresistible,  it  atiawered  no  purpose  to  oppose  it.  I'hough  1  would  not 
discharge,  I  have  been  obliged  to  acquiesce ;  and  it  affords  one  more  melancholy 
proof,  how  delusive  all  nuch  dependencies  are,"lf 

September  20th,  1776. 
"  It  is  a  melancholy  and  painful  considoi-ation  to  thoHc  who  arc  concerned 
in  the  work,  and  have  the  command,  to  be  furniiiig  armies  constantly,  and  to  be 
lift  by  troops  just  when  they  begin  to  deserve  the  name,  or  perhaps  at  a  moment  when 
an  important  blow  is  expected."^ 

Si'ptember  24/A,  1776. 
"  The  thirteen  militia  regiments  from  Connecticut  being  reduced  to  a.  little 
more  than  700  men,  rank  and  file,  fit  for  duty,  /  have  thought  proper  to  dhiluirqr. 
the  whole,  to  saxie  the  slates  the  immense  cliargi-  that  would  ansefrom  offcvvs*  pay. 
There  arc  many  mihtiu,  too,  that  have  just  conic  in,  or  arc  on  their  way  from 
that  state,  none  of  whom  arc  ])rovidcd  with  a  tent,  or  a  single  camp  utensil 
This  distresses  mu  beyond  mcasurc."|| 

Si'ptemlier  2Ath,  1776. 
"  Again  -.  men  accustomed  to  unbounded  freedom  and  no  controul,  cannot 
brook  the  refttraint  whicli  is  indispcnsibly  nci-csHary  to  the  good  order  and  go- 
vernment of  an  army  ;  witliout  which  Hccntiounncss  and  every  kind  of  dinordfr 
reign.    To  bring  men  to  a  proper  degree  of  suboi'dination  is  not  tite  work  of  n 


,fi'£  •'- f 


mi 


i 


I   Mil  a 


•■:frt1: 


•  Idem,  page  2-1.4. 
^  Idvui,  page  265. 


Idem,  page  246. 
Idcjn,  page  l&T. 


i  Idem,  page  255. 


4^ 


an 


POUTICAL  eUVE  BRANCH. 


(cBir.  68. 


d»y,  a  month,  or  even  a  ye&r :  and  unhappilv  for  us  and  the  cause  we  are  en. 
gaged  in,  the  little  diacipline  I  have  been  labouring  to  establish  in  the  army 
under  my  immediate  command,  is  in  a  manner  done  away  by  having  such  a 
mixture  oi' troops  as  have  been  called  together  within  these  few  months."* 

"  Relaxed  and  unfit  as  our  rules  and  regulations  of  war  are  for  the  govern- 
ment of  the  9rmy,  the  militia,  (tliose  properly  so  called,  for  of  these  we  have  two 
aorts--the  six  months'  men,  and  those  sent  in  for  temporary  aid)  do  not  thipk 
themselves  subject  to  tliem,  and  therefore  take  liberties  the  soldier  is  pu- 
nished for.  This  creates  jealousy ;  jealousy  begets  dissatisfactions ;  and  these 
by  deg^es  ripen  into  mutiny,  keeping  the  whole  army  in  a  confused  and  disor- 
dered state — ^rendering  the  time  of  those  who  wish  to  see  regularity  and  good 
order  prevail,  more  unhappy  tlun  words  can  describe.  Besides  this,  such  re- 
peated changes  take  place,  that  all  arrangement  is  set  at  nought,  and  the  con- 
stant fluctuation  of  thmgs  deranges  every  plan  as  fast  as  adopted.  These,  sir, 
congress  may  be  assured,  are  but  a  small  part  of  the  inconveniences  which 
might  be  enumerated,  and  attributed  to  militia ;  but  there  is  one  that  merits 
particular  attention,  and  tliat  is,  the  expetue.    Cirta  in  i  am,  that  it  would  bk 

CHEAPKR  TO  KKKP  FIFTT  OB  A  HUNDRKD  THpOSAlTD  If  (.'OXBTAITT  PAT,  THAR  TO  DE- 
VKirO   UPOV   HALF    THK   HVMBIiR,  ANO  SVPPI.T  THB  OTHER    HALF   OCUAHtONAU.T    BT 

MiuTiA.  The  time  the  latter  are  in  pay  before  and  after  they  are  in  camp,  as- 
■embling  and  marching^the  waste  of  ammunition,  the  consumption  of  stores, 
which  in  spite  of  every  resolution  or  requisition  in  congress,  tlieymust  be  fur- 
niahed  witn  or  sent  home,  added  to  otiier  incidental  expenses  consequent  upon 
their  coming  to,  and  conduct  in,  camp — surpasses  all  idea,  and  destroys  every 
!dnd  of  regularity  and  economy  which  you  coukl  establish  among  fixed  and  re- 

8 liar  troops,  and  will,  in  my  opinion,  prove  (if  the  scheme  is  adhered  to)  THE 
UlN  OF  OUR  CAUSE."t 

'*  The  jealousies  of  a  standing  army,  and  the  evils  to  be  apprehended  from 
OP.i:,  ai?  remote  ;  and,  in  my  judgement,  situated  and  circumstanced  as  wc  arc, 
riot  at  all  to  be  dreaded  :  but  the  conseqiicnce  of  wanting  one,  according  to 
any  ideas,  formed  from  tlie  present  view  on  things,  is  certain  andinetitable  nun. 
IPar  if  J  VMU  called  up»n  tit  declare  upon  oath,  whether  the  militia  have  been  moat  ter- 
vic<:able  or  hurtful,  upon  the  whole,  I  ehoulfi  tibicribe  to  the  latter.  I  do  not  mean 
by  tHkis,  however,  to  arraign  the  conduct  of  congress  :  in  so  doing,  I  should 
equally  condemn  my  own  measures,  if  I  did  not  my  judgment :  but  experience, 
which  is  the  best  criterion  to  work  by,  so  fully,  clearly,  and  dccisivelv  repro- 
bates  the  practice  of  trusting  to  militia,  that  NO  MAN  WHO  REGARDS  Olt- 
DER,  REGULARITY,  AND  ECONOMY,  OR  WHO  HAS  ANY  REGARD  FOR 
HIS  HONOUR,  CHARACTER,  OR  PEACE  OF  MIND,  WILL  RISK  THEM 
UPON  THIS  ISSUE.  An  army  foi-med  by  good  officers  moves  like  clock 
work :  but  there  is  no  situation  on  earth  less  enviable,  nor  more  distressing, 
than  that  of  a  person  who  is  at  the  head  of  troops  who  are  regardless  of  '  ^r 
and  discipline,  and  who  are  unprovided  with  almost  every  necessary.  it 

v.'ord,  the  difiicultics  which  have  for  ever  surrounded  me  since  I  li«/':  b  , » 
the  service,  and  k'-pt  my  mind  constantly  upon  the  stretch — the  wounds  wliich 
my  feelings  (us  an  officer)  have  received  by  a  thousand  things  wiiich  have  Imp. 
pened  contrary  to  my  expectations  and  wisiics,  added  to  a  r/insciousncss  of 
Hiabilittf  to  govern  an  nrmtf  comfnted  of  such  discordant  parti,  ai'd  tmdcr  sucii  a 
variety  of  intricate  and  perplexing  circumstances,  induce  not  ')nly  a  belief,  hut 
•  thorough  conviction  in  inyniinu,  that  it  will  be  impossible  (unless  there  is  a 
thorough  change  in  our  military  system)  for  me  to  conduct  matters  in  siicli  h 
manner  as  to  give  satisfaction  to  tliu  public,  which  is  all  the  recompense  1  aim 
ftt,  or  ever  wished  for."* 

Seplemhei'  30,  1776. 

•♦  By  a  letter  received  from  the  committee  of  safety  in  the  state  of  New 
Hampshire,  I  find  a  thousand  of  their  militia  were  about  to  march  the  24tli 
ultimo,  to  reinforce  this  army,  in  consequence  of  the  requisition  of  congress. 
Previous  to  their  march,  general  Wawl  writes  mc,  he  was  obliged  to  furnish 
tliem  with  five  hundred  pounds  of  powder,  and  a  tliousand  pounds  of  musket 

•  Idem,  page  271.  f  Wcm,  page  2r2.  \  Idem,  page  27^. 


^:l 


CHAP.  68.] 


MILTHA  DEFENCE. 


373 


en> 


ball ;  and  I  hare  little  reason  to  expect  that  they  are  better  provided  with 
other  articles  tlian  they  were  with  ammunition.  In  tliis  case,  they  will  only 
add  to  our  present  distress,  which  is  already  far  too  great,  and  become  disgust- 
ed with  the  service,  THOUGH  THE  TIME  THEY  WERE  ENGAGED  FOR 
IS  ONLY  TILL  THE  FIRST  OF  DECEMBEK— Uiis  will  injure  their  enlisting 
for  a  longer  time,  if  not  wholly  prevent  it."* 

Octobei'  4th,  1 776. 

"  Upon  the  present  plan,  I  plainly  foresee  an  intervention  of  time  b  etween 
the  old  and  new  army,  which  must  be  filled  up  with  militia  (if  to  be  had";  WITH 
WHOM  NO  MAN  WHO  HAS  ANY  HEGAUI)  FOR  HIS  REPUTATION, 
CAN  UNDERTAKE  TO  BE  ANSWERABLE  FOR  CONSEQUENCLS."t 

October  3Ut,  1776. 

"  Our  army  is  decreasing  f ant.  Several  gentlemen,  viho  have  come  to  camp  tnth- 
in  a  few  ilays,  luive  observed  large  numbers  of  militia  leturning  home  on  the  tUffer- 
enl  road»."i 

JVovetnber  9lh,  1776. 

"  I  have  little  or  no  reason  to  expect  that  the  militia  now  here,  will  remain 
a  day  longer  than  the  time  tiiey  iirst  engaged  for.  1  have  recommended  their 
stay,  and  requested  it  in  general  orders.  General  Lincoln  and  the  Massachu* 
setts  commissioners  are  usuig  their  interest  with  those  from  tliat  state.  But  as 
far  as  I  can  judge,  we  cannot  rely  on  tlieir  staying. 

"  I  have  no  assurances  that  more  than  a  ver>'  few  of  the  troops  composini; 
the  flying  camp  will  remain  after  the  time  of  their  engagement  is  out :  so  far  from 
it,  I  am  told,  that  some  of  general  Ewing's  brigade  who  stand  engaged  to  the 
first  of  January,  are  now  gomg  away."^ 

Itecember  \st,  1776. 

*'  The  enemy  are  fast  approaching — some  of  them  are  now  in  sight.  Jill  the 
men  of  the  Jersey  flying  camp  under  general  heard,  being  applied  to,  have  refusei 
to  contintte  longer  in  service  "I 

Trenton,  December  2d,  1776. 

*'  I  look  out  earnestly  for  the  reinforcements  from  Philadelphia.  1  am  in 
hopes  tliat  if  we  can  draw  a  good  head  of  men  together,  it  will  give  spirits  to 
the  militia  of  this  state,  who  Imve  as  yet  afforilcd  me  little  or  no  assistance ;  wir 
can  IJind  they  are  likely  to  do  much."\ 

Trenton,  December  Sth,  1776, 

"Sorry  I  am  to  observe,  however,  that  the  frequent  coils  upon  the  militia  of  tMn 
ttate,  the  want  of  exertion  in  the  principal  gentlemen  of  the  country,  or  a  fatal 
supineness  and  insensibility  of  danger  till  it  is  too  late  to  prevent  an  evil  that 
was  not  only  foreseen,  but  foretold,  have  been  the  causes  of  our  late  lUsgrucet. 

"  If  the  militia  of  this  state  had  stepped  forth  in  stmaon,  (and  timely  notice  they 
had)  we  might  have  prevented  the  enemy's  crossing  the  liachimac,  although  with- 
out some  previous  notice  of  the  time  and  place,  it  was  impossible  to  have  done 
this  at  the  North  river. 

"  At  Hackinsac  our  force  was  insufficient,  beca<ise  a  part  was  at  Elizabeth- 
tuwn,  Amboy,  and  Brunswick,  guanliiig  a  coast  which  1  thought  most  exposed 
to  danger ;  and  at  Bnuiswick,  because  I  was  disappointed  in  my  expectation! 
of  militia,  and  because  on  the  day  of  the  enctmv's  approach  (and  probably  the 
occasion  of  it)  the  time  of  the  .lersey  and  Maryland  l>rigade8'  service  expired  { 
NEITHER  OF  WHICH  WOULD  CONSENT  TO  STAY  AN  HOUR  LONGER. 

*'  These,  among  ten  thousand  other  instances,  might  bo  adduced  to  shew  the 
disadvantages  of  short  enUstments,  and  tlie  little  dependence  upon  militia  in 
times  ef  real  danger. 

"  My  first  wish  is,  tliat  congress  may  be  convinced  of  the  impropriety  of  rely- 
ing upon  the  militia,' 9X\A  the  necessity  of  raising  a  larger  standing  army  than 
they  nave  voted.  The  saving  in  the  articles  of  stores,  provisions,  and  in  ■ 
thousand  other  things,  by  having  nothing  to  do  with  militia,  uiiIohs  in  cases  of 
ejntraordinary  exigency,  and  such  as  could  not  be  expected  in  Uie  common 


!l' 


if 


•  Idem,  page  279. 
%  Idem,  page  324. 


f  Idem,  page  282. 
K  Idem,  page  328. 


i  Idem,  page  301. 
i  Idem,  pago  330. 


O.  B. 


49 


m 


^4 


FOUnCAL  OUVE  BRANCft. 


(CBAT.  68. 


course  of  events,  would  amply  supply  a  large  army,  which,  well  officered, 
would  be  dtdly  improving,  instead  of  CONTINUING  A  DESTRUCTIVE,  EX- 
PENSIVE, AND  DISORDERLY  MOD.  I  am  clear  in  opinion,  that  if  40,000 
men  had  been  kept  in  constant  pay  since  the  first  commencement  of  hostilities, 
and  the  militia  had  been  excused  doing  duty  during  that  period,  the  continent 
would  have  saved  money.  When  I  reflect  on  the  losses  we  have  sustained  for 
want  of  good  troops,  the  certunty  of  this  is  placed  beyond  a  doubt  in  my 
mind.  In  such  case,  the  militia,  who  have  been  harassed  and  tired  by  repeated 
calls  upon  them  (and  farming  and  manufoctures  in  a  manner  suspended)  would, 
upon  any  pressing  emergency,  have  nm  with  alaority  to  arms ;  whereas  the 
cry  now  is,  "  thej/  may  at  weft  be  ruined  in  otie  viay  as  aitother,"  and  with  diffiad^ 
ty  they  are  obtained.  I  mention  these  things,  to  shew,  tliat,  in  my  opinion,  if  any 
dependence  ia  placed  upon  militia  another  year,  congivsa  will  be  deceived.  When 
danger  is  a  little  removed  from  them,  they  will  not  turn  out  at  all.  When  it 
comes  home  to  them,  the  well  affected,  instead  of  flying  to  arms  to  defend 
themselves,  are  busily  employed  in  removing  their  families  and  eflects— whilst 
tlie  disaffected  are  concerting  measures  to  make  their  submission,  and  spread 
terror  and  dismay  all  around,  to  induce  others  to  follow  the  example. — Daily 
experience  and  abundant  proofs  warrant  tUl  information."* 

December  16lh,  1776. 
**  That  the  militia  are  not  to  be  depended  on,  or  aid  expected  from  them  but  itt 
€a»eaofthe  mo»t  pressing  emergency,  is  not  to  be  doubted  The  first  of  these 
propositions  is  unquestionable  :  ami  fatal  experience  has  given  her  sanction  to 
the  truth  of  the  latter.  Indeed  their  lethargy  of  late,  and  oackwardncss  to  turn 
out  at  this  alarming  crisis,  seem  to  justify  an  apprehension  that  notliing  can 
bring  them  from  their  homes.  For  want  of  their  assistance,  a  large  part  of 
Jersey  has  been  exposed  to  ravage  and  to  plunder }  nor  do  I  know  mat  Penn- 
■vlvania  would  share  a  better  fate,  could  general  Howe  eitbct  a  passage  across 
tb';  Delaware  with  a  respectable  force.  These  considerations  have  induced  me 
to  wisli  tliat  no  reliance,  except  such  tu  may  ariiefrom  neceaiity,  nhonld  ejier  be  had 
on  than  again;  and  to  make  further  mention  to  congress  of  the  expediency  of 
increasing  their  army.    I  trust  this  mcitsure  will  meet  their  earliest  attention."! 

December  20th,  1776. 

**  Short  enlistments,  and  a  mistaken  dependence  upon  militia,  have  been  the 
origin  of  all  our  misfortunes,  and  the  great  accumulation  of  our  deht."4: 

"  We  find,  sir,  tliat  the  enemy  tu-e  daily  gaining  strength  from  tlie  disaffec- 
ted. This  strength,  like  a  snow-ball,  by  rolling,  will  increase,  unless  some 
means  can  be  devised  to  check  effectually  the  progress  of  the  enemy's  arms. 
MiUtia  may  possibly  do  it  for  a  little  wlule  :  but  in  a  Uttic  while  also,  the  mili- 
tia of  these  atutea  which  have  been  frequently  called  upon,  will  not  turn  out  at  all,  or 
if  they  do,  it  will  be  with  so  much  reUictancc  and  sloth,  as  to  amount  to  the 
same  thingp — instance  New  Jersey !  witness  Pennsylvania ! — could  any  tiling 
but  the  river  Delaware  have  saved  Philadelphia !  Can  any  tiling  (the  exigency 
of  the  case  indeed  may  justify  it)  be  more  destructive  to  the  rccruHing  service, 
THAN  GIMNG  TEN  DOLLAUS  llOUN  TV  FOH  SIX  WEEKS*  SEHVK-E  OF 
THE  MILITIA,  WHO  COME  IN  YOU  CANNOT  TELL  HOW— GO  YOU 
CANNOT  TELL  WIIEUE— CONSUME  YOUlt  IMIOV ISIONS— EXHAUH  I' 
YOUH  BTOUE.S,  AND  LEAVE  YOU  AT  LAST  AT  A  CUITICAL  WOMEN  l. 

"  Those,  sir,  are  the  men  I  am  to  depend  upon,  ten  days  hence ;  this  is  the 
basis  on  whirh  your  cause  must  and  will  forever  depend,  till  you  get  a  large 
standing  army  sufticicnt  of  itself  to  oppose  the  encmy."|| 

January  \al,  1776. 

"  Af\cr  much  persuasion,  and  the  exertions  of  their  officers,  half  or  a  greater 
iiroportiun  of  those  from  the  eastwanl  have  consentctl  to  slay  six  weeks  on  a 
bounty  of  ten  dollars.  I  feel  the  inconvenicncy  of  this  advance,  and  I  know  the 
conHciiueiiccs  that  will  result  from  it — hut  what  could  he  done  '  Pennsylvania 
hiul  ttlloweil  the  same  to  her  militia— the  troops  felt  tlieir  importanco,  and 
would  have  their  price"! 


•  Mem,  page  3J3. 
^,  Ibid. 


i  I<hm,  Jingo  346.  i  Idem,  page  350. 

i  Iduiii,  vol.  II.  pngc  2. 


9VAP.  68.J 


MOJTIA  DEPENCK. 


375 


January  5th,  \777. 
•*  Their  large  picqueta  advanced  towards  Trenton— tlieir  great  prepara- 
tions, and  some  inteliigence  I  liad  received,  added  to  their  knowledge  that  tha 
Jirsl  of  Janitaij/  brought  on  a  dissolution  of  the  beat  part  of  the  army — gave  me  tlie 
stroiigciit  reasons  to  conclude  that  an  attack  upon  us  was  meditating."* 

•  January  7th,  1777. 
*'  Tlie  severity  of  the  season  has  made  our  troops,  especially  the  militia,  ex< 
tremcly  impatient,  and  has  reduced  the  number  very  considerably.   Every  day 
more  or  less  leave  us."f 

January  19th,  1777. 

"  The  fluctuating  itate  of  an  army  composed  cUefly  of  militia,  bids  fair  to  ivducc 
us  to  the  situation  in  lo/ach  tve  were  some  little  time  o^o— tliat  is,  of  scarce  having 
an  aitny  at  all— except  reinforcements  speedily  arrive.  One  of  the  battalions 
from  the  city  of  Philailc4piiia,  goes  home  to  day,  and  the  other  two  only  remain 
a  few  day  »  longer  upon  courtesy.  The  time  for  which  a  country  brigade  under 
general  Mifflin  canic  out  is  expired ;  and  they  stay  from  day  to  day  by  dint  of 
solicitation — their  numbers  much  reduced  by  desertions  "% 

"  As  militia  must  be  our  dependence  till  we  can  get  the  new  army  raised  and 
properly  arranged,  I  must  entreat  you  to  continue  your  endeavours  with  tho 
states  of  Pennsylvania,  Maiyland,  and  Virginia,  to  turn  out  every  man  thejr 
poHsibly  can,  and  for  some  time  longer  than  they  generally  have  stipulated  for. 
IF  THKY  AUKKE  FOll  A  MONTH,  or  any  limited  time,  it  should  commence 
from  the  time  tliey  actually  join  the  army,  and  not  from  the  time  titcy  leave 
their  homes :  otherwise  the  marching  backwards  and  forwards  consumes  the 
term  of  engagement.") 

January  22d,  1777. 
"  The  necessity  that  we  have  been  and  are  now  under,  of  calling  in  and  arm- 
ing the  militia,  scattci-s  our  armory  all  over  the  world  in  a  manner.    Their  offl- 
«ers  are  so  irregular,  that  they  generally  suffer  their  men  to  carry  home  every 
thing  that  is  put  into  their  han«is,  which  is  forever  lost  to  the  public."** 

February  20th,  1777. 
••  At  this  time  we  are  only  about  four  thousand  strong — a  force  you  will  sup. 
pose,  unequal  to  a  succe»MUil  opposition,  if  they  were  not  miUtia,  and  far  too 
small  fur  the  exigencies  of  our  aHuirs.  It  is  impossible  to  obtiun  exact  returns, 
tl\ougii  they  are  daily  cidled  for — owing  to  the  frequent  and  almost  constant 
departure  of  some  of  tlie  corps."!! 

Febi'uary  2%th,  1777. 
"  I  was  in  hopes,  that,  by  the  time  tlic  militia  who  arc  now  in  service  would 
be  discharged,  we  should  have  had  a  considerable  number  of  the  new  levies  in 
the  field  :  but,  though  I  have  reports  from  all  quarters  of  the  great  success  ot 
the  recruiting,  I  cannot  get  a  man  into  the  service.  General  Jackson's  militia 
all  go  the  5th  of  March  (many  are  gone  already :)  and  general  Lincoln's  on  tlie 
15111.  These  two  boilies  form  so  considerable  a  part  of  our  force,  that,  unless 
tliey  arc  replaced,  1  shall  be  in  a  manner  UestiluleVii 

Morristoivn,  March  Hl/i,  1777. 

"  What  prospect  there  may  be  of  immediate  succours  from  other  qiuulert, 
I  know  not :  but  from  the  militia  ej'  ''"'*  *'«'*  '  cannot  expect  to  derive  much  more 
aid.  Those  who  are  well  affected  have  been  so  tVequently  called  from  tlieir 
homes,  that  they  are  tired  out,  and  almost  profess  an  abhorrence  of  the  ser. 
vice."^^ 

"  By  the  paymaster's  report,  the  commissary  here  requires  an  immediate 
draft  for  a  hundred  thousand  r  and  the  militia  returning  and  about  to  leave 
o.imp  a  huntlrcd  and  twenty  thousand  more,  The  expense  <f  calling  on  tliem  s^ 
frequently  is  almost  incredibley\^ 


•  Idem,  page  3. 
H  Idem,  page  11. 
i\  Idem,  page  43< 


+  Idem,  page  6, 
•*  Idem,  page  24, 
11  Idem,  page  44> 


4  Idem,  page  10. 
ft  Idem,  page  36. 


i-«j 


5r6 


POUTICAL  OUVE  BRANCH. 


[cnAF.  68. 


Motriatovm,  March  26th,  17T7. 
« •*  I  mged  governor  Trumbull,  in  a  letter  of  tlie  6th  inst.  to  send  two  Uiou- 
sand  of  his  nuliUa  to  the  same  place.     But  sorry  am  I  to  observe,  the  militia  have 
got  tired."* 

"  For  want  of  proper  coercive  powers,  from  disaffection  and  other  causes — 
the  militia  of  this  state  [JVew  Jersey]  are  not  to  be  depended  upon. — They  are  drmrn 
ma  with  iUfficuUy,  and  at  a  most  enormous  expense,  as  their  accounts  will  shew. — 
THEY  CUME,  YOU  CAN  SCARCE  TEH-  HOW  :  THEY  GO,  YOU  HARD- 
LY  KNOW  WHEN.     IN  THE   SAME  PREDICAMENT  ARE  THOSE  OF 

PENNSYLVANIA."t 

"  Small  as  our  present  force  is,  it  will  be  reduced  in  a  few  days,  by  the  going 
off  of  the  .Jersey  three-moiiths-men,  the  Cecil  county  militia,  and  the  Virginia 
volunteers,  all  of  whom  claim  discharges  next  month."^ 

Jlpnl  28th,  1777. 

*♦  So  early  as  the  6th  of  March  I  wrote  to  governor  Trumbull,  earnestly  re- 
questing two  tliousand  militia  to  be  sent  to  general  Mc  Dou{^,  to  be  employed 
at  Peekskill,  and  on  the  communication  in  West-Chester  county,  for  six  -weeks. 
With  this  requisition  he  most  readily  complied,  so  far  as  his  orders  were  ne- 
cessary, and  (I  am  cerUun)  his  influence  wouU  extend.  This  I  have  repeated, 
snd  this  supply  he  has  exerted  liimself  to  flirnish  ;  yet  so  ineffectual  have  his 
endeavours  been,  tliat  not  more  than  eight  hundred  luid  come  out  by  general 
Mc  Dougal's  retiu-n  on  the  17th  instant.'  § 

May  12th,  1777 » 

**  I  would  obsei-ve,  if  the  militia  are  called  out,  it  should  be  for  a  fixed  deter- 
minate time  ;  for  Uiough  they  will  certainly  return  when  that  expires,  yet  that 
is  more  tolerable  than  for  them  to  go  off  in  parties  every  day  as  their  whim 
and  caprice  suggest — which  hus  always  been  the  case  when  the  time  is  not 
ttated.  1  would  also  observe,  if  it  is  possible,  they  should  be  eng^^d  to  march 
out  of  tlieir  states,  if  ordered.  If  their  service  is  located,  tliey  wdl  move  with 
great  reluctance,  iJF  they  move  at  all."|| 

June  2d,  1777. 

"  The  shameful  deficiency  in  all  our  armies  affords  but  too  just  grounds  for 
disagreeable  iinprchcnsions  :  if  the  quotas  assigned  the  different  states  are  not 
immediately  tilled,  we  shall  have  every  thing  to  fear,  ffe  shall  never  be  able  to 
resist  their  force,  if  the  niilitia  are  to  be  relied  on  :  nor  do  I  know  whether  their 
{ud,  feeble  and  in<'fficieHt  as  it  is,  is  much  to  be  expected."^ 

September  7th,  1777. 

"  In  respect  to  the  militia  requested,  (of  Jersey)  his  excellency  is  doubtful 
whether  they  can  be  obtained  :  for  gov.  Livingston,  by  a  Kite  letter,  informs, 
that  he  had  no  expectation  that  more  tlian  three  hundred  of  the  thousand  callccl 
for  to  garrison  the  posts  of  tlie  highlands,  would  march,  notwitlistanding  he  had 
issued  orders  for  that  (lurpose  -,  and  tliat  three  weeks  would  probably  elapse 
before  that  number  went."** 

October  7th,  1777. 

"  Since  the  action,  yen.  Furman's  brigade  of  Jersey  militia  has  quitted  us.  Thft 
men  began  to  he  uneasy  at  tlu'ir  situation,  and  desirous  to  return  home :  and 
as,  by  some  intelligence  from  general  Dickinson,  there  was  reason  to  imagine 
there  iiiiglu  be  a  call  for  their  services  in  the  Jerseys,  it  was  thought  expedient 
to  gratify  their  de»ivc."tt 

October  13th,  1777. 

"  I  will  only  observe,  that  the  consequences  of  calling  the  militia  into  the  field  in 
the  course  of  the  toar,  have  beei>  so  se7<rrely  and  iiiinomly  felt,  that  I  trust  our  fievs 
will  nei>er  be  turned  to  them  but  in  cases  of  ttte  greatest  extremity." ^^ 

JVovember  1st,  1777. 

"  The  militia  from  Virginia  and  Maryland  are  no  longer  to  be  counted  on  .•  .ill 
the  fornur,  except  about  two  hundred,  are  already  gone  i  and  a  few  day.s,  I  ex- 
pect, will  pnuhice  the  departure  of  the  whole  or  chief  part  of  tlie  latter,  from 
the  importunate  applications  which  some  of  them  have  made."§§ 


idem,  page  46. 


t  Idem, 


^  Idem,  page  48. 

•1   If1>>in     11(1  rrn  ftf>. 


icicTn,  page  w.  jiaem,  page  47.  i  Idem,  page  4B. 

§  ItUm,  page  64.  ||  Idem,  page  75.  '\  Idem,  page  86. 

••  Idem,  page  163.    tt'^lem*  P»lfe  180.    4*  Idem,  p.  189.    §§  Idem,  p.  197. 


'H 


CHAT.  69.] 


MIUTIA  DEFENCE. 


37T 


•'  Agreeable  to  my  expectations,  the  [  Virffitiia]  militia  are  gone  ,•  so  that  we 
have  none  now  in  aid  of  tlic  continenUil  troops  but  those  of  this  state  [Pennsyl- 
valtia]  mentioned  in  ttie  return,  and  a  few  from  Maryland."* 

"  I'he  militia  of  this  state,  supposing  tliey  should  be  tolerably  vigorous  in 
their  exertions,  will  not  be  equal  to  tlie  task  :  at  least  it  will  be  difficult,  if  not 
impracticable,  for  them  to  do  it.  It  i»  to  be  innhed  that  such  at  can  be  drawn  oi//, 
matf  be  engaged  to  terve  THilEE  MONTHS,  or  TWO  AT  LEAST,  (if  it  can  be 
eH'ected)  after  their  arrival  in  camp ;  and  that  a  mode  could  be  adopted  to  sup- 
ply  their  places  with  others  at  the  exjiiration  of  their  term,  should  the  exigency 
of  our  affairs  require  it.  A  time  for  their  continuance  should  be  fixed,  or  they 
will  alivaya  be  uneasy  andp^tshing  off;  and  the  longer  circimistances  will  admit 
it  to  be,  the  better:  for,  after  the  period  occurs,  for  which  they  came,  it  will  be  im- 
p'tssible  to  detain  them  a  mome7it.-[ 

A  perusal  of  the  preceding  extracts  cannot  fail  to  shake  the 
faith  of  the  most  strenuous  advocates  for  reliance  on  militia  as 
a  general  defence.  Never  was  a  point  more  ably  or  convincingly 
enforced.  The  immense  importance  of  the  subject — the  mighty 
errors  that  prevail  on  it — ana  the  ruinous  consequences  those  er- 
rors may  entail  on  us — will,  1  trust,  fully  justify  such  long  de- 
tails. 

The  following  positions  are  clearly  and  irresistibly  established: 

1.  That  the  expense  of  militia  is  exorbitantly  great. 

2.  That  they  cannot  be  reduced  to  that  strictness  of  discipline 
which  is  indispensibly  necessary  in  all  armies. 

3.  That  the  period  of  service  is  so  short,  that  it  expires  before 
they  can  acquire  military  skill. 

4.  That  whatever  be  the  emergency,  when  the  period  of  ser- 
vice has  expired,  the  militia  cannot  be  retained  in  service,  with- 
out solicitation,  utterly  destructive  of  subordination. 

I  am  well  aware,  that  there  are  illustrious  exceptions  to  these 
observations.  The  militia  have,  in  many  instances, made  a  grand 
and  glorious  display  of  all  the  military  virtues,  in  as  high  a  de- 
gree as  the  bravest  veterans.  They  have  defeated  equal  and  su- 
perior numbers  of  troops  of  the  latter  description :  witness  Platts- 
burg.  New  Orleans,  &c.  But  these  cases  do  not  form  the  rule. 
They  are  the  exceptions.  And  whatever  instances  may  be  pro- 
duced to  invalidate  my  positions,  can  be  outnumbered  ten-fold. 
But  I  studiously  draw  a  veil  over  the  subject.  To  any  man  of 
reason  and  common  sense,  who  reflects  on  the  mode  of  selection^ 
or  who  inspects  a  body  of  drafted  militia,  it  must  be  obvious  that 
the  system  is  radically  wrong. 

CHAPTER  LXIX. 

Conscription  or  classification  of  the  militia  to  Jill  up  the  army^  the 
most  impartial  and  efficacious  mode.  A  measure  of  the  American 
revolution.  Plan  borrowed  by  France,  General  Knox's  plan, 

I  NOW  undertake  to  establish  my  fifth  position,  '^  that  the  sys- 
tem of  classification  is  the  most  impartial,  the  most  efficacious, 


*  Idem,  page  200. 


t  Idem,  page  30), 


378 


POLITICAL  OUVB  BRANCH^ 


[chap.  ^. 


and  the  least  oppressive  mode  of  calling  the  militia  into  service, 
of  any  of  the  plans  that  have  ever  been  devised." 

This  mode  of  calling  the  militia  into  service,  applies  to,  and 
bears  equally  upon,  the  whole  body  throughout  the  nation,  with- 
out exception.  This  is  a  characteristic  of  impartiality  and  jus- 
tice, peculiar  to  this  system ;  and,  had  it  no  other  advantage, 
would  entitle  it  to  a  decided  preference  over  every  other. 

That  it  is  most  efficacious  is  equally  clear.  The  service  is 
entirely  voluntary.  No  man  is  obliged  to  serve  who  does  not 
find  himself  qualified,  and  who  has  any  aversion  whatever  to  the 
service,  because  there  is  not  an  individual  in  the  country  who 
cannot  pay  his  proportion  of  the  expense  of  hiring  a  substitute. 
It  is  needless  to  prove,  as  it  must  be  self-evident  to  the  most  su- 
perficial observer,  that  there  is  an  incalculable  difference  in  point 
of  efficiency  between  any  number  of  men,  who,  being  drafted  by 
lot,  are  forced  to  serve,  whether  they  choose  or  not,  and  the  same 
number  of  men  who  enter  the  service  of  their  own  free  will. 

That  this  system  is  the  least  oppressive,  is  equally  indisputable. 
According  to  the  prevailing  militia  systems,  eveiy  man  drafted 
must  either  serve,  or  send  a  substitute  at  his  own  individual  ex- 
pense. In  all  the  states,  heavy,  and,  to  the  poor,  ruinous  fines, 
are  imposed  on  delinquents.  Thirty -three  dollars,  which  is  the 
fine  in  Massachusetts,  is  an  enormous  sum  to  a  poor  person, 
which  forces  him  into  the  service,  however  reluctant  or  unfit  for 
duty.  Whereas,  according  to  the  classification  plan,  all  the  per- 
sons liable  to  military  service  throughout  the  state,  or  states,  as 
the  case  may  be,  would  contribute  their  respective  quotas  to- 
wards paying  those  who  might  offer  their  services,  or  who  might 
be  enlisted,  if  enlistment  were  necessary,  which  it  rarely  would 
be.  This  contribution  would,  in  no  case  operate  oppressively. 


My  sixth  proposition  is  "  that  the  classification  system  pre- 
vailed during  the  revolution." 

All  that  is  necessary  to  prove  this,  is  to  refer  the  reader  to  the 
following  e  ;tracts  from  the  laws  of  Pennsylvania  and  New-Jer- 
sey, which  were  similar  in  substance  to  those  enacted  in  the 
other  states.       •   • 

"  And  be  it  further  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid.  That  the  commission* 
era  of  the  cit^  and  several  counties  of  this  state  respectively,  or  any  two  of 
them,  shall  direct  the  assessors  of  the  several  townships,  wards,  and  districts,  in 
the  said  city  and  counties  respectively,  to  meet  on  or  before  the  first  day  of 
Pebruary  next,  at  the  usual  place  of  holding  courts  in  the  said  city  and  countit^u 
resnectively,  or  at  such  other  place  or  puces  where  the  said  commissioners 
shall  think  most  convenient ;  and  shall  tlien  andthere,  in  conjunction  with  the 
•aid  assessors,  proceed  to  cUui  the  taxable  peraont  and  property  within  the  said  city 
and  counties  respectively,  in  sucli  manner  that  the  said  property,  together 
with  a  proportionable  sum  on  all  taxable  sinele  freemen,  shall  be  divided  into 
tm  manv  equal  parts  as  the  quota  of  men,  which  the  said  city  and  counties  res- 
pectively we  by  this  act  required  to  enlist,  dmll  coniist  of,  paying  due  regard 


CHAP.  69.] 


inUTIA  DEFENCE; 


5#9 


to  the  ease  and  convenience  of  the  inhabitants,  by  induing  those  who  Kside 
near  each  otiicr  within  the  same  class;  and  shall  transmit  to  the  several  classes, 
by  persons  by  them  to  be  appointed  for  that  service,  an  order  in  vniHn^,  under 
the  hands  oftheBoid  comndaaoners,  or  any  two  of  them,  irith  a  duplicate  annexedt 
containing  the  names  of  each  and  every  person  composing  the  same,  reqtdHng  each 
of  the  said  classes  TO  ENLIST  DURING  THE  WAR,  AND  DEUVER  TO  THE 
PROPER  OFFI  ;ER,  ONE  ABLE  BODIED  RECRUTl'  WITHIN  FIFTEEN 
DAYS  THEREAFTER."* 

"  And  be  it  further  enacted  by  the  authority  aforessud,  That  the  commission- 
ors  of  the  citv  and  several  counties  of  this  state  respectively,  or  any  two  of  them, 
shall  forthwith  transmit  to  the  several  classes,  classed  by  virtue  of  an  act  of  the 
assembly  of  this  state,  entitled,  "  An  act  to  complete  the  quota  of  the  federal 
army  assigned  to  this  state,"  passed  the  twenty-third  of  December,  one  thou* 
sand  seven  hundred  and  eighty,  by  persons  to  be  by  them  appointed  for  that 
service,  an  order  in  writing  under  their  hands,  witli  a  duplicate  annexed,  con- 
taining the  names  of  each  and  every  person  composing  such  class,  rearing 
each  of  the  said  classes  to  enlist  for  tlte  term  of  eighteen  months  as  aforesaid,  and 
DELIVER  TO  THE  PROPER  OFFICER,  ONE  ABLE  BODIED  RECRUIT 
WITHIN  FIFTEEN  DAYS. 

"  And  be  it  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid,  That  if  any  class  or  classes 
shall  neglect  or  refuse  to  enlist  otie  able  bodied  recruit  as  aforesaid,  within  the  time 
limited  and  directed,  or  to  make  return  thereof  to  the  assessors  of  tlie  proper 
township,  ward,  or  district,  it  shall  and  may  be  lawful  for  the  said  commission- 
ers,  or  township,  ward,  or  district  assessors,  or  any  of  them,  and  they  are  hereby 
authorized  and  required,  to  enlist  for  tlie  term  aforesaid,  and  deliver  to  the  pro- 
])er  officer,  one  able  bodied  recruit,  in  behalf  of  such  cIsubs  or  classes,  respec- 
tively ;  and  that  it  shall  and  may  be  lawful  for  the  said  commissioners,  town- 
ship, ward,  or  district  assessors,  or  either  of  them,  where  such  neglect  or  refu« 
sal  shall  happen,  to  proceed  and  levy,  in  the  manner  directed  by  the  laws  now 
in  force  for  levying  and  collecting  other  public  taxes,  on  the  class  or  classes  so 
neglecting  or  refusing,  the  sum  agreed  to  be  paid  by  the  said  commissioners, 
township,  ward,  or  district  assessors,  or  any  of  them,  to  the  said  recruit,  and  the 
reasonable  expenses  accruing  thereupon,  in  proper  proportions,  according  to 
the  last  public  tax  levied  therein ;  which  they  are  hereby  enjoined  and  direct- 
ed to  do  within  two  days  after  such  recruit  shall  be  enlisted. 

"  Be  it  further  enacted  by  the  authority  aforessdd.  That  the  commissioners  of 
the  several  counties  respectively,  shall  provide  and  keep  a  book,  into  which 
they  shall  enter  in  numerical  order  the  several  delinquent  classes,  as  they  shall 
be  returned  to  tliem,  and  shall  enlist  recruits  for  the  said  delinquent  classes, 
iiccording  to  their  respective  numbers;  and  in  like  manner  levy  and  collect 
the  sums  imposed  on  them  respectively  by  this  act."f 

••Tlie  several  colonels  or  commanding  officers  of  regiments  and  battalions  of 
this  state,  shall  cause  the  several  companies  of  militia  in  their  respective  regi- 
ments or  battalions,  to  be  divided  into  eight  parts,  to  be  called  classes,  as  near- 
ly equal  as  may  be,  and  numbered,  from  one  to  eight,  m  rj'inierical  order ;  and 
the  captains  shall  cause  the  names  and  surnames  of  the  persons  in  the  respec- 
tive companies,  with  the  classes  to  which  each  bclongeth,  to  be  returned  to  the 
colonels  or  commanding  officers  respectively,  at  such  time  as  they  shall  appoint 
within  six  days  after  such  division  shall  be  made. 

•  "Sect.  5.  That  the  captain  general,  or  commander  in  chief  for  the  time  be- 
ing, in  case  of  invasion  or  rebellion  within  this  state,  or  in  case  any  part  of  the 
militia  of  this  state  shall  be  requested  by  congress,  to  assist  the  continental  ar- 
my, in  this  or  any  of  the  ad  joinmg  states,  may  and  is  hereby  empowered  to  call\int9 
actual  service,  any  part  oft/ie  militia,  not  exceeding  one  half,  by  classes,  as  afor^ 
said,  as  to  him  shall  seem  necessary ;  the  first  draft  to  be  composed  of  number 
one  of  each  company  :  and  in  case  that  shall  not  be  sufficient  for  the  emergen^ 
cy,  then  number  two  shall  be  drawn  ;  and  so  oh,  by  classes,  from  time  to  tim^ 
as  occasion  may  require.":^ 

*  Laws  of  Pennsylvania,  1780,  chap.  cxci.  page  428.  f  Idenif  page  Sl§%, 

t  Laws  of  New  Jersey,  Mai-cti  15,  and  September  28, 1777. 


m 


V 


L(:) 


«!' 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[chap.  69. 


In  the  cases  of  persons  refusing  or  declining  to  serve,  or  to 
furnish  a  substitute,  the  sixth  section  provides  for  the  seizure 
and  sale  of  their  goods,  for  the  purpose  of  hiring  substitutes. 

By  these  laws,  each  class  was  obliged  to  furnish  an  able  bo- 
died recruit— either  one  of  its  own  number,  or  a  person  to  be 
enlisted  by  it,  and  at  the  joint  expense  of  the  members — which 
is  precisely  the  idea  of  the  secretary  of  state  and  of  Mr.  Giles. 

This  is,  I  presume,  conclusive.  This  relieves  the  system  of 
classification  from  the  odium  attached  to  it  as  a  discovery  of  the 
French  republic,  which  has  had  more  credit  in  this  respect  than  it 
deserves.  It  took  the  plan  at  second  hand  from  the  sages  and 
heroes  of  the  American  revolution. 

My  next  point  is  to  prove,  "  that  the  classification  or  conscrip- 
tion system,  most  elaborately  matured  by  General  Knox,  and 
stamped  with  the  seal  of  General  Washington's  approbation,  was 
more  strict  in  its  provisions  than  any  of  the  recent  plans." 

General  Knox  addressed  his  system  to  President  Washington. 
It  bears  date,  January  18, 1790-— and  the  letter  which  prefaces 
it,  has  the  following  introduction : 

"  Having  submitted  to  your  consideration,  a  plan  for  the  arrangement  of  the 
militia  of  the  United  States,  which  I  had  presented  to  the  late  congress  of  the 
United  States,  and  you  having  approved  of  the  general  piiiiciples  thereof,  with 
certain  exception!,  1  now  respectfully  lay  the  same  before  you,  modified  accord- 
ing  to  tlie  alterations  you  vere  pleased  to  sug-ffeat." 

From  this  plan,  approved,  as  we  see,  and  submitted  to  con- 
gress by  General  Washington,  I  annex  an  extract,  amply  ade- 
quate to  prove,  that  it  bore  the  essential  features  which  belong 
to  the  system  of  defence  which  was  hunted  down  by  the  folly 
and  madness  of  faction  and  sedition.  In  fact,  it  was  much  more 
strict  and  severe  in  its  details,  than  either  of  those  digested  by 
the  secretary  at  war  or  Mr.  Giles — that  enacted  in  New  York — 
or  the  one  rejected  by  the  sapient  legislature  of  Pennsylvania. 
None  of  the  recent  plans  contemplated  service  beyond  45  years 
— ^>vhereas.  Gen.  Knox  carried  his  views  to  a  third  class,  to  be 
composed  of  citizens  between  46  and  60  years.  His  plan  likewise 
contemplated  compulsory  service  of  the  mariners,  who,  as  we 
shall  see,  were  to  be  subject  to  conscription. 

Eixtracta  from  General  Knox*  a  plan  for  the  general  arrangement  of  the  militia  of  (he 
United  States,  submitted  to  congress  by  General  Washington,  Jamiary  1790,  and 
published  by  order  of  the  house  of  representatives  of  the  United  States. 

"  An  energetic  national  militia  is  to  be  regarded  as  the  capital  security  of  a 
free  republic,  and  not  a  standing  army,  forming  a  distinct  class  in  the  conunu* 
aity. 

"  The  period  of  life  in  which  militaiy  service  shall  be  required  of  the  citi- 
zens of  the  United  States,  to  commence  at  18,  and  terminate  at  the  age  of  60 
years. 

"  The  men  comprehended  by  this  description,  exclusive  of  siich  exceptions 
w  the  legislatures  of  tlie  respective  states  may  thuik  proper  to  make,  and  aU 


CBAP.  69.] 


MILITIA  DEFENCE. 


3.81 


actual  mannert,  shall  be  enrolled  for  (Ufiierent  deg^es  of  military  duty,  and  di- 
vided into  distinct  classes. 

"  Tlie  1st  class  shall  comprehend  the  youth  of  18, 19,  and  20  years  of  age,  to 
be  denominated  the  advanced  corps. 

"  The  2d  class  shall  include  the  men  from  21  to  45  years  of  age,  to  be  deno* 
minated  tlie  main  corps. 

"  The  3d  class  shall  comprehend  inclusively  the  men  from  46  to  60  years  of 
age,  to  be  denominated  the  reserved  corps. 

"  All  tlie  militia  of  the  United  States  shall  assume  the  form  of  the  legion, 
which  shall  be  the  permanent  establishment  thereof. 

"  A  legion  shall  consist  of  153  commissioned  officers,  and  2880  non-commi)!* 
sioned  officers  and  privates. 

*<  The  companies  of  all  the  corps  shall  be  divided  into  sections  of  12  each.  It 
is  proposed  by  this  division,  to  establish  one  uniform  vital  principle,  which  in 
pfeace  and  war  shall  pervade  the  militia  of  the  United  States. 

, "  All  requisitions  for  men  to  form  an  army,  either  for  state  or  federal  pur- 
poses, shall  be  furnished  by  the  advanced  and  msun  corps,  by  means  of  the  sec- 
tions. 

"The  executive  government,  or  commander  in  chief  of  the  militia  of 
each  state,  will  assess  the  numbers  required  on  the  respective  legions  of  these 
corps. 

"  The  legionary  general  will  direct  the  proportions  to  be  fiimished  by  each 
part  of  his  command.  Shoultl  the  demand  be  so  gi-eat  as  to  require  one  man  from 
each  section,  t/ten  tlie  operations  hereby  directed  shall  be  performed  by  single  sections. 
But  if  a  less  number  should  be  required,  they  will  be  furnished  by  an  associa- 
tion of  sections  or  companies,  according  to  the  demand.  In  any  case,  it  is  pro- 
bable that  mutual  convenience  may  dictate  an  agreement  with  an  individual  to 
perform  the  service  required.  If,  however,  no  agreement  can  be  made,  one 
must  be  detached  by  an  indiscriminate  draft,  and  the  others  sliall  pay  him  a  sum 
of  money  equal  to  the  averaged  sum  which  shall  be  paid  in  tlie  same  legion  for 
the  voluntary  performance  of  the  services  required. 

"  In  case  any  section  or  company  of  a  legion,  after  having  furnished  its  own 
quota,  should  have  more  men  willing  to  engage  for  the  service  required,  other 
companies  of  the  same  legion  shall  have  permission  to  engage  them<— the  same 
rule  to  extend  to  the  different  legions  of  the  state. 

"  The  legionary  general  must  be  responsible  to  the  commander  in  chief  of 
the  military  of  the  state,  that  the  men  furnished  are  according  to  the  descrip- 
tion, and  that  they  are  equipped  in  the  manner,  and  marched  to  the  rendez- 
vous,  conformably  to  the  orders  for  that  purpose. 

•'  The  men  -who  may  be  drafted,  shall  not  serve  more  than  three  years  at  one  time., 

"  M  tfte  actual  mariners  or  seamen  in  tfie  respective  states  shall  be  registered  in 
districts,  and  divided  into  two  classes — the  first  class  to  consist  of  all  tlie  seamenfrom 
the  age  (j/'l6  to  30  years  inclusively — the  second  class  to  consist  of  all  those  from  the 
age  of  31  to  45  inclusively. 

"  The  first  class  sliall  be  responsible  to  serve  three  years  on  board  of  some  public 
armed  vessel  or  ship  of  tvar,  as  a  commissioned  officer,  or  private  marine,  for  which 
they  shall  receive  the  customary  wages  and  emoluments. 

"  The  2d  class  shall  be  I'esponsibk  for  a  portion  of  service-  in  those  cases  to  vihtch 
the  first  class  shall  be  unequal — ^the  number  required  shall  be  furnished  by  sec- 
tions, in  the  same  manner  as  is  prescribed  for  the  sections  of  the  militia." 

"  The  advanced  legions,  in  all  cases  of  invasion  or  rebellion,  shall,  on  requi- 
sition of  the  lawful  authority,  be  obliged  to  march  to  any  place  within  the  United 
States,  to  remain  embodied  for  such  time  w;  sliall  be  directed,  not  to  exceed  one  year, 
to  be  computedfrom  the  time  of  marching  from  the  regimental  parade  ,•  during  the 
period  of  their  being  on  such  service,  to  be  placed  on  the  continental  esta. 
blishmcnt  of  pay,  subsistence,  clothing,  forage,  tents,  camp  equipage,  and  all 
such  other  allowances  as  are  made  to  federal  troops,  at  the  same  time  and  un- 
der the  same  circumstances. 

0,B.     •  50 


Jpnh 


II 


m 


POUTICAL  OLTVE  BRANCH. 


[chap.  .69. 


"  The  common  mode  of  recnuting  is  attended  with  too  great  destruction  of  mo- 
rals to  be  tolerated ;  and  is  too  uncevuun  to  be  the  principal  resource  of  a  wise 
nation  in  time  qf  dang'er.  The  public  faith  is  frequently  wounded  by  unwor- 
tliy  individuals  who  hold  out  delusive  promises  which  can  never  be  realized. 
By  such  meun$  an  unprincipled  banditti  are  often  collected,  for  the  purpose  of 
dcfendinjf  every  thing  that  should  Jie  dear  to  freemen.  The  consequences  are 
natural.  Such  men  either  desert  in  time  of  danger,  or  ere  ever  ready,  on  the 
slightest  disgust,  to  turn  their  arms  against  their  countiy.  By  the  establishment 
of  the  sections,  an  ample  and  permanent  source  is  opened,  whence  the  state 
in  every  exigency  may  be  supplied  with  men  whose  all  depends  on  the  pros- 
pc-'ty  of  their  country." 

I  request  the  reader  will  duly  weigh  these  extracts,  and  will 
examine  the  admirable  plan,  at  large,  which  ought  to  immortal- 
ize the  memory  of  General  Knox.  It  is  to  be  hoped,  that  the 
day  is  not  far  distant,  when  the  adoption  of  such  a  system  will 
place  a  ram|)art  around  our  firesides  and  our  families,  which 
might  iiid  defiance  to  all  the  hosts  of  Europe  combined,  were  they 
to  attempt  our  subjugation.  This  would  far  excel  the  famous 
Chinese  wall,  built  to  guard  against  the  incursions  of  the  Tar- 
tars^K)r  the  Pictish  widl  of  the  Roman  general  Agricola. 

I  cannot  pass  over  one  incident  connected  with  this  affair, 
which  shews,  in  a  striking  point  of  light,  the  delusion  which  the 
spirit  of  faction  excites.  After  the  noble,  efficient  systems  of 
the  secretary  at  war  and  Mr.  Giles  fell  sacrifices  to  the  convul- 
sive struggles  in  congress  for  power — and  after,  of  course,  the 
country  was  thus  left  in  a  manner  defenceless  and  exposed  to 
the  inroads  of  a  powerful  enemy,  the  house  of  delegates  of  the 
state  of  Maryland  published  an  address  to  Rufus  King,  Esq. 
lavishing  compliments  on  him  for  his  services  in  defeating  those 
plans  of  defence,  and  thereby  subjecting  their  houses,  their 
wives,  their  children,  their  parents,  and  themselves,  to  the  mer- 
py  of  Cockburns  and  Gordons  !  !  ! 

"  Hosolvod,  that  the  thanks  of  this  house,  in  behalf  of  the  freemen  of  Mary- 
laniU  he,  mul  tl\ey  are  hereby  presented  to  the  honourable  Kufus  King,  of  the 
senate  of  the  I 'nited  States,  for  tl>e  Kea.snnable  and  successful  interposition  of 
his  experii' need  wisdtdu  and  influence  of  character,  in  avfvtinif  the  mi-ilitatvd 
alteration  of  a  mfamiri',  hmitHe  tp  t/w  imnmiutifH  nf  canntitiitioiialfrfrffom,  offetmve  to 
the  pure  ffemuD  nf  independence^  and  fraiiifht  with  conneijuenres  baleful  and  appall- 
ing to  the  aociid  onUr,  tranquillit}i,  and  well  being  of  thin  united  repulilir. 

"  And  the  houfif  would  accompany  tiie  respectful  tribute,  wnich  is  thus  spe- 
cially  oHcred,  with  a  geni-rul  expression  of  tne  gratcfid  sense  winch  it  alst»  en- 
tertains of  t  lie  distiiiguisltod  merit  of  the  other  members  of  the  minority,  who 
flo  stedfastly  and  ably  co-opented,  at  rtrrr/  rmival  of  the  gtrnq'gle,in  both  brnnrl- 
ex  of  eotigrenH,  in  combating  airainul  the  imidinnii  introduction  of  an  authoritative 
conxerihiestabliHhmrnl,  more  specious  in  the  form  of  its  .'ipproach,  but  not  essen- 
tially diflerent  from  that  whose  intense  oppression  has  just  vanisheci  from  the 
continent  of  Kurupe,  witli  its  guilty  author,  the  bluo<l-stainud  usurper  of 
France." 

Mr.  King's  Reply. 

Washingttni,  Jan.  8,  1RI.S. 

Sin— -I  have  had  the  honour  to  rrreive  your  letter  of  the  fith  itwt.  transmit- 
ting to  me  a  copy  of  the  ivsolution  of  the  \w\\hc  of  delogatos  of  the  state  of  Ma- 
ryhmd,  of  the  simic  tlute.  I'ermit  me,  sir,  through  you,  tot  .\pr«>ss  to  the  house 
of  dt'legatcii  the  high  sense  1  catertain  of  thu  itonour  of  their  uppnibfttion  of 


OHAT.  70.] 


GERRYMANDERISM. 


383 


my  conduct  as  a  member  of  the  senate,  in  oppbsiiig  the  bill  which  required  of 
the  militia  of  the  several  states,  to  furnisli  rccmits  tor  the  regular  army,  under 
the  penalty  of  being  themselves  drafted  to  serve  in  the  prosecution  of  the 
war. 

At  the  time  that  I  offer  my  acknowledgn)ents  to  the  house  of  delegates,  I  am 
bound  in  justice  tu  others,  to  disclaim  any  p.trticidar  merit  on  this  occasion  ; 
the  failure  of  the  bill  must  be  ascribed  to  the  strenuous  and  able  oppot>ltion 
which  it  received  in  both  houses  of  congress,  sustained,  as  the  opposition  han 
been,  by  tlie  voice  of  the  country. 

I  ask  for  indulgence  to  add,  tliat  while  I  have  resisted  the  progress  of  a  bill, 
professing  to  have  for  its  object  to  provide  for  tlie  common  dei'cnce,  by  means, 
which  the  constitution  docs  not  in  my  judgment  authorise  ;  I  liave  tlioiight  my- 
self obliged,  by  a  faithful  repftird  for  tlie  general  safety,  at  a  period  of  great 
public  ditticulty,  without  reference  to  the  past,  to  vote  for  siipplicH  of  men  and 
money,  and  for  other  impoilant  measures  within  the  pale  of  the  constitution, 
which  are  tliought  necessary  to  revive  the  public  credit ;  to  protect  the  several 
states  against  invasion,  and  to  defend  and  save  from  dismemberment  tiie  terri- 
tory and  sovereignty  of  the  nation ;  objects  to  the  attainment  of  which  no  ellbi-t 
that  can  be  made  by  freemen  will  be  deemed  too  great. 

With  distinguished  consideration,!  have  the  honour  to  be,  sir,  your  obedient 
servant,  Hl'FlIS  KING, 

Uun,  Henry  II.  Chapman,  speaker  of  the  hmue  of  ddcgatet  of  Maryland. 


CHAPTER  tXX. 

Cerrymanderism,  Derivation  of  this  queer  name.  Political  Leger- 
demain. A  grand  discovery  how  to  enable  a  minority  to  rule 
the  majority.     Joint  and  concurrent  votes.     General  tnket. 

It  is  a  painful  truth,  discreditable  to  human  nature,  that  poli- 
ticians, even  those  who  in  private  life  are  honest  and  upright, 
display  considerable  laxity  of  principle,  in  cases  wherein  the  in- 
terest, or  the  power,  or  the  influence  of  the  party  to  which  they 
are  attached,  is  in  question.  From  this  strong  and  pointed  cen- 
sure, few  parties,  in  any  age  or  country,  have  been  free.  It  is 
not  therefore  wonderful,  that  both  federalists  and  democrats 
have  been  liable  to  it.  Their  history  aifords  many  decisive  il- 
lustrations of  the  soundness  of  the  maxim. 

The  subject  to  which  1  have  devoted  this  chapter,  is  an  un- 
answerable corroboration  of  the  accusation.  It  involves  a  gross 
violation  of  justice  and  political  morality — and,  virtually  dis- 
franchising one  portion  of  the  community,  imparts  to  the  other 
an  undue  share  of  political  influence.  This  is  assuredly  a  high 
crime  and  misdemeanor,  deserving  of  the  most  pointed  reproba- 
tion of  good  men  of  all  parties. 

It  has  reference  to  the  representation  in  the  senates  of  the  in- 
dividual states. 

As  this  book  may  he  perused  by  persons  unacquainted  with 
our  systems  of  government,  it  may  not  \w  improper  to  state,  that 
our  legislatures  are  generally  composed  of  a  senate  and  bouse  of 
representatives,  or  delegates.  To  the  latter  branch  each  county 
in  the  state  to  which  it  belongs,  sends  one  or  more  representa- 
tives. In  f()urt«en  of  the  states,  the  representation  is  in  proportion 


n 


y\M 


384 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[chap.  70. 


to  the  population.  But  in  Delaware,  Maryland,  Virginia,  and 
North  Carolina,  it  is  regulated  merely  by  counties,  no  regard 
being  paid  to  the  population. 

The  senates,  in  almost  every  case,  are  composed  of  members 
chosen  by  districts,  formed  of  two  or  more  counties,  which  dis- 
tricts elect  a  number  of  senators  in  proportion  to  their  popula- 
tion, except  in  the  four  states  specified. 

The  above  arrangement  and  the  adjustment  of  these  districts 
open  a  door  to  a  considerable  degree  of  intrigue  and  manage- 
ment, and  invite  to  chicane  and  fraud — in  one  word,  to  the  po- 
litical sin,  which  I  have  styled  Gerrymanderism.  Of  this  hei- 
nous  political  sin,  both  federalists  and  democrats,  as  I  have  said, 
have  been  guilty. 

The  injustice  lies  in  so  arranging  the  counties,  in  the  forma- 
tion of  districts,  as  to  produce  the  effect  stated  in  the  second 
paragraph. 

To  accomplish  this  sinister  purpose,  counties  are  frequently 
united,  to  form  a  senatorial  district,  which  have  no  territorial 
connection,  being  separated  from  each  other  by  an  intervening 
county,  sometimes  by  two  or  three. 

The  state  of  Massachusetts  was  depicted,  four  or  five  years 
since,  as  a  sort  of  monstrous  figure,  with  the  counties  forming 
the  senatorial  districts,  displayed  on  this  unprincipled  plan.  It 
was  called  a  Gerrymander^*  in  allusion  to  the  name  ot  the  late 
vice-president  of  the  United  States,  then  governor  of  that  state. 
Hence  I  derive  the  term  Gerrymanderism.  To  those  who  gave 
the  title  Gerrymander^  it  might  not  unaptly  be  said — ''^  men  of 
g-lassy  throw  no  stones." 

To  enuble  the  reader  to  form  a  correct  idea  of  the  extreme 
and  flagrant  injustice  that  may  be  perpetrated  in  this  mode, 
without  any  apparent  violation  of  law  or  constitution,  I  will  ex- 
plain how  a  minority  may  be  enabled  to  rule  a  large  majorit)', 
so  far  as  respects  the  senatorial  branch  of  the  legislature. 

I  suppose  a  case.  Six  counties,  each  containing  1 ,000  voters, 
are  to  be  formed  into  three  senatorial  districts,  each  to  elect  four 
senators.  These  districts  may  be  so  contrived,  that  the  party 
predominant  in  the  legislature  at  the  time  of  arranging  tnem, 
whether  federal  or  democratic,  with  2,320  voters,  shall  have 
eight  senators  ;  and  the  other,  with  3,680,  shall  have  only  four, 
and,  nevertheless,  every  elector  of  the  whole  6,000  shall  exercise 
the  right  of  suffrage. 

•  The  fcilcraliirtii,  who  have  alwnys  been  very  ndroit  in  poUticat  rhritleningn, 
endeuvuured,  by  the  use  of  this  name,  to  cast  the  odium  cxchisively  on  their 
ftntwgtmists,  rs  if  they  tlicmsclvct  were  immaculate  on  thia  subject.  The  idea 
it  nna«)und. 

The  IJoston  folks  arc  said  to  be  fiill  of  noUont,    They  liavc  been  pretty  no. 
tinnal  on  the  subject  of  thu  Knglish  lanffua^c,  wluch  they  have  ainplincd,  1  will 
.nut  say  improved,  with  many  such  queer  words. 


^.. 


%'' 


GBtf.  70.] 


GERRY)iIANDEItISM. 


385 


You  may  well  be  amazed,  readct  But  it  is  so.  Such  is  the 
political  juggle  and  hocus  pocus,  thi..  uur  public  men,  of  both 
parties,  too  frequently  perform,  to  acquire  or  to  perpetuate  an 
undue  share  of  power, 

I  now  state  the  number  of  voters  in  each  of  the  six  counties, 
to  which  I  give  the  following  names  : 


irs 


.•» 


Counties. 

Federalittt. 

Detnocrati 

Jackson, 

120 

880 

Erie, 

280 

720 

Champliun, 

340 

660 

M'Uonough, 

680 

320 

Peny,                    1 

150 

850 

Porter, 

750 

250 

2320 


3680 


I  might  have  styled  the  parties  big-endians j  or  little-endians. 
The  name  is  of  no  importance. 

Now  for  a  display  of  political  legerdemain— in  order  to  en- 
aUe  the  minority  to  rule  the  majority  : 


DIBTRICT  ITU.  1. 

Formedof  Erie  and  Porter 
countiei. 

Fed.  Dem. 
Krie,  280     720 

Porter,  750     250 


DIRTItlCT   KO.  2. 

Formed  of  Champlain  and 

APJ}onough  countiet. 

Fed.   Dem. 

Champlain,   340     660 

M'Donougii,  680      320 


BIBTRTCT   KO.  3. 

Formed  ofJackion  and 
Perry  countiet. 

Fed.  Dem. 
Jackion,  120  880 
Peny,  150     850 


1030     970 


1020      980 


270    1730 


Thus,  as  I  have  stated,  a  minority  of  2,320  inhabitants,  may 
have  twice  as  many  senators  as  the  majority  of  3,680 — their  can- 
didates having  been  successful  in  the  two  first  districts.  In  the 
first  district,  the  democratic  minority  is  970^— in  the  second  980, 
which  are  wholly  lost.  And  the  majority  in  the  third  district 
is  1730,  whereas  1010  would  have  equally  secured  the  election. 
It  therefore  follows,  that  by  this  arrangement,  there  are  970, 
980,  and  620  democratic  votes  absolutely  thrown  away. 

This  is  an  extreme  case.  Injustice  carried  to  such  a  flagrant 
extent,  does  not  often  occur.  The  instances,  however,  of  this 
kind,  but  of  an  inferior  degree,  are  by  no  means  unfrequent.  It 
thence  happens^  that  a  senate  is  sometimes  democratic,  while  the 
house  of  representatives,  in  the  same  state,  is  decidedly  federal; 
and  vice  versa. 

This  political  arithmetic,  like  every  other  science,  has  its  ar- 
cana. The  grand  and  unerring  rule  is,  to  make  your  own  minor* 
ities  and  majorities  as  small,  and  those  of  your  adversaries  as 
large,  as  possible.  In  other  words,  to  throw  away  as  few  votes 
on  your  own  side,  and  as  many  on  the  other,  as  in  your  power. 

1  his  fraudulent  practice  admits  but  of  one  effectual  remedy.  Se« 
natorial  districts  ought  to  be  formed  of  counties  and  parts  of  coun- 
ties, quite  contiguous  to  each  other,  so  that  all  those  who  vote  for 
^ch  srnator  shall  be  residents  of  the  same  neighbourhood. 


i^.i, 


i 


386 


POUTICAL  OUVfi  BRANCH. 


[OBAP.  70. 


CHAP. 


There  is  another  political  fraud,  of  which  both  parties  have 
been  occasionally  guilty,. and  which  deserves  the  severest  repro- 
bation* It  has  respect  to  the  choice  of  members  of  the  house  of 
representatives  of  the  United  States,  and  electors  of  the  president 
and  vice-president. 

For  these  very  important  operations,  there  'is  not,  although 
reason  and  justice  loudly  call  for  it,  a  fixed  and  permanent  rule. 
The  legislatures  of  the  individual  states  have  the  power  of  de- 
ciding upon  the  mo<le,  and,  as  it  respects  the  representatives, 
upon  the  time  of  the  election.  Hence,  flagrant  injustice  is  fre- 
quently perpetrated. 

These  elections  are  sometimes  by  districts,  in  the  same  man- 
ner as  the  state  senators  are  elected ;  at  others,  by  a  general 
ticket. 

The  last  mode  is  extremely  unfair  and  incorrect.  It  deprives 
the  minority  altogether  of  any  share  in  the  representation. 

A  short  statement  will  fully  evince  the  extreme  injustice  and 
inequality  of  a  general  ticket  for  members  of  congress,  or  elec- 
tors of  president. 

Massachusetts  is  entitled  to  members  of  the  hduse  of  1  ^^ 
representatives  of  the  United  States,  '         •  j 

New- York,  -  -  -  .        .        .  27 

Pennsylvania,  -  •  -  .  .23 

Virginia,  -  -  »  -  -         -  23 

J, 

93 
Suppose  either  of  the  panties,  federal  or  democratic,  to  have 
a  very  small  majority  in  each  of  these  states,  say  one  thousand 
votes — suppose,  also,  the  whole  number  of  votes  in  the  four 
states  to  be  300,000.  The  result  will  be,  that  if  the  elections  be 
by  general  tickets,  152,000  voters  may  secure  the  entire  repre- 
sentation of  these  four  states,  which  is  more  than  half  of  the 
whole  number  of  members  of  congress — and  that  the  remaining 
148,000  will  have  no  representative.  This  idea  might  be  pursued 
to  a  great  extent.  But  I  leave  it  to  the  pen  or  pencil  of  the  reader. 

Instances  have  frequently  occurred  in  the  different  states,  of 
the  mode  of  election  being  changed  on  the  spur  of  the  occasion, 
to  suit  the  momentary  purposes  of  party  or  faction.  The  most 
recent  case  that  has  occurred,  was  in  the  state  of  New- Jersey  in 
1812.  From  the  organization  of  the  general  government  till  the 
year  1800,  the  members  of  the  house  of  representatives  of  the 
United  States,  had  been  elected  in  that  state  by  districts.  In 
that  year,  the  federalists  had  a  majority  in  the  legislature,  and 
calculated  on  a  majority  of  votes  in  the  whole  state.  In  order, 
therefore,  to  engross  the  whole  representation  to  themselves,  on 
the  eve  of  the  election,  they  repealed  the  district  law,  and  passed 
an  act  for  electing  the  representatives  in  congress  by  a  general 


•* 


w 


CHAP.  70.] 


'REPRESENTATIVE  SYSTEM. 


asf 


ticket.  Contrary  to  their  calculations,  the  democratic  ticket  pre- 
vailed then,  and  in  every  subsequent  election  till  the  year  IBI'*-, 
In  the  latter  year,  the  federalists  having  a  temporary  ascendency 
in  the  state  legislature,  one  of  their  first  acts  was  to  repeal  the 
general  election  law,  which  they  had  themselves  enacted,  and 
to  restore  the  election  by  districts,  which  they  had  formerly  re- 
pealed. And  by  Gerrymandering  the  state  to  suit  their  views, 
they  gained  four  out  of  the  six  representatives ;  whereas  by  a 
general  ticket  they  would  not  have  obtained  one. 

Another  reprehensible  procedure,  emanating  from  the  same 
laxity  of  principle,  respects  elections  by  our  legislative  bodies. 
When  the  politics  of  the  two  branches  of  a  legislature  are  differ- 
ent, there  is  frequently  a  struggle  about  the  mode  of  election-^ 
whether  by  a  joint,  or  a  concurrent  vote.  The  senate  being  the 
less  numerous  body,  are,  in  the  case  of  a  joint  vote,  merged  and 
lost  in  the  greater  number  of  the  house  of  representatives.  They 
therefore,  strenuous  supporters  of  a  concurrent  vote. 


are 


m 


which  their  influence  is  equal  to  that  of  the  co-ordinate  branch. 
The  other  house,  confiding  in  its  numbers,  is  equally  zealous 
for  a  joint  vote,  wherein  it  will  have  the  ascendency.  The  state 
of  Pennsylvania  was,  many  years  since,  for  a  considerable  time 
unrepresented  in  the  senate  of  the  United  States,  in  consequence 
of  a  struggle  of  this  kind — neither  party  being  disposed  to  con- 
cede the  point  to  the  other. 

It  is  a  grand  desideratum  to  have  all  these  points  clearly  and 
explicitly  defined  by  the  constitutions.  There  should  be  as  little 
temptation  to  fraud^  and  as  little  safety  in  the  perpetration  of  it, 
as  possible^ 


*-  -  -^*i-'  ■■«■ : 


CHAPTER  LXXI. 

State  of  representation  in  Massachusetts.     Wretched  system  of 
representation  in  Maryland  and  Virginia,  Rotten  boroughs. 

It  may  not  be  improper  here  to  introduce  an  analogous  sub- 
ject, respecting  the  representation  in  the  state  of  Massachusetts. 
The  men  who  framed  the  constitution  of  that  state,  were  pro- 
bably as  highly  enlightened  and  respectable,  as  any  equal  num- 
ber of  men  ever  convened  for  such  a  purpose.  But  they,  never- 
theless, committed  some  very  egregious  errors,  which  are  really 
astonishing.  The  most  conspicuous  was,  neglecting  precisely  to 
fix  the  number  of  representatives  in  the  more  numerous  branch 
of  the  legislature.  The  consequence  is,  that  the  numbers  have 
fluctuated  in  the  most  extraordinary  and  incredible  desree. 
There  have  been  as  many  as  70() — at  other  times  not  half  the 
number.  And  the  town  of  Boston  has  had  a  small  army  of 
representatives,  no  less  than  forty-four — Slicing  a  greater  num- 
ber than  the  whole  senate  and  house  of  representatives  of  tjy 


# 


I'      1 


r" 


i!P 


ik'.'i 


'I 


I 


Hfft 


S88 


POLITICAL  OUVE  BRANCH. 


[mjLr.  70. 


State  of  Delaware— 'than  the  entire  senate  of  South  Carolina,  or 
Pennsylvania— and  Jthan  the  assembly  of  New  Jersey. 

This  defect  in  their  representative  system  arises  troiu  a  flaw 
in  the  constitution,  respecting  the  choice  of  members  of  the 
house  of  representatives — instead  of,  the  imperative,  *''  they  shall 
electf*  the  phrase  is,  "  they  may  elect,*^ 

"  Every  corporate  town  containing  one  hundred  and  fifty  rateable  polls,  may 
dtict  one  representative  : — every  corporate  town  containing  three  hundred  and 
Beventy-ftve  rateable  polls,  mat/  elect  two  representatives : — every  corporate 
town  containing  six  hundred  rateable  polls,  muy  elect  three  representatives : — 
and  proceeding  in  that  manner,  making  two  hundred  and  twenty-five  rateable 
polls  the  mean  encreaung  number  of  every  additional'representative." 

Every  town  has  heretofore  paid  (and  I  believe  still  pays)  its 
own  representatives :  and,  from  a  sordid,  miserable,  huckstering, 
and  contemptible  spirit  of  economy,  some  of  them  send  no  re- 
presentatives—others, regardless  of  expense,  send  full  as  many 
as  they  are  entided  to — and  some,  it  is  presumable,  when  party 
spirit  runs  high,  send  more  than  their  quota. 

It  is  difficult  to  conceive  how  Boston  can  be  entitled  to  44  re- 
presentatives. The  city  of  Philadelphia,  with  a  population  of 
57,000  inhabitantSi,  has  never  polled  more  than  ti,000  votes. 
The  right  of  suffrage  here  is  as  latitudinarian  as  any  where  ; 
much  more  than  in  Massachusetts,  where  a  citizen  must  be 
worth  60/.  to  qualify  him  to  vote.  According  to  the  Massa- 
chusetts principle,  we  should  be  entitled  only  to  about  27. 
Boston  has  but  33,000  inhabitants,  and  yet  has  had  44  represen- 
tatives ! ! 


Representation,  which  is  the  key-stone  of  free  government,  is 
arranged  very  incorrectly  in  several  other  states.  The  Gerry- 
mander  principle,  is,  alas !  too  prevalent.  The  lust  of  power 
induces  parties  to  hold  tenaciously  whatever  political  advanta- 
ges they  possess,  however  unjust  their  operation. 

This  subject,  alone,  woula  require  a  volume.  But  I  shall 
merely  glance  at  a  few  enormous  traits  of  injustice. 

Each  of  the  counties  of  Maryland  has  four  representatives  in 
the  house  of  delegates.  There  is,  nevertheless,  a  most  enor- 
mous difference  in  the  population. 

Frederick  county 

Anne  Arundel  • 

Baltimore  .... 

Harford         -         •  •  • 

Baltimore  city 


InhiMtnnti, 
34.477 
26,668 
29,255 
21.258 
46,555 


Representative!. 
4 

4 


I 


158.213 


The  above  four  counties,  and  the  city  of  Baltimore,  have  only 
16  representatives. 


CHAP.  72.] 


STATISTICS. 


-*• 


389 


Countiet, 
AUegpny 
Calvert 
Caroline 
Kent 
St.  Mary's 


Inhabitants. 

6,909 

8,005 

9,453 

11,450 

12,794 


48,611 


Bepretentatiroes. 
4 
4 
4 
4 
4 

20 


These  five  counties  have  twenty  fepfesentativ^s.  Thus 
48,61 1  persons  in  one  part  of  the  state,  have  10  per  cent,  more 
influence  than  158,213  in  another.  If  this  be  not  Gerrymande- 
risniy  pray  what  is  ? 

Kent  county,  in  Delaware,  has  but  20,495  inhabitants — Sus. 
sex,  27,750*  But  each  elects  an  equal  number  of  representatives 
and  senators. 

The  same  wretched  and  unjust  system  prevails  in  Virginia. 
Each  county  has  two  representatives.  And  there  is,  in  many 
cases,  a  more  enormous  disproportion,  in  the  population,  and  more 
flagrant  injustice,  than  in  Maryland. 

I  annex  a  view  of  the  population  of  sixteen  counties  in  Vir- 
ginia, which  have  thirty-two  representatives  in  the  house  of  dcL 
egates.  Eight  of  them,  it  will  be  seen,  have  163,000  inhabi- 
tants, and  die  other  eight  only  27,000.  Thus  six  men  in  the 
first  list  have  no  more  influence  in  the  making  of  laws,  than  one 


in  the  second ! 

>l 

Cmmtiet.    JuhaUumla. 

Xepfeaent. 

Countiet. 

Inliabitantt. 

JtebveseHt. 

Caroline 

17,544 

2 

Warwick 

1,835 

Buckingham 

20,059 

3 

Fluvanna 

4,775 

2 

Albemarle 

18.268 

2 

Middlesex 

4,414 

2 

Fauquier 
Freueric 

22,689 

2 

Patrick 

4,695 

2 

22,574 

2 

Mason 

1,991 

2 

Halifax 

22,131 

2 

Tazewell 

3,007 

2 

Loudon 

21,338 

2 

Brooke 

2,717 

2 

Mecklenberg 

18,453 

2 

Giles 

3,745 

2 

163,056 


16 


27,179 


16 


Same  subject  once  more,  in  a  still  more  striking  point  of  vi6vr. 


Countiea. 
Fauquier 
Frederic 


Inhabitantt. 
22,689 
22,574 


Bepreaent, 
2 
2 


45,263 


Countiea. 

Inhabitanta, 

Jiepreaent'. 

Warwick 

1,835 

Mason 

1,991 

3    f  .^> 

3,826 


Thus,  eleven  inhabitants  of  the  former  counties  have  not  as 
much  weight  as  one  in  the  latter. 

Let  no  Virginian,  after  this  statement,  dare  to  censure  the  rot- 
ten boroughs  of  England.  This  state  of  representation  is  in  the 
true  spirit  of  that  borough  system. 

When  we  take  fully  into  consideration  the  youth  of  this  coun- 
try— the  era  at  which  the  American  constitutions  were  formed 
O.  B.  51 


M 


m 


i 


300' 


POLITICAL  OLTVE  BRANCH. 


toHxr.  72. 


-''the  general  diffusion  of  political  knowledge—the  illumination 
of,  and  advantages  possessed  by,  the  conventions  that  framed 
these  constitutions  ;  and  when  we  likewise  reflect  on  the  bo- 
rough  system  in  England,  and  the  natural  tendency  of  all  politi- 
cal institutions  towards  corruption,  unless  frequent  recurrence  is 
had  to  first  principles — palliations  may  more  readily  be  found 
for  that  system  in  England,  wretched  and  corrupt  as  it  is,  than 
for  the  county  representation  in  Virginia  and  Mainland. 

The  knavish  tricks,  which  I  have  glanced  at  in  this  chapter, 
cannot  be  too  highly  despised,  whether  perpetrated  by  federalists 
or  democrats.  It  is  to  be  regretted,  that  there  is  no  court  of 
justice  to  punish  such  political  frauds^  how  heinous  soever  they 
may  be*  A  man  shall  be  sentenced  for  years  to  saw  marble, 
for  a  depredation  on  the  property  of  his  neighbour,  to  the 
amount  of  a  few  dollars.  But  a  large  portion  of  a  state  may  be 
virtually  disfranchised  by  its  representatives,  without  a  possibil* 
ity  of  redress,  and  the  culprits  wholly  escape  punishment. 

To  the  calm  and  dispassionate  consideration  of  the  public, 
these  views  are  respectfully  submitted.  That  enormous  evils 
exist,  and  loudly  call  for  a  remedy,  cannot  be  doubted  or  denied. 
That  those  whose  political  influence  rests  on  the  basis  of  these 
evils,  will  submit  to  have  them  redressed,  I  fondly  hope  and 

fray — but,  reasoning  from  the  general  course  of  human  affairs, 
am  not  very  sanguine  on  the  subject.  For  in  the  whole  histo- 
ry of  mankind,  from  the  earliest  records  to  the  present  time, 
there  are  hardly  any  instances  to  be  found,  of  that  glorious  spirit 
of  justice  and  self-denial,  which  induces  nations  or  public  bodies 
voluntarily  to  renounce  any  important  advantages  they  pos- 
sess, however  unjustly  they  may  have  been  acquired— or 
however  oppressive  or  iniquitous  their  operation.  And  he  must 
be  a  fool  or  a  madman,  who,  after  reflecting  on  the  pages  of 
the  "  abstract  and  brief  chronicle'^  of  our  times,  is  very  sanguine 
in  the  expcAation  that  we  shall  prove  ourselves  much  wiser  or 
better  than  our  ancestors — or  that  we  shall  avail  ourselves  much 
more  of  the  light  of  history,  to  guide  our  paths,  than  the  nations 
that  have  preceded  us.  Every  stage  of  our  progress,  fraught, 
with  folly  and  error,  forbids  the  flattering  expectation. 

1.  .        CHAPTER  LXXIL     _  .,  ' 

A  wonderftil  contrast,  *•  Let  every  soul  be  subject  to  the  higher 
powers.^'' — Rev.  Dr.  Morse — Rev.  Dr,  Parish — Rev»  Dr.  Os- 
good.    Invocation  to  xvar.     Governor  Gilman, 

Of  the  seditious  and  treasonable  opposition  to  the  govern- 
ment, which  for  years  past  has  prevailed  in  the  eastern  states,  I 
have  given  copious  specimens  m  chapters  54  and  56. 


72. 


(iOir.  72.] 


W01*DaRPUL  CONTRAST. 


391 


It  is  difficult  to.  decide  which  is  the  greater,  the  disgrace  of 
the  government  in  its  pusillanimous  and  feeble  submission  to 
such  lawless  outrages,  or  that  of  the  parties  who  perpetrated 
them.  Never  before  did  such  treasonable  conduct  experience 
the  same  impunitv»  And  never  again,  I  hope,  will  the  same 
experiment  be  made  of  the  imbecility  of  the  government  of  the 
United  States,  bd  it  in  whose  hands  it  mey,  whether  democratic 
or  federal.  The  result,  it  i":  true,  has  not  been  unfavourable. 
The  tornado  has  spent  its  fury  without  destroying  the  majestic 
edifice  of  our  government,  which  it  threatened  with  perdition-— 
and  without  provoking  civil  war.  But  the  guilt  of  those  who 
raised  the  storm,  and  the  guilt  of  those  who  shamefully  neglect- 
ed the  necessary  measures  to  ward  off  its  terrific  consequences, 
is  precisely  the  same  as  if  it  had  produced  those  awful  results, 
from  which  the  linger  of  Heaven  alone  saved  this  favoured  na- 
tion. 

It  may- not  be  amiss  to  contrast  with  those  horrible  violations 
of  law  and  constitution,  the  maxims  and  conduct  of  the  federal 
leaders  and  their  advocates  when  they  held  the  reins  of  govern- 
ment. It  will  afford  an  interesting  example  of  the  facility  with 
which  our  views  and  our  sentiments  can  be  moulded  and  chang- 
ed to  suit  the  purposes  of  the  moment. 

And,  to  commence,  I  beg  the  reader  will  carefully  peruse  the 
sedition  law,  passed  Anno  1 798,  of  which  he  will  find  the  prin- 
cipal features  m  chapter  2.     By  this  law, 

"  If  any  persons  shall  combine  or  conspire  together,  to  oppose  any  measure  or 
meaaurea  of  the  government  of  the  United  States  whicli  shall  be  directed  by  the 
proper  authority,  they  shall  be  subject  to  a  fine  not  exceeding  five  thousand  dollara 
— ami  to  be  imprisoned  not  less  than  six  montf^,  nor  more  than  five  years." 

Reader,  ponder  well  on  these  few  lines.  And  reflect  what 
would  have  become  of  the  Chittendens,  the  Otises,  the  Picker- 
ings, the  Blakes,  the  Websters,  the  Kings,  the  Russels,  cum  mul- 
tis  altisy  had  this  law  been  carried  into  operation  against  them. 
There  is  not  a  man  of  them  that  would  not  have  taken  his  abode 
in  a  prison,  and  paid  a  fine  of  perhaps  five  thousand  dollars. 
There  are  some,  I  mean  the  printers  of  newspapers,  who,  had 
this  law  remained  in  existence,  would  have  incurred  its  penal- 
ties a  thousand  times. 

In  the  month  of  October,  1808,  a  rumour  prevailed,  that  Bo. 
naparte  had  declared  war  against  this  country.  The  federal  pa- 
pers then  threatened  "  the  partizans  of  France*^  with  the  ven- 
geance of  the  law — aye,  and  with  vengeance  beyond  the  law,  if 
they  dared  to  make  the  least  opposition  to  the  government,  or 
display  their  regards  for  France,  even  in  conversation.  They 
were  ordered  "  to  lower  their  tone^* — or  threatened  with  being 
"  sent  to  their  master,'^'*  Of  the  style  of  these  denunciations  and 
threats,  I  annex  a  fair  and  full  specimen,  from  the  Gazette.of  the 
United  States,  October  22, 1808. 


-  ■■,■!!;! 


593 


POUnCAL  OLIVE  BRA^fCH. 


[CHA».  f2 


"  If  the  news  Otis  day  received,  of  an  actual  declaration  of  var  by  Bonaparte, 
diould  prove  true,  the  traitormu  emuaariea  of  JVapoleon,  who  every  where  abound 
in  the  country,  •mlljind  it  neceaaary  to  brwer  their  tone.  What  can  be  tolerated  in 
time  of  peace,  THE  PEOPLE  WILL  NOT  BEAR  IN  TIME  OF  WAR.  The 
advocates  of  French  despotism  mat  either  go  to  their  maatera,  or  be  more  cautious 
in  their  language.  It  is  true,  tiiat  France  has,  to  ail  intents  and  purposes,  been 
making  war  upon  us  these  twelve  months.  But  as  it  has  not  been  declared  in 
form,  and  as  our  government  have  not  thought  proper  to  make  any  oppoution, 
the  papers  of  Napoleon,  and  his  agents  of  eveiy  description,  have  hitherto 
been  suffered  to  carry  on  tiieir  intrigues,  and  to  promote  the  cause  of  their 
master  by  every  means  which  they  chose  to  ad<»>t.  WE  MUST  NOW  COR* 
RECT  THE  PROCEDURE.'* 

One  other  newspaper  specimen  of  an  earlier  period,  from  the 
Baltimore  Federal  Gazette,  July  5, 1798 — 

"  I  beUeve  that  some  of  the  old  French  leaven  still  remains  among  us ;  and 
that  some  vile  and  degenerate  wretches,  whom  I  call  French  partiaana,  or  Ame- 
rican jacobina,wA\  not  join  any  military  associations,  or  patristic  loan,  but  discou- 
rage them  as  far  as  they  dare ;  these  men  should  be  carefully  watched  :  and  if 
they  should  artfully  attempt  to  form  any  military  corps,  (and  they  will  be  known 
by  the  character  of  their  officers  and  privates)  notice  should  be  given  to  our 
federal  and  state  oovEBKiiKirrs,  to  prevent  commiaaiona  iaauingfor  want  of  infor- 
mation." 

.    These  specimens  are,  I  presume,  enough  of  this  description. 

I  now  proceed  to  detail  the  sentiments  of  three  clergymen, 
who  have  rendered  themselves  conspicuous  by  their  rancorous 
hostility  to  the  administrations  of  Mr.  Jefferson  and  Mr.  Madi- 
son-^the  Rev.  Jedidiah  Morse,  the  Rev.  David  Osgood,  and 
the  Rev.  Elijah  Parish.  I  have  no  recent  sermon  of  Dr.  Morse's : 
but  of  the  anti-christian  spirit  that  predominates  in  the  late  ser- 
mons of  the  two  latter  gentlemen,  I  have  given  abundant  proofs 
and  specimens  in  the  56th  chapter  of  this  work.  Let  us  examine 
what  were  their  sentiments  when  the  administration  was  in  the 
hands  of  their  own  party.  Never  was  there  a  stronger  contrast. 

And  first,  of  Dr.  Parish.  This  reverend  gentleman  delivered 
an  address,  on  the  4th  of  July,  1799,  which  breathes  in  every 
page  the  most  devoted  submission  to  rulers,  the  most  decided 
support  of  their  measures,  and  the  most  virulent  fulminations 
agamst  the  opposers  of  the  government.  Its  spirit  may  be  rea- 
dily conceived  from  the  following  short  specimen  :-~* 

"  It  is  a  time  of  day  that  requires  cautious  jealousy  ;  not  jealousy  of  your 
inagfistrates,/or  uou  have  given  them  your  confidence ;  but  of  those  -who  slander  their 
adtniniatration.  To  be  jealous  of  your  rulers  would  be,  as  if  a  person  were  to 
choose  a  bride  from  all  the  beauties  of  the  world,  and  then  instantiy  without 
cause,  be  jealous  of  her  alone.  Your  public  characters  are  your  ovm  choice. 
Watch  those  ungratefUl  souls  who  mwmur  about  taxation  and  oppreaaion,  the 
burdens  of  government'and  religion-  They  iMve  fellowship  with  our  enemies — 
they  are  traitora  to  God  anil  Chriatianity.  Be  jealous  of  those  who  declaim 
against  alien  and  sedition  laws.  They  probably  nave  a  hankering  for  lying  and 
rebellion  themselves.  In  a  woixl,  let  honest  men,  let  the  friends  of  God  and  hu- 
manity, spurn  from  their  embrace  every  man  who  trifles  with  bis  father's  reli- 
gion, the  hope  and  salvation  of  tiie  worid  i  who  alatma  weak  minda  with  t/ie  de- 
signs of  girvernment ;  who  discourages  the  most  formidable  means  of  defence. 
It  tvas  the  sword  which  giwe  courage  to  declare  independence.  Such  is  the  present 


n 


CHAP.  72.) 


WONDERFUL  CONTRAST. 


393 


state  of  human  nature,  that  NOTHING  BUT  THE  SWORD  CAN  DEFEND 
OUR  INDEPENDENCE.  Never,  never  while  there  is  a  crimson  drop  in  your 
hearts  will  you  suffer  an  armed  foe  to  i>  i-eathe  your  native  air. — CURSED  BE 
HE  THAT  KEEPETH  BACK  HIS  SWORD  FROM  BLOOD.  LET  HIM 
THAT  HATH  NONE,  SELL  HIS  COAT  AND  BUY  ONE.  THE -CONTEST 
IS  DESIRABLE." 

How  shall  we  account  for  this  ravenous  thirst  for  hlood— this 
invocation  of  the  sword— this  elaborate  defence  of  the  constitu- 
ted authorities-i-how  reconcile  it  with  the  pacific  spirit,  the  de- 
nunciations of  war,  and  the  malignant  abuse  of  the  administra- 
tion, which  ace  to  be  found  in  chapter  56  ?  There  is  only  one 
conceivable  clue — and  that  is,  when  blood  was  called  for,  it  was 
French  blood— French  blood— French  bipod  that  was  to  flow^. 

Next  I  exhibit  the  Rev.  Dr.  Osgood.  A  convention  of  con- 
gregational ministers  agreed  to  an  address  to  president  Adams, 
in  May,  1798,  which  was  signed  by  that  gentleman  among 
others.     I  annex  a  short  extract : 

•*  We  remember  Christ's  command  to  forjpve  and  love  our  most  injurious 
enemies.  But  neither  the  law  of  Christianity  or  of  reason  requires  us  to  pros- 
trate our  national  independence,  freedom,  property,  and  honour,  at  the  feet  of  proud, 
intatitUtle  oppreesors.  Such  a  prostration  would  be  treason  againit  that  Being 
who  gave  us  our  inestimable  privileges,  civil  and  religious,  as  a  sacred  deposit, 
to  be  defended  and  transmitted  to  posterity.  It  would  be  criminal  unfaithftdness 
and  treachery  to  our  countiy,  pur  children,  and  the  whole  human  race. 

"  The  intimate  connexion  between  our  civil  and  Christian  blessings  is  alone 
sufficient  to  justify  the  decided  part  -which  the  clergy  of  America  have  uniformly 
taken  IN  SUPPORTING  THE  CONSTITUTED  AUTHORITIES  andpoUtical 
itUeresti  oftlteir  country** 

■  Next  follows  the  Rev,  Jedidiah  Morse,  whose  eloquence  and 
sound  reasoning  "  in  olden  time^''  cannot  fail  to  excite  the  ap- 
probation of  the  reader.  The  following  extiacts  are  from  a  ser- 
mon delivered  by  this  reverend  gentleman.  May  9,  1798. 

"  Our  newspapers  teem  with  slander  and  personal  invective  and  abuse.  Our 
rulers,  grown  grey,  many  of  them,  in  the  service  of  their  countiv ;  who,  in  the 
various  dignified  and  responsible  offices  they  have  filled,  have  discharged  their 
duties  with  great  ability  and  incorruptible  integrity,  are  yet  stigmatized  conti- 
nually, as  unfriendly  to  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  people,  and  to  the  true 
interests  of  their  country,  Our  government  itself,  the  most  perfect,  the  best 
administered,  the  least  burdensome,  and  most  happifying  to  the  people,  of  any 
on  earth,  is  yet  steadily  opposed  in  all  its  important  measures ;  and  regular  and 
continual  enbrts  are  made  to  "  stop  its  wheels." 

"  As  citizens  vie  ought  -with  one  heart  cleave  to,  and  support,  our  ovm  govern- 
ment. It  is  a  government  of  our  oivn  forming,  and  administered  by  men  of  our  own 
choice  {  and  therefore  claims  onr  confidence  and  support.  We  ought  to  repel,  luith 
indignation,  every  suggestion  and  slanderous  insinuation,  calculated  to  weaken  a 
just  confidence  in  therectitudeof  the  intentions  of  our  constituted  authorities.  Ml  such 
insinuations,  at  this  critical  period,  proceed  from  an  influence  hostile  to  our  peace  ; 
and  if  permitted  to  have  their  intended  eject,  MAY  ACCOMPLISH  THE  PUR- 
POSES OF  OUR  ENEMIES,  IN  OUR  DIVISION,  AND  THE  OVERTHROW 
OF  OUR  GOVERNMENT.  While,  on  the  one  hand,  we  would  avoid  passive 
obedience  and  non-resistance,  let  us  not  vibrate  into  the  other  extreme,  and  be- 
heve  it  a  duty  to  be  jealous  and  suspicious  of  every  thing  which  is  done  by  our 
nilcrs.  We  thought  them  honest  men,  and  friends  to  their  country,  when  we 
elected  tliem  into  office  :  and  what  have  they  since  done  to  forfeit  our  good 
opinion  ?  Let  Uicir  measures  be  exauuned  with  candour,  and  we  shall  assured- 


i 


P 
m 


'III 


3M 


POUTICAL  OUVE  BllANOH. 


XCHAP.  72. 


iy  say,  they  deterve  well  of  their  country.  In  this  moment  of  our  political  danger, 
let  U8  be  impressed  with  this  truth— that— "United  we  stand— divided  we  fall." 
The  increasmg  union  amonr  us,  and  the  revival  and  expression  of  the  true 
American  spirit,  are  tokens  for  good,  and  aug^  well  in  regard  to  our  political 
interests. 

"  To  the  wifrientUff  diiporition  and  conduct  of  a  foreign  power,  we  may  ascribe 
the  unhappy  divisiona  that  have  existed  among  ua,  which  have  to  greatly  disturbed 
our  peace,  and  threatened  the  overthrow  of  our  gmemment.  Their  maxim,  to  which 
they  have  strictly  and  steadily  adhered,  has  been,  "Divide,  and  govern."  Their 
too  great  influence  among  us  has  been  exerted  vigorously,  and  in  conformity  to  a 
deep-laid  plan,  in  cherishing  party  spirit,  in  vilifying  the  men  we  have,  by  our  free 
suffrages,  elected  to  administer  our  cnutitution :  and  they  have  thus  endeavoured 
to  destroy  the  confidence  of  the  people  in  the  constituted  authorities,  and  di- 
vide them  from  the  government.' 

A  comparison  of  these  doctrines  with  the  doctrines  and  prac- 
tice  of  the  Rev.  Messrs.  Osgood  and  Parish,  in  1812, 1813,  and 
1814,  as  exhibited  in  chap.  56,  must  excite  the  most  painful  sen- 
sations in  the  mind  of  every  man  who  feels  for  the  honour  of  his 
species.  It  is  impossible  for  the  human  mind  to  conceive  of  a 
more  striking  contrast — a  more  deplorable  instance  of  infatuation 
and  delusion — or  a  more  awful  memorial  of,  and  memento 
against,  human  weakness. 

From  the  pulpit,  I  descend  to  the  civil  walk — and  submit  the 
opinion  of  Governor  Gilman  in  1798,  from  an  address  to  the  le* 
gislature,  with  the  echo  from  both  houses. 

From  Governor  Gilman' s  speech  to  tlie  legislature  of  JSTewHampsMre. 
"  Perfection  in  human  affairs  is  not  to  be  expected :  to  satisfy  every  citizen  is 
next  to  impossible.  But  if  our  system  of  national  government  is  generally  ^ood ; 
if  it  is  free ;  if  we  have  the  choice  as  frequenUy  as  we  wish,  of  persons  to  ad- 
minister it ;  if  one  of  tiie  fundamental  and  irreversible  principles  in  a  republi- 
can government,  is,  that  a  majority  shall  govern ,-  is  it  not  proper  to  give  a,/?n» 
support  to  the  laws  and  administration  of  such  a  government,  and  for  every  citizen 
duly  to  consider  how  far  clamour  and  opposition  tliereto  has  invited  or  proaired,  or 
may  invite  or  procure,  injuries  from  any  foreign  nation  ?" 

Extract  from  the  answer  of  the  senate  to  the  above  address. 

*•  Convinced  tiiat  our  national  government  is  formed  on  tiie  surest  basis  of  li- 
berty I  that  the  majority  ought  to  rule  ;  that  we  have  an  oppoi  tunity  as  often  as 
we  can  rationally  wish,  to  change  and  elect  our  rulers,  we  view  it  as  the  palla- 
dium of  our  rights,  and  entitled  to  our  firmest  support. 

*'  Although  jealousy  is  a  laudable  tnut  in  a  political  character,  yet  when  very 
scrupulously  exercised  towards  the  administrators  of  government,  i^  may  tend 
to  lessen  the  confidence  of  a  people  in  their  rulers — attd  we  viexo  with  regret  and  in- 
dignation  tfie  faction  t/iat  clamours  for  the  destruction  of  our  peace  andgovei'nment, 
and  conceive  its  only  source  to  be  t/ie  dregs  of  successive  foreign  anarchy,  operating 
«n  the  weak  and  vicious."  t 

Extract  from  the  answer  of  the  house. 
"  As  the  constitution  of  the  government  was  framed  by  the  wisest  and  best 
men  ;  was  adopted  after  a  candid  discussion,  and  upon  mature  deliberation, 
without  violence  or  tumult ;  it  belongs  to  us  to  repose  pvopei-  confidence  in  t/ie  of. 
ficers  of  our  oun  choice,  and  willingly  afford  effective  aid  to  tiiat  government 
which  we  have  instituted  for  the  common  good.  The  beneficial  effects  of  the 
constitution  of  the  United  States  have  been  generally  felt,  and  acknowledged  to 
be  far  greater  than  were  at  first  expected.  A  spirit  of  inquiry  into  the  princi- 
pics  of  a  government,  and  the  mode  of  its  administration,  pertains  to  a  free 
people.  But  luhen  that  spirit  becomes  intemfterate,  and  its  designs  are  TO  PRO- 
WOrE  OPPOSITION,  TO  UIVIDB  AND  WEAKEN  THE  GOVERNMENl', 


t2. 


COAT. a.] 


WONDERFUL  CONTRA&T. 


m 


IT  MAY  EMBOLDEN  FOREIGN  POWERS  TO  INVADE  OTTR  RIGHTS,  md 
embarraaa  the  meaiurei  necesBory  toobtain  redress.  Wherever  sucli  a  restless,  un- 
easy temper  appears,  we  <     I  lend  our  firmest  aid  to  discourage  and  correct  it." 

Extract  from  an  addreta  of  a  meeting  offederaMtta  at  Elizaheth-ttnun,  Sept.  1798, 

-  •  «  United  we  are  able  to  protect  ourselves  without  an^  foreign  aid,  against  all 
attacks  from  abroad.  But  agitated  by  factiotu  opposition  to  our  government, 
which  is  our  only  rallvin|^  pomt  against  danger,  and  weakened  by  internal  dis- 
sensions, we  invite  the  invasion  of  foreign  powers,  expose  ourselves  to  f%ll  aa 
easy  prey,  or  to  form  unequal  alliances  ftnf  our  safety.  Let  us  seriously  ask  our- 
selves who  is  it  that  do  most  towards  increasing  our  expenses  and  our  taxes,  in- 
viting the  invasion  of  foreign  powers,  weakening  our  means  of  defence,  and 
driving  us  to  form  European  alliances : — whether  they  who  are  active  to  pro- 
mote union,  to  support  government,  to  prepare  to  repel  hostility ;  or  tliose  who 
bualy  engender  dtviatana  /  revile  our  own  goveiiunent  ,•  indiscrinunately  censure, 
and  (as  far  as  they  dare)  oppose  all  its  acts ;  refuse  to  rcpdr  to  its  standard ;  en- 
deavour to  paralize  all  its  efforts,  and  encourage  every  disposition  to  sedition." 

This  is  a  handsome  piece  of  composition,  and  reflects  credit 
on  its  author.  It  contains  important  and  instructive  lessons  on 
political  economy.  It  is  one  proof  among  millions  to  be  found  in 
the  history  of  mankind,  how  much  easier  it  is  to  preach  than  to 
practice.  Had  the  opposers  of  the  late  war  borne  these  doctrines 
in  mind,  and  regulated  their  conduct  by  them,  they  would  be 
able  to  cast  a  retrospective  eye  on  their  past  proceedings  with 
more  comfort  and  satisfaction  than  they  can  at  present. — ^''  Uni' 
ted,  we  are  able  to  protect  ourselves  against  all  attacks  from 
abroad^^  is  a  sacred  truth,  worthy  of  being  borne  in  eternal  re- 
membrance.—" Agitated  by  factious  opposition  to  our  govern- 
ment^ which  is  our  only  rallying  point  against  danger,  and  weak- 
ened by  internal  dissentions,  "we  invite  the  invasion  of  foreign 
powers,  and  expose  ourselves  to  fall  an  easy  prey.'*  How  la- 
mentable it  is,  that  the  proposers,  patrons,  and  members  of  the 
Hartford  convention,  who,  "  agitated  the  country  by  a  factious 
opposition  to  the  government"  did  not  reflect  that  they  were,  in 
tones  of  thunder,  by  every  step  they  took, "  inviting  the  invasion 
of  a  foreign  enemy,"  exposing  their  native  country  "  to  fall  an 
easy  prey,"  and  "  paralizing  all  its  efforts,"  as  well  as  "  encou- 
raging every  disposition  to  sedition  !"  Let  us  hear  a  few  more 
admonitory  lines  from  the  same  quarter :— • 

"  The  time  is  at  le.igth  come,  when  all  inferior  disputes  are  to  be  laid  aside, 
or  to  be  offered  a  Shirifice  for  the  general  good. — Whatever  the  objections,  if 
any,  we  have  had,  against  any  part  of  tlie  acts  of  our  administration,  ought  to  be 
entirely  siipptessed,  or  at  least  suspended,  till  the  dangers  which  threaten  us  from 
•without  are  overcome  or  vanquished.  In  tliis  great  object  of  general  concern  and 
safety,  we  have  one  common  and  inseparable  interest,  and  should  therefore  unite 
in  one  common  language  and  exertion." 

This  is  a  fertile  topic,  and  might  be  commented  on  to  a  great 
extent.*  But  I  trust  I  have  "  made  out  my  case^"*  completely,  and 

•  Some  of  the  extracts  in  this  chapter  and  in  the  56th,  are  taken  from  an  ex- 
cellent little  pamphlet,  published  in  Ne\v-IIam|)shir(',  and  entitled  "  An  address 
to  the  clergy  of  New  England,  on  their  opposition  to  the  rulers  of  the  United 
Slates.    Bv  a  Layman." 


i.fi't 


396 


POLITICAL  OUVfi  BRANCH. 


[OBAP.  W. 


that  it  would  be  extreme  supererogation  to  enter  into  any  further 
detail. 

CHAPTER  LXXIII.  ! 

Vtetv  of  the  prosperity  of  the  United  States^  during  the  various 
administrations,     mighty  errors  prevalent  on  this  topic, 

A  VERY  large  portion  of  our  citizens  have  imbibed  a  deep  and 
rooted  impression,  that  from  the  period  when  the  administration 
of  the  general  government  was  withdrawn  from  the  hands  of  the 
federalists,  and  placed  in  those  of  their  political  opponents,  the 
prosperity  of  the  nation  began  rapidly  to  decay.  They  believe 
that  during  the  presidency  of  General  Washington  and  that  of 
Mr.  Adams,  particularly  the  formtr,  our  political  and  commer- 
cial sun  had  ascended  to  its  meridian  height ;  that  even  previous 
to  the  embargo  and  restrictive  system  generally,  it  had,  under 
the  administration  of  Mr.  Jefferson  descended  towards  the  hori- 
zon ;  that  those  measures  sunk  it  far  below,  whence  it  is  never 
to  rise,  till  the  powers  of  the  general  government,  legivslativc 
and  executive,  are  restored  to  the  ^*' genuine  sons  oflVashington" 
— nurtured  in  his  bosom — formed  in  his  school— imbued  with 
his  maxims — and  determined  to  tread  in  his  footsteps,  and  to 
follow  his  illustrious  example. 

The  universal  prevalence  of  these  opinions  among  the  federal- 
ists of  this  country,  will  hardly  be  controverted.  I  doubt  whe- 
ther there  is  a  man  among  them,  from  the  highest  grade  of  intel- 
lect down  to  the  opposite  extreme,  who  does  not  regard  it  as  im- 
pertinence and  presumption  to  call  them  in  question.  And  the 
Erevalence  of  the  impression  is  not  wonderful.  The  assertions 
ave  been  so  often  repeated,  with  so  much  confidence,  and  in  so 
many  shapes  and  forms,  that  it  was  not  in  human  nature  for  the 
federalists  to  withhold  assent.  It  ir  well  known  that  mankind 
lend  an  easy  credence  to  those  opinions  that  flatter  their  vanity, 
offer  incense  to  th  ir  pride,  tend  to  promote  their  interest,  or  to 
gratify  their  ambition. 

The  prevalence  of  these  opinions  has  produced  most  delete- 
rious consequences.  It  has  embittered  fellow-citizens  against 
each  other  with  the  most  virulent  animosity.     The  federalists, 

Eeisuaded  that  their  antagonists  have  impaired  the  honour,  and 
appiness,  and  prosperity  of  our  coniimm  country,  have  regarded 
them  with  sentiments  of  rancour,  and  hatred,  and  disgust.  And 
if  their  views  of  the  case  were  correct,  their  opponents  would  be 
fit  objects  of  those  hostile  feelings.  It  would  be  laudable  t(j 
strain  every  nerve  to  expel  from  power  men  whose  whole  course 
had  proved  them  unworthy  of  it.  The  angry  passions  raging  on 
one  side,  enkindle  their  likeness  in  the  breasts  of  their  opponents, 
who  are  deeply  exasperated  at  the  injustice  they  believe  them- 


CBAF.   73.] 


AMERICAN  PROSPERITY. 


selves  to  have  experienced  from  their  adversaries.  This  is  per- 
fectly natural.  And  time,  which  in  all  common  cases  possesses 
the  property  of  diminishing  the  force  of  passion,  is  unfortimately 
deprived  of  this  salutary  power,  by  the  zeal  and  activity  of  tliose 
who  find  an  interest  in  fomenting  public  discord.  And  that  there 
are  many  of  our  citizens  of  this  description,  possessed  of  great 
talents,  great  industry,  and  great  influence,  cannot  be  denied. 

If  the  allegations  against  tlie  democratic  administrations  were 
true,  I  should  most  heartily  and  cordially  pray  for  a  change  of 
our  rulers.  I  am  not  in  love  with  ruin  or  disgrace.  And  far 
from  being  willing  to  sacrifice  the  honour,  or  happiness,  or  inte- 
rest of  a  great  nation  for  the  advantage  of  a  i)resident,  \'ice-prc- 
sident,  and  a  few  secretaries,  &c.  &c.  there  arc  no  ten  thousand 
men  of  cither  party  who,  for  a  single  second,  ought  to  be  ]n\t  in- 
to the  scale  agamst  a  tenth  part,  not  to  say  the  whole  of  the  nation. 

I  believe  that  such  are  the  sentiments  of  the  democrats  ge- 
nerally. I  am  convinced  that  if  they  could  be  persuaded  that 
Mr.  Jefferson  or  Mr.  Madison  had  sacrifued  the  interests  or 
the  honour  of  their  country,  they  would  unhesitatingly  prefer  Ku- 
fus  King,  Timothy  Pickering,  Cieorge  Cabot,  or  l)e  Witt  Clin- 
ton. Perish  the  man,  whoever  he  be,  who  woidd  otter  up  the 
happiness  of  millions  to  promote  the  interests  or  the  views  of  a 
few  ! 


'li^ 


This  subject  well  deserves  the  most  serious  consideration.  It 
will  amply  repay  the  time  bestowed  on  it  by  the  reader.  If  the 
opinions,  which  I  have  stated,  be  correct,  they  ought  to  be  as  ge- 
nerally promulgated  as  possible  ;  no  pains  nor  exertions  ought 
to  be  spared  in  order  to  illuminate  the  minds  of  those  who  dis- 
believe them.  If  they  he  erroneous,  the  sooner  and  more  com- 
pletely they  are  detected,  exposed,  and  "  consigned  to  the  tomb 
of  the  Capulets,"  the  better.  And  I  trust  there  is  no  upright, 
candid  federalist,  that  would  wish  the  elevation  or  the  influence 
of  his  party  to  be  promoted,  or  regained,  or  perpetuated  by  the 
prevalence  of  error.  He  would  scorn  to  be  wafted  to  power  by 
the  unhallowed  means  of  delusion. 


yi 


The  thief  criteria,  whereby  to  decide  upon  the  decay  or  pros- 
perity of  nations,  may  l)e  reduced  to  six  heads. 

1.  Domestic   industry  and  imjirovements  in  all  their  various 
branches. 

2.  Foreign  commerce. 

3.  Increase  or  dt  en  ase  of  revenue. 

4.  Discharge  or  accumulation  of  debts. 

5.  Navigation. 

C.  Populati(m — whether  staticMiary,  increasing,  or  decreasing. 
I  shall  slightly  touch  (m  eacli  of  these. 
O.   IJ.  5..' 


)«<■ 


^ 


POUTICAL  OUVE  BRANCH. 


[chap.  tS 


'A 


SECT.  I.    Domestic  industry  and  improvements. 

The  first  item,  which  is  the  most  important,  and  embraces  by 
far  the  greatest  sum  of  human  happiness,  does  not  afford  those 
marked  and  decisive  documents  or  data,  that  the  custom  houses 
and  other  public  offices  furnish  tor  the  remaining  iive.  The 
progress  of  national  industry  sheds  its  beneficent  influence  around, 
without  glare  or  ostentation.  Hamlets  become  villages— villages 
become  towns — towns  become  cities — and  cities  double  their  po. 
'pulation — almost  unobserved.  There  are  few  or  no  documents 
to  establish  the  facts.  They  are  yet,  on  due  investigation,  tan- 
gible and  strikingly  visible.  Nevertheless,  from  the  extreme 
scarcity  of  data  or  documents,  I  was  almost  wholly  discouraged 
from  entering  on  this  part  of  the  subject,  and  disposed  to  appeal 
to  the  readers  personal  observations  for  the  rapid  advances  of 
domestic  industry,  and  the  general  improvement  of  the  country. 
But  I  have  judged  it  better  to  avail  myself  of  the  few  I  possess, 
which  are  gleaned  from  Blodget's  Economica,  than  pass  the  sub- 
ject over  in  silence.  They  are  principally  estimates,  and  cannot 
therefore  be  supposed  to  be  entirely  correct.  But  they  are  suffi- 
cient to  answer  the  purposes  of  comparison,  which  is  all  the  ob- 
ject I  have  in  view. 


1.  In  tillage — 

Anno  1797        Acres  9,600,00 

1801  10,500,00 

1805  11,400,000 

2.  Meadows  and  fallow  grounds — 

1797  9,500,000 

1801  9,900,000 

1805  10,350,000 

3.  Total  improved  luiuls — 

1797  35,600,000 

1801  37,400,000 

1805  39.400,000 

1807  39,990,000 

4.  Value  of  cultivated  laiuU  per  acre — 

IHOl  S^-fiO 

1805  6.25 

5.  Horses — 
1797  990,000 

1801  1,070,000 

1805  1,200,000 

1807  1,300,000 

6.  Horned  Cattle— 
1797  2,220,000 

IHOl  2,.'500,OOO 

1805  2.950,000 

1807  3,200,000 

7.  Bank  notes  in  circuliition — 
1797  S  10,000,000 

1801  ll.OOO.O(K) 

1H04  14,000,000 


1807  818,000,000 

8.  Metallic  medium— 

1797  %  16,000,000 

1801  17,000,000 

1804  17,500,000 

1806  18,500,000 

1807  20,000,000 

9.  Valuation  of  real  and  pcrsonid  cs. 
tatc— 

1797  g  2,190,500,000 

1801  2,430,500,000 

1804  2,502,000,000 

1807  2,518,000,000 

10.  Toll  DridKcs— 
No.     Capital  Stock. 
1797     15      g  1,100,000 
1801     25  1,860,000 

1804  30  2,000,000 
1807     48 

11.  Turnpikes  and  Canals — 
1797  25   g2,30(J,000 
1801  33    3,050.000 

1805  48    4,900,000 
1807  82 

12.  Insurance  Companies — 
1797      9      g  3,300,000 
1801     22  6,000,000 
1804     40         10,000,000 
IH07                 17,000,0tK) 


^ 


•f   . 


.rs 


lesby 
ihose 


UBAT.  73. 


AMERICAN  PROSPERITY. 


m 


13  Banks. 
No.    Capital  Stock. 
1797    25     819,200,000 
1801     31        22,400,000 

1805  39        39,500,000 
1807    86        50,000,000 

14.  Cash  in  treasury — 
1/97  8888,998 
1801  5,295,391 
1803                 4,824,821 

1806  4,538,105 

1807  9,643,842 

15.  Custom  house  bonds. 
1797  810,405,091 
t«OI  15,237,527 


1803  812,317,449 

1806  19,553,890 

Anno  1801.    1810 
16.  No.  of  post  offices--957—        2403 
Lcngtli  of  roads  tra- 
velled by  mails— 21,840     37,035 
Weekly  transporta- 
tion in   stages  24,490        46,380 
Weekly  transporta- 
tion in  sulkies  or 
on  horseback—     34,380    61,171 
Amount  of  weekly 

transportation— 58,870      133,551 
Yearly  transporta- 
tion— 3,057,964    5,592,652 


Of  the  above  items,  the  nine  first  are,  as  I  have  stated,  mere- 
ly estimates.  From  the  nature  of  the  case,  they  could  not  be 
otherwise.  But  they  aiford  tolerable  data  for  calculations  and 
comparisons  of  the  advancement  of  the  prosperity  of  the  coun« 
.  try.  The  next  six  items,  the  toll  bridges,  turnpikes,  and  canals. 
Insurance  companies,  banks,  cash  in  the  treasury,  and  custom 
house  bonds,  were  derived  from  actual  documents,  procured  by 
the  unwearied  exertions  of  the  author  of  the  Economica.  The 
last  item  is  extracted  from  a  recent  post  office  publication. 

Section  II,  Foreign  commerce, 

I  proceed  to  the  second  criterion  of  national  prosperity.  And 
here  tlie  documents  arc  full,  complete,  and  irresistible.  They 
deserve,  and  I  hope  will  receive  the  most  particular  attention. 

The  federal  government  was  organized  and  went  into  opera- 
tion in  1 789.  No  tables  of  exports  were,  however,  published  for 
that  or  the  succeeding  year.  They  began  in  1791.  I  am,  there- 
fore,limited  to  six  years  of  General  Washington's  administration. 

Let  it  be  observed,  that  from  1791  till  1802  inclusively,  there 
was  no  discrimination,  in  the  official  tables  of  exports,  between 
American  productions  and  manufactures,  and  those  foreign  arti- 
cles which  were  re-exported  from  the  country^  This  renders  the 
(tomparison  less  complete  than  it  would  otherwise  have  been. 


Eafwrts  fvom  the  United  States, 

President  Wiishinj^ton. 
'1791        ^V),{i\2,<dm 
1792  20,753,000 

39,765,000 


1793 
1794 
1795 
1796 


26,109,000 
33,02().000 
47,989,000 
67,(«)4,0<K) 

-171,188,000 


Prcsi<li'n(  Adams. 
1797  856,850,000 
1798 1  61,527,(K)0 
1790  78,665,000 


domentic  and  fureign. 
1800        70,971,000 


-268,013,000 


President  Jcflerson. 
1801      8'->4. 11 5,000 
72,483,000 
55,800,000 
77,699,000 

300,097,000 


1802 
1803 
1804 


1805 
1806 
1807 
1808 


95,566,000 
101,536,300 
108.343,000 

22,430,000 


.32r,875,000 


:  rl 


'm 


.1  " 


400 


POLITICAL  OUVE  BRANCH, 


[chap.  7i. 


President  MadiRon. 

1809  52,203,000 

1810  66,757,000 

1811  61,376,000 


Presi 

dent  JeflTfrson. 

1803 

42,205,000 

1804 

41,467,000 

1805 

42,387,000     , 

1806 

41,253,000 

1807 

48.699,000 

1808 

9,433,000 

225,444,000 

1812 

38,527,000 

1813 

27,855,000 

246,718,000 

«  and  manufactures.            ' 

President  Mudison- 

1809 

31,405,000 

1810 

42,366,000 

1811 

45,294,000 

1812 

32,658,000 

1813 

25,008,000 

176,731,000 

1. 


3. 


} 
} 


78,460,000 
49,000,000 
6  r, 200,000 

3r,500,000 

35,300,000 
36,500,000 


Annual  overage  of  American  exports  ^foreign  and  domestic. 

1.  During  presidency  of  General  Washington,         g35,5CX),000 

2.  During  that  of  Mr.  Adams,  67,000,000 

3.  For  the  whole  of  General  Washington's  and     ")    /?i  o^oooo 

Mr.  Adams's  presidency,  J        '       ' 

4.  Daring  Mr.  Jefferson's  first  period,  75,000,030 

5.  During  his  second,  including  a  year  of  embargo,  81,900,(XX) 

6.  For  his  whole  term, 

7.  During  Mr.  Madison's  first  five  years, includ 

ing  a  year  and  a  half  of  war, 

8.  For  Mr.  Jefferson's  and  Mr.  Madison's 

Average  of  domestic  exports. 

During  six  years  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  presiden- 
cy, from  1803  till  1808  inclusive. 
During  five  years  of  Mr,  Madison's, 
For  eleven  years  from  1803  to  1813,  inclusive, 
To  the  candid  reader,  desirous  to  form  correct  estimates  of 
the  affairs  of  his  country,  and  to  divest  his  mind  of  pernicious 
errors,  I  venture  earnestly  to  recommend  a  careful  considera- 
tion of  these  ta!)lcs.  He  will  thereby  be  convinced,  that  from 
the  year  1801  till  1807,  inclusive,  and  until  France  and  F-ng- 
land  commenced  their  disgraceful  and  un])aralleled  course  of  ra- 
piiu-  and  devastation,  "  preying  on  the  unprotected  commerce  of 
a  friendly  power,''  the  United  States  made  as  rapid  progress 
in  the  career  of  prosperity  and  happiness,  so  far  as  respects  fo- 
reign  commerce,  as  any  nation  in  the  world  has  ever  done. 

Section  III.  Jicvcnue, 

Tlic  third  criterion  whereby  to  test  the  ])rogrcs9  of  the  pros- 
perity of  the  United  States,  is  the  situation  of  its  revenues. 
I)et  ay  and  drcrepilude  are  incompatible  with  their  increase  or 
advanccnirnt.  I  shall  therefore  state  the  net  amoimt  of  the  im- 
post of  the  United  States,  from  1791  to  ISl'i,  indusive,  tfiken 
from  the  o'liiial  documents  submitted  to  Congress  by  Joseph 
>^ourse,  Esq.  Register  General,  in  pursuance  of  the  order  of 


-tA£i. 


CHAP.  73.] 


AMERICAN  PROSPERITY. 


401 


the  house  of  representatives.  Of  the  direct  taxes  I  have  not 
a  statement — but  they  are  unessential  in  the  formation  of  a  com- 
parison. 


President  Wasliington. 

1791 

6,534,263 

1792 

4,614,924 

11,149,187 

1793 

6,073,512 

1794 

6,683,313 

1795 

7,959,409 

1796 

7,368,120 

''ROftiTi'li 

PrcHidcnt  Adams* 

1797 

8,258,111 

1798 

6,192,447 

1799 

9,035,348 

1800 

9,351,346 

32,837,252 

President  Jefferson. 

1801 

13,362,702 

1802 

8,327.260 

1803 

11,322,427 

1804 

14,996,965 

48,009,354 

1805 

14,978,880 

1806 

16,015,317 

1807 

16,492,889 

1808, 

7,176,985 

54,664,071 

President  Mudisbn. 

1809 

7,138,676 

1810 

12,756,831 

1811 

7,888,863 

1812 

13,059,855 

. 40,844,225 

This  table  requires  but  little  examination.  It  is  decisive  and 
overwhelming — and  of  itself  would  fully  suffice  to  settle  this 
great  question.     I  subjoin  the  result : 

Averhge  duties  on  imports,  ''^ 

1.  General  Washington's  presidency,  six  years,       S  6,500,000 

2.  Mr.  Adams's  four  years  8,200,000 

3.  General  Washington's  and  Mr.  Adams's  ten  1      ^ 

years,  J        '       ' 

4.  Mr.  Jefferson's  first  period  of  service,  four  years,  12,000,000 
.5.  do.  second  period,  four  years,  13,000,000 

6.  Mr.  Madison's  first  period,  10,210,000 

7.  Mr.  Jefferson's  and  Mr.  Madison's,  twelve  years,  11,956,000 

It  were  needless  to  add  comments.  The  most  superficial 
reader  cannot  mistake — the  most  ])rejudiced  dare  not  reject — 
the  strong  and  irresistible  evidence  here  laid  before  the  public. 

Section  IV.     National  Debts. 

The  next  criterion  of  the  decay  or  prosperity  of  a  nation,  is 
its  debts.  It  is  self-evident,  that  a  nation  or  an  individual,  whose 
debts  are  rapidly  discharging,  cannot  be  in  a  state  of  decay  or 
depreciation.  In  order,  therefore,  to  enable  the  reader  to  de- 
cide the  question  at  issue  by  this  criterion,  I  subjoin  a  statement 
of  the  national  debt  of  the  United  States,  on  the  first  day  of  every 
year,  from  1791  till  1812. 


Debt  nfthe  Uiiitttl  Stittra, 
President  Wusiiin^'ton. 

1791  g  75,463,476 

1792  77,227,924 

1793  80,352,634 

1794  78,427,404 

1795  80.747,587 

1796  83,762,172 


Ihbl  oflhr  Unitfil  Sintn- 
President  Adiuns. 

1797  S  82,064.479 

1798  79,228.529 

1799  78,40.S.669 

1800  82,976,204 


/ ;;  -^1 


<  I    -  ■ 


^1' 

I 

i 


iiil 


cjf 


ll''r.a>^ 


POLITICAL  OUVE  BltANCll 


[cHAf.  Zd. 


president  Jefferson. 

1801  83,0;58,O5O 

1802  80,712,632 

1803  77,054,686 

1804  86,427,120 


1805 
1806 


82,312,150 
75,723,270 


1807 

69,218,398 

1808 

65,196,317 

President  Madison. 

1809 

57,023,192 

1810 

53,172,302 

1811 

47,913,756 

1812 

45,120,150 

15,000,000 


This  aifords  a  most  exhilarating  view  of  the  situation  of  the 
United  States,  and  proves  the  utter  fallacy  of  the  prevailing 
opinions  on  this  topic.  It  appears  incontestibly,  that  in  twelve 
years  of  democratic  administration,  from  1801  to  1812,  inclusive, 
the  debt  was  reduced  from         -       S  83,038,050 

to 45,120,150 

37,91 7,900 

notwithstanding  the  purchase  of  1 

Louisiana  for  J 

which  is  an  actual  reduction  of  52,918,900 

And  to  increase  our  surprise  and  our  rapturous  joy  at  such  a 
glorious  view  of  the  immense  resources  of  our  blessed  country, 
one  of  the  early  measures  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  administration  was 
the  repeal  of  a  catalogue  of  burdensome  taxes.* 

Among  the  wonderful  and  inexplicable  complaints  and  libels 
against  the  democratic  administration  was  the  repeal  of  these 
taxes.  It  is  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  the  world,  that  the 
repeal  of  grinding,  harassing,  and  degrading  taxes  was  consider- 
ed as  matter  of  accusation,  or  as  an  unpopular  measure. 

The  taxes  repealed,  were — 1 .  The  excise  on  stills  and  domes- 
tic distilled  spirits.  2.  On  refined  sugar.  3,  On  licences  to  re- 
tailers.    4.  Duties  on  pleasurable  carriages.     5,  Stumps. 

In  some  of  the  late  very  elaborate  publications  of  Mr.  Pick- 
ering, in  which  he  employed  his  utmost  talents  and  influence  to 
dissuade  his  fellow  citizens  from  subscribing  to  the  government 
loans,  a  principal  argument  was  deduced  Irom  the  wickedness 
of  the  repeal  of  these  taxes.  And  the  Hartford  convention, 
after  drawing  the  most  alarming  picture  of  the  hideous  state  of 
public  alfairs,  in  enumerating  the  means  whereby 

"  A  hifi^h  state  of  public  prosperity  has  undergone  n  miseratile  and  ufflictiiiaf 
reverse  tliroiijfii  the  prevalonce  of  u  weak  and  pruHigate  policy," 

expressly  state,  as  the  fourth  cause— 

"  T^c  aholition  of  existintc  tares,  vvqiunite  to  prefmre.  the  country  fuv  those 
ehaHffi'n  to  which  jmtiaita  are  uhvuyt  expoaed,  with  a  view  to  the  acqumtion  nf  pf>-> 
puliir  fin'ouv." 


;r  proof  how  extravajrantly  erroneous  the  public  opinion  has 
ubjcct,  tlic   reader  will  observe,  that  the  debt  of  the  United 


*  Ah  a  farther 
been  on  tiiis  su 

States,  at  the  com'mcur.cnient  of  IHOl,  when  the  federalists  ceased  to  rule  this 
country,  was  above  7,000,000  of  dollars  more  than  it  had  been  in  1791. 


OtoAP.  7S.] 


A^tBRICAN  PROSPEHITY. 


401 


I  shall  not  attempt  to  decide — I  leave  that  task  to  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Hartford  convention— with  what  propriety  in  De- 
cember, 1814,  the  distress,  or  difficulty,  or  embarrassment,  or 
decay  of  the  United  States,  real  or  supposed,  could  be  ascribed 
to  the  repeal,  in  1 802,  of  taxes,  some  of  them  most  odious,  when 
such  in  the  interim  had  been  the  overflowing  state  of  the  treasu- 
ry, that  the  public  debt  had  been  reduced  37,918,9CX)  dollars,  ex- 
clusive of  the  purchase  of  Louisiana.  This  is  a  most  extraordi- 
nary paradox. 

Section  V.  Navigation. 

The  increase  or  decrease  of  the  tonnage  of  a  commercial  na« 
tion,  is  an  important  criterion  of  the  retrogradation  or  the  ad- 
vancement of  Its  prosperity.  Let  us  calmly  enquire  into  the  in- 
dications  deducible  from  this  source. 

I  lay  before  the  reader  a  table  of  the  tonnage  of  the  United 
States  from  1793  till  1812,  inclusive. 


Pi'Csident  Washin^on. 
Tons. 

1793  491,789 

1794  628,415  " 

1795  747,961 

1796  831,897 
2,700,062 

Prcsitlent  AdaniH. 

1797  876,910 

1798  888,326 

1799  946,407 

1800  973,489 
3,685,132 

Presiclcnt  .Ictt'trson. 

1801  1,032,216 

1802  892,102 


1803 
1804 

1805 
1806 
1807 
1808 


Torn. 

949,171 

1,042,402 


1,140,366 
1,208,733 
1,268,545 
1,242,443 


3,915,891 


4,860,087 
President  Mudiaon. 

1809  1,350,178 

1810  1,442,781     ■ 

1811  1,414,770 
•  1812      1,232,502 

5,440,331 


fe. 


7o;m.  675,000 

921, (XX) 

79^,000 

1,097,0(X) 

1,355,(XX) 

1, 25  7,(KX) 


Average  tonnage  of  last  four  years  of  General  1 
Washington's  presidency,  J 

of  Mr.  Adams's 

of  General  Washington's  and  Mr.  Adams's 

of  Mr,  Jefferson's  eight  years, 

of  Mr.  Madison's  first  jjeriod, 

of  Mr.  Jefferson's  and  Mr.  Madison's, 
I  trust  that  these  statements  cannot  fail  to  prove  the  utter 
want  of  foundation  of  the  idea  that  the  prosperity  of  the  United 
States,  so  far  as  respects  navigation,  has  detay»*d,  since  the 
shange  of  rulers.  Notwithstanding  tlie  unprecedented  depre- 
dations perpetrated  on  us  by  both  hclligi  rents,  the  tonnage  of  the 
nation  has  increased  with  a  steady  pare.  The  increase  during 
the  first  period  of  Mr.  Madison's  adminiblration,  is  really  as. 
tonishing. 

Section  VL  Po/ndatioru 
The  statements  I  shall  gi\  i;  cm  this  point  are  extracted  from 
the  census  of  1800,  tlie  lust  yi  :ir  of  the  administration  of  tlie 


'  * 


*' 


if* 


404 


POLITICAL  OUVC  BRANCH. 


[CRAF.  73. 


federal  party,  and  that  of  1810,  when  their  successors  had  held 
the  reins  of  government  for  ten  years,  during  which  the '  perni- 
cious effects  so  generally  ascribed  to  their  system,  must  have 
had  ample  time  to  develope  themselves.  ,  i 

Population  of  Maine, 
Vermont, 

New  Hampshire,  ' 

Massachusetts, 
Connecticut, 
New  York, 
New  Jersey, 
Pennsylvania, 
Virginia, 
North  Carolina, 
South  Carolina, 
Georgia, 
Kentucky, 
Tennessee, 
Ohio, 

City  of  New  York, 
City  of  Philadelphia  and ") 

Liberties,  J 

City  of  Baltimore, 
Town  of  Boston  and  rest  1 

of  Suffolk  county  J 

Newport,  ^    . 

Providence, 
Nantucket, 
Portsmouth,  N.  H. 
New  Haven, 
Pittsburg, 

Here  are  most  incontrovertible  proofs  of  the  advancement  of 
the  United  States  in  the  road  of  happiness  and  prosperity.  Every 
part  of  the  union  which  did  not  labour  under  disadvantages 
from  its  crowded  population,  or  its  sterility,  or  the  migration  of 
its  citizens,  has  made  rapid  strides  in  this  glorious  course. 
What  a  stupendous  increase  in  the  states  of  New-York,  Pennsyl- 
vania, Georgia,  Kentucky,  Tennessee,  and  Ohio !  With  what 
ineffable  delight  must  every  friend  of  his  species  contemplate 
these  glorious  scenes  of  expanding  population,  civilization,  and 
happiness  !  Agriculture,  arts,  manufactures,  commerce,  and  sci- 
ence, spreading  their  holy  empire  where  a  few  years  past  the 
wild  Savage  prowled  in  quest  of  prey ! 

I  dare  flatter  myself  with  the  hope  that  I  have  presented  the 
reader  with  sufficient  materials  to  satisfy  him  that  the  glowing 


1800. 

1810. 

151,719 

228,705 

154,465 

217,895 

183,858 

214,460 

422,845 

472,040 

251,002 

261,942 

586,050 

959,049 

211,149 

245,562 

602,835 

810,091 

886,149 

974,622 

478,105 

555,500 

345,591 

415,115 

162,686 

252,433 

220,959 

406,511 

105,602 

261,727 

230,760 

455,365 

60,529 

96,373 

67,811 

88,987 

26,614 

35,583 

28,614 

34,381 

6,739 

7,907 

7,614 

10,071 

5,617 

6,807 

5,339 

6,934 

4,049 

6,967 

1,565 

4,768 

hii 


.jii^% 


CBAF. 


73]. 


AMEltlCAN  PROSPERITY. 


40S 


statements  of  the  extraordinary  prosperity  of  this  country  during 
the  predominance  of  federalism,  and  of  its  utter  decay  from 
a  change  of  rulers,  are  gross  errors,  utterly  void  of  foundation, 
and  pregnant  with  as  pernicious  consequences,  as  most  that  have 
ever  prevailed  in  this  or  perhaps  in  any  other  country.  This 
nation,  previous  to  the  operation  of  the  federal  government,  was 
in  a  most  prostrate  and  abject  state.  Arts,  trades,  and  commerce 
languished.  Industry  had  little  or  no  encouragement.  Tender 
laws  and  other  measures,  impolitic  and  unjust,  had  banishedcon' 
fidence  between  man  and  man.  An  unfavorable  (balance  of 
trade  had  exhausted  the  covmtry  of  its  metallic  medium.  The 
states  were  hostile  to,  and  Jealous  of,  each  other.  In  a  word^ 
the  prospects  of  the  nation,  ior  want  of  a  general  controlling  go- 
vernment, had  been  so  extremely  gloomy,  that  good  men  began 
to  doubt  whether  in  its  consequences  the  revolution  would  de- 
serve to  be  styled  a  blessing. 

But  the  establishment  of  our  most  noble  and  most  excellent 
.rfbrm  of  government,  pro.luced  a  rapid  and  astonishing  change. 
Confidence  was  completely  restored.  Arts,  trade,  and  commerce 
revived.  State  jealousy  was  disarmed  of  all  its  powers  to  re- 
tard or  destroy  public  prosperity.  In  a  word,  the  happiness  and 
prosperity  of  the  nation  were  fixed  on  foundations  as  durable,  I 
hope,  as  the  rock  of  Gibraltar. 

But  it  is  equally  and  undeniably  true,  that  the  country  was  in- 
comparably more  prosperous  for  seven  entire  years  of  Mr.  Jef. 
ferson's  administration,  than  during  the  administration  of  his  pre- 
decessors. This  is  a  truth,  a  strong  truth,  deny  it  who  may,  which, 
if  I  courted  popularity,  I  should  not  dare  to  promulgate.  To 
many  it  will  appear  little  short  of  blasphemy.  But  whatever  may 
be  its  appearance,  and  however  unpopular  it  may  be,  I  have  fully 
proved,  that  during  those  seven  years,  the  population,  the  ex- 
ports, the  revenue,  the  tonnage,  and  the  domestic  industry  of  the 
nation,  had  made  more  progress,  than  they  had  done  during  the 
administration  of  General  Washington ;  and  that  the  public  debt, 
which,  during  the  administration  of  the  two  first  presidents,  had 
been  increased,  was,  under  their  successor,  reduced  with  un- 
paralleled rapidity.  And  it  therefore  incontrovertiblj^  appears, 
that  the  country  was  more  prosperous  during  that  period,  than 
under  the  general's  administration,  although  it  had  been  then 
highly  prosperous. 

I  entertain  a  due  sense  of  the  transcendent  merits  of  General 
Washington.  lie  was  indisputably  a  truly  great  and  most  illus- 
trious character.  His  conduct  during  the  revolution  earned  him 
a  conspicuous  niche  among  the  small  but  glorious  band  of  heroes 
who  saved  their  country,  or  who  sacrificed  their  lives  in  the  glo- 
rious struggle  to  save  her.  He  ranks  with  Leonidas  of  Sparta, 
Epaminondas  of  Thebes,  Cimon  of  Athens,  Alfred  of  England, 
O.  B.  '    53 


f 


>  I 


IW 


f& 


4dii 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[chat.  75r 


Wallace  of  Scotland,  Henry  IV.  of  France,  Brian  Boiromhe  of 
Ireland,  Maurice  Prince  of  Orange,  Gustavus  Vasa  of  Swe- 
den, Andrew  Dona  of  Genoa,  and  others  of  this  description, 
who  hold  the  first  rank  among  the  benefactors  of  the  human 
race.  And  to  those  who  read  the  statements  of  the  wretched  ma- 
terials with  which  he  had  to  form  his  armies,  as  may  be  seen 
chap.  68,  his  merits  will  be  vastly  enhanced.  The  miserable  sys- 
tem pursued  by  the  early  congresses,  of  trusting  the  fate  of  the 
country  to  short  enlistments  and  to  militia,  trebled  his  difficulties, 
and  trebled  his  merits  in  struggling  against  and  overcoming 
them. 

Independent  of  General  Washington's  services  during  the 
war,  he  was  eminently  useful  to  his  country  afterwards.  But 
for  the  influence  of  his  name,  the  federal  convention  would 
hardly  have  agreed  upon  a  constitution.  Of  this,  it  is  true,  there 
is  no  complete  proof — nor  is  it  fully  susceptible  of  proof.  It  must 
eternally  rest  on  mere  opiniun.  But  any  man  who  attentively 
reads  Luther  Martin's  statement  of  the  proceedings  of  the  con. 
vention,  (the  only  published  rtcord)  and  who  duly  considers  the 
difficulty  they  experienced  to  agree  upon  a  form  of  government 
—•and  how  nearly  all  their  efforts  escaped  being  blasted,  even 
with  the  advantage  of  General  Washington's  influence  and  exer- 
tions, will  not  regard  this  opinion  as  very  extravagant.  But  I 
force  it  on  no  man.  I  further  believe,  that  even  after  the  consti- 
tution was  promulgated,  the  influence  of  his  name  and  support 
was  absolutely  necessary  to  ensure  it  success.  It  was  in  jeopard) , 
The  minorities  in  several  of  the  state  conventions  were  nume- 
rous, active,  and  influential.  There  was,  therefore,  considerable 
difficulty  in  setting  the  machinery  of  the  government  in  motion. 
It  was  a  truly  arduous  task.  But  when  once  the  vessel  was  fairly 
launched,  the  duties  of  the  pilot  were  quite  easy. 

With  this  immense  and  solid  stock  of  indisputable  claim  on 
the  gratitude  of  his  country,  and  on  the  esteem  and  admiration 
of  the  great  and  good  of  our  era  and  of  all  future  ages,  he  needs 
not  any  addition  to  his  fame,  of  which  the  title  is  not  as  clear  as 
the  noon.day  sun.  And  to  ascribe  to  him,  or  his  councils  exclu- 
sively, the  flood  of  prosperity  that  succeeded  the  establishment 
of  a  solid  form  of  government,  would  be  a  radical  error  against 
the  truth  of  history.  As  well  might  we  ascribe  the  fertility  of  the 
soil,  when  both  seasons  and  climate  are  favourable,  to  the  vigi- 
lance of  the  steward  who  superintended  the  plantation,  as  ascribe 
the  beneficent  effects  of  unshackled  and  protected  industry,  to 
presidents,  governors,  or  kings.  All  that  mankind  require,  in 
order  to  be  industrious  and  happy,  is  to  have  their  property  se- 
cure.    And  this  is  the  natural  effect  of  wise  laws. 

If  the  nations  of  Europe,  oppressed  by  wasteful  and  destroy- 
ing governments — at  war  forty  or  fifty  years  out  of  everj'  century 


#• 


73, 

of 
ve- 
on, 


eiAP.  73.] 


AMERICAN  PROSPERITY. 


407 


—curbed  and  constrained  and  controlled  in  their  industry  by 
monopolies,  and  restrictions,  and  grinding  tastes — if,  1  say,  un- 
der all  these,  and  numberless  other  disadvantages,  the  European 
nations  make  advances  in  prosperity,  as  is  undeniably  the  case, 
would  it  not  be  inexpressibly  wonderful,  if  we  did  not  run  ra- 
pidly in  the  same  career — if  we  did  not  outstrip  them  as  far  as 
the  hale,  hearty,  vigorous,  full-blooded  racer  outstrips  the  stage 
horse,  worn  out  by  hard  service,  and  merciless  usage  ? 

To  suppose  a  parallel  case.  A  ship  is,  in  the  technical  sense, 
well  found  in  every  respect.  She  has  a  noble  crew.  She  is  on  the 
open  sea  with  the  winds  perfectly  favourable.  She  runs  rapidly 
before  them,  and  makes  nine,  ten,  or  eleven  knots  an  hour.  She 
reaches  her  destined  port  in  perfect  safety.  Would  it  not  be  ig- 
norance or  folly  to  ascribe  to  the  skill  of  the  captain  the  rapidity 
of  her  movements  or  the  success  of  her  voyage  ?  It  is  chiefly 
when  the  sky  is  overcast  with  clouds  and  darkness — when  the 
furious  hurricanes  howl  around  the  ship — when  the  waves,  open- 
ing wide  their  devouring  jaws,  seem  ready  to  swallow  her  up, 
that  there  is  a  demand  for  the  energy,  the  talents,  and  the  forti- 
tude of  the  master  of  the  vessel. 

Without  any  disrespect  to  presidents,  and  governors,  and  kings, 
this  is  a  pretty  analogous  case  to  theirs.  In  times  of  tranquillity, 
there  is  litde  room  for  a  display  of  the  talents  of  an  executive 
magistrate.  In  a  well-ordered  state,  the  laws  may  be  said  to  exe- 
cute themselves.  The  long  train  of  judges,  jurors,  attorney 
generals,  marshals,  constables,  &c.  are  eternally  on  the  alert,  to 
prevent  infraction. 

It  may  and  will  seem  a  paradox  (I  shall  be  charged  with  deal- 
ing in  paradoxes)  to  assert,  as  I  do,  that  at  least  as  much  talents 
are  actually  necessary  for  a  legislator  as.  almost  in  every  case, 
for  a  governor,  and,  in  ordinary  cases,  for  a  president. 

In  a  free  representative  government  like  ours,  the  grand,  con- 
trolling, and  supereminent  power  is  in  the  legislature.  They  or- 
dain, direct,  command.  Iheir  will,  fairly  expressed,  enforces 
obedience  equally  from  the  governor  or  president,  as  from  the 
lowest  mendicant.  If  the  governor  or  president,  as  the  case  may 
be,  dare  to  violate  their  commands,  he  is  impeachable. 

I  return  to  Mr.  JeiFerson.  "But,"  it  will  be  said,  "the 
prosperity  of  the  United  States  was  arrested  during  the  last 
years  of  his  administration.''  This  I  do  not,  I  cannot  deny.  It 
appears  fully  evident  from  all  the  documents  I  have  given. 
Whence  arose  this  stagnation  ?  This  is  an  important  enquiry. 

The  application  in  1805  of  the  rule  of  the  war  of  1756,  had 
made  great  havoc  on  the  trade,  commerce,  and  resources  of  the 
country.  But  they  readily  recovered  from  the  stroke.  At  the 
close  of  1807,  the  French  decrees  and  British  orders  in  council 


mm 


409 


POLITICAL  OUVE  BRANCH. 


icHlF.  73, 


went  into  full  operation.  And  they  were -met  by  our  embargo. 
I  have  already  stated,  and  I  hope  there  is  not  a  man  of  candour 
in  Europe  or  America  who  will  doubt  or  deny,  that  these  mea- 
sures of  France  and  England  reduced  the  United  States  to  the 
alternative— of  war  with  one  or  both — or  else  an  embargo.  We 
were  literally  hunted  off  the  ocean. 

That  an  embargo  was  less  pernicious  than  war— and  that  it 
was  highly  meritorious  to  try  every  other  means  previous  to  the 
horrible  recourse  to  arms,  no  "  friend  of  j*ace"  can  deny. 

But  be  this  as  it  may,  as  the  arrestation  of  our  prosperity 
arose  from  the  measures  of  France  and  England — and  as  it  has 
never  been  pretended  that  the  American  administration  advised 
or  encouraged  those  powers  to  adopt  their  orders  and  decrees, 
it  conclusively  follows  that  the  outcry  against  the  restrictive  sys- 
tem of  Mr.  Jefferson,  which  these  predatory  and  outrageous 
measures  rendered  indispensable,  is  utterly  unjust  and  un- 
founded. 

There  is  another  mode  of  deciding  this  question.  If  the  demo- 
cratic administrators  of  the  general  government  really  exercised 
hostility  against  commerce,  they  had  no  mode  of  displaying  that 
hostility  but  by  the  enaction  of  anti-commercial  laws,  or  the  re- 
peal of  pre-existing  laws  favourable  to  commerce.  This  is  self- 
evident.  Except  m  this  shape,  they  are  as  perfectly  powerless 
over  commerce  as  a  council  of  Indians  held  in  a  wig. warn.  And 
if  there  were  any  anti-commercial  laws  enacted,  they  must  be 
still  extant.  The  statute  books  are  every  where  to  be  found. 
And  I  now  in  the  face  of  the  United  States  and  of  Christendom, 
deny  that  a  single  law  can  be  produced,  enacted  during  the  ad- 
ministration of  Mr.  Jefferson,  which  can  by  any  man  of  charac- 
ter be  ascribed  to  hostility  to  commerce.  There  is  not  one.  Nor 
was  any  law  favourable  to  commerce  repealed.  Let  the  statute 
books  be  carefully  examined,  and  the  laws  brought  to  the  se- 
verest scrutiny. 

It  would  be  most  extravagant  folly  to  ascribe  the  law  of  1806, 
prohibiting  the  importation  of  certain  articles  of  British  manu- 
facture, to  the  hostility  of  the  government  to  commerce.  This 
law  was  enacted  in  consequence  of  the  clamours  and  remon- 
strances of  the  commercial  men  themselves,  in  order  to  induce 
England  to  cease  her  unjust  and  injurious  depredations  upon 
their  commerce. 

We  now  draw  towards  a  close.  We  have  seen.  I  repeat,  that 
the  population,  the  exports,  the  tonnage,  the  domestic  mdustry, 
and  the  revenue  of  the  nation,  made  rapid  progress  for  seven 
years  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  administration ;  and  that  during  the  same 
■period  its  debts  had  most  rapidly  decreased — and  it  appears  that 
no  law  hostile  to  commerce  was  enacted — no  law  favourable  to 
commerce  repealed— and  that  our  prosperity  continued  till  it  was 


cfur.  75.] 


AMERICAN"  PUOSPERUY. 


409 


)ur 
ea- 
the 
Ve 


cut  upljy  the  roots  by  foreign  powers.  How,  then,  can  a  candid 
federalist  lose  sight  of  justice,  or  propriety,  or  the  holy  rule, 
"  do  as  you  would  be  done  by,"  so  far  as  to  charge  to  the  past 
or  present  administration,  the  consequences  of  measures  over 
which  they  had  no  controul  ?  The  federalists  would  complain 
most  grievously,  were  they  made  responsible  for  those  of^Mr. 
Jefferson  or  Mr.  Madison.  And  Avhere  is  their  justice  in  ma- 
king Mr.  Jefferson  or  Mr,  Madison  responsible  for  the  mea- 
sures, or  the  consequences  of  the  measures,  of  Mr.  Percival  or 
Napoleon  Bonaparte  ? 

If  I  have  succeeded,  to  the  extent  of  my  wishes,  and  indeed  of 
my  calculations,  to  establish  the  positions  I  have  laid  down  in 
this  chapter,  I  cannot  fail  to  have  rendered  a  great  and  lasting 
service  to  my  fellow-citizens  of  both  descriptions,  federalists  and 
democrats. 

The  former  I  shall  have  convinced  of  the  unsoundness  of  their 
towering  pretensions  to  an  exclusive  promotion  of  the  prosperi- 
ty of  this  nation,  as  well  as  of  the  extreme  injustice  of  the  strong 
and  damning  accusations  they  have  preferred  against,  and  the 
deadly  hostility  they  have  borne  towards,  their  tellow-citizens, 
who  are  wholly  guiltless  of  the  crimes  laid  to  their  charge.  'I'hesc 
are  important  truths  deservingof  their  mostserious  consideration. 
To  retract  error  is  magnanimous.  To  pursue  a  course  of  error, 
merely  because  it  has  been  unfortunately  commenced  through 
inadvertence,  is  worse  than  folly.  These  considerations  ought 
to  induce  them  to  lower  their  tone,  and  to  regard  their  brethren 
with  more  kindness  and  charity  than  they  have  heretofore  ex- 
tended to  them. 

There  is  one  point  which  cannot  be  too  much  or  too  frequently 
enforced.  The  federalists  have  been  dive:  d  of  the  powers  of  the 
general  government  for  above  sixteen  years.  That  entire  period 
they  have  spent  in  an  unceasing  struggle  to  regain  the  power 
they  had  lost.  They  have  spared  neither  pains  nor  expense.  They 
possess  large  numbers  of  men  of  |H)vverful  talents,  which  are 
in  constant  requisition  for  the  purpose.  They  have  greatly  the 
superiority  of  newspapers  in  perhaps  all  the  seaport  towns, 
owing  to  mercantile  mfluence.*  They  have  struggled  in  peace 
— they  have  struggled  in  war — they  have  struggled  when  the 
nation  might  be  said  to  be  almost  wholly  free  from  taxation 
— and  when  under  the  pressure  of  taxes  of  the  most  oppressive 
kind — they  have  struggled  while  we  were  covered  with  disgrace 
and  overwhelmed  by  disaster — and  they  have  struggled  when  a 
halo  of  glory  surrounded  the  United  States.  They  have  strug- 
gled under  every  possible  variety  of  circumstances.  They  have 
left  nothing  unessayed.     In  this  struggle  their  beloved  country 


1 


'II  I 


: 


•  In  Philadelphia,  there  are  six  federal  and  four  democratic  papers, 
proportion  U  about  the  Burne  in  other  cities. 


The 


410 


POUTICAL  OLlVli  UUANCH. 


[ciup.  72. 


WAS  brought  to  the  jaws  of  perdition.  In  this  struggle,  they 
were  placed  in  the  inortifying  predicament,  that  their  views 
were  likely  to  prosper  by  the  defeat  and  disgrace — and  to  be  ut- 
terly disappointed  by  the  success,  of  their  beloved  country.  And 
in  this  struggle,  some  of  their  leaders  committed  acts  in  aiding 
and  abetting  die  enemy,  which,  under  any  other  government,  or 
in  any  other  nation,  would  have  forfeited  their  lives.  After  all 
these  struggles  and  efforts,  they  are  as  far  as  ever  from  the  at- 
tainment of  the  prize  which  they  have  for  above  sixteen  years 
been  devouring  with  their  longing  eyes. 

And  what  has  been  the  result  of  these  efforts  ?  To  engender 
and  disseminate  a  spirit  of  faction,  the  direst  scourge  that  ever 
cursed  a  country — to  divide  man  from  man — to  demoralize  the 
nation — to  prepare  us  of  late  for  civil  war  and  all  its  horrors — 
to  deprive  themselves  of  all  the  influence  their  numbers,  their 
talents,  and  their  virtues,  would  have  insured  them — and  to 
place  them  in  the  frightful  situation  of  opposing  almost  all  the 
measures  of  the  administration,  however  wise  or  salutary — 
however  well  calculated  to  promote  the  happiness  and  glory  of 
their  country. 

It  is  time  to  pause — to  cast  a  retrospective  eye  on  the  past — 
to  look  forward  for  the  result.  A  very  little  reflection  will  suf- 
fice to  convince  them,  that  if  they  regard  their  honour  as  a  party 
— their  character  in  history — their  duty  as  citizens — and  the 
welfare  of  their  country — a  change,  a  radical  change  is  necessary. 
No  man  of  common  sense,  who  pays  attention  to  the  existing 
circumstances  of  the  United  States,  can  persuade  himself  that 
they  have  any  chance  of  regaining  power,  unless  by  a  convul- 
sion, in  which  they  would  be  tlie  earliest  and  greatest  sufferers, 
and  which  they  would  have  every  reason  to  curse  most  bitterly. 
And  surely  with  the  wounds  of  bleeding,  gasping  France  before 
their  eyes — with  her  groans  in  their  ears — they  would  not  be  so 
mad,  so  blind,  so  lost  to  reason,  to  common  sense,  to  religion, 
to  public  spirit,  to  all  regard  for  thetunlves  and  their  country, 
as  to  pursue  power  through  such  a  desperate  road  as  a  convul- 
sion. If  they  have  failed  to  gain  ground  in  tlie  great  states  of 
New- York,  Pennsylvania,  Virginia,  and  North  Carolina,  when 
war,  stagnation  of  business,  and  depreciation  of  property  of  every 
kind,  aided  their  eflTorts  to  render  their  adversaries  unpopular,  is 
it  not  "  hoping  against  hope,''  to  calculate  on  producing  this  ef- 
fect when  smilnig  Peace  with  her  cornucopia  lias  once  more  re- 
visited our  favoured  land  ? 

Let  them  take  the  advice  of  a  real  friend,  although  a  political 
opponent.  Let  them  not  render  a  government,  whose  only  im- 
portant defect  iflits  feebleness,  still  more  feeble,  and  thus  endan- 
ger its  destruction,  by  a  blind  and  indiscriminate  opjiosilion, 
forbidden  by  every  principle  of  common  sense  and  pat.  iotism. 


ip.  73. 

they 

'iews 

e  ut- 

And 

iding 

»t,  or 

cr  all 

le  at- 

cars 


CHAP.  74.] 


linSCELLANEOUS  PACfTS. 


4a 


Let  them  with  their  utmost  energy  oppose  all  impolitic,  inju- 
rious, or  unjust  measures — but  let  them  yield  a  cordial  and 
hearty  support  to  every  one  calculated  to  promote  the  public 
good.  This  is  what  constitutes  a  noble  and  dignified  opposition 
party.  Let  them,  il  they  choose,  use  all  their  efforts  to  regain 
the  power  they  have  lost,  by  fair  and  honourable  means.  Let 
them  charitably  regard  their  political  adversaries,  as  intending 
to  promote  the  public  good,  even  when  they  believe  them  in  er- 
ror. Let  them  make  allowance  for  human  imperfection,  from 
which  they  are  no  more  exempt  than  their  antagonists.  By  this 
course  they  will  make  more  progress  in  one  year  than  they  have 
in  sixteen  by  intemperate  violence.  This  has  recoiled,  and  will 
continue  to  recoil  on  themselves. 

If  I  have  in  this  chapter,  done  a  kindness  to  the  federalists,  I 
have  performed  an  equal  service  to  the  democrats,  by  clearing 
up  satisfactorily,  various  points  of  considerable  importance  to 
their  character.  I  hope  I  have  fully  and  completely  disproved 
the  heinous  charge  adduced  against  them,  of  destroying  the  pro- 
sperity of  their  country — a  charge  which  has  gained  credence^ 
even  across  the  Atlantic,  from  its  incessant  reiteration  here. 


■it    '  1 


■:k 


CHAPTER  LXXIV. 

Miscellaneous  facts  and  observations. 

In  this  chapter  I  shall  collect  a  number  of  vmconnected  facts 
and  observations,  which  I  have  not  been  able  to  introduce  else- 
where. • 

I. 

A  very  moderate  degree  of  knowledge  of  histor)',  or  human 
affairs,  furnishes  numberless  instances  of  the  discordance  be- 
tween very  plausible  anticipations  and  the  actual  results  on 
which  they  are  predicated.  I  offrr  one.  'i'he  best  friends  of 
this  country  were  always  distressed  at  the  probable  consequences 
of  a  war  upon  the  southern  states.  It  was  presumed  that  such 
a  state  of  things  would  afford  a  favourable  opportunity,  which 
would  be  eagerly  embraced  by  the  slaves,  to  rise  upon  their 
masters,  and  act  over  again  the  horrors  of  St.  Domingo,  It  was 
not  taken  into  consideration,  that  a  state  of  war  requiring  mar- 
tial preparations  and  arrangements,  would  greatly  add  to  the  fa- 
cility  of  erushing  insurrection,  without  in  the  least  adding  to 
the  means  of  its  organi/.ation.  It  was  als(»  anticipated  that  the 
hardy  and  enterpri/.ing  state  of  Massachusetts  would  shew  sucli 
a  bold  front  towards  an  invading  enemy,  as  to  totally  lorbid,  or 
at  least  compel  him  to  al)andon,  the  atti  nipt.  Kvents  have  falsi- 
fied both  calculations.  No  insurrecticm  was  attempted,  or  per- 
hjps  thought  of  by  the  slaves  to  the  southward,     (uorgia,  a 


m' 


*-ii 


412 


POLITICAL  OUVE  BRANCH. 


[chap.  J'4<-. 


feeble  southern  state,  acquired  a  high  degree  of  honour  by  the 
war.  It  covered  Massachusetts  with  disgrace. 

II. 

The  attempt  to  impress  men  from  on  board  the  Chesapeake, 
was  not  the  first  outrage  perpetrated  by  the  British  on  an  Ame- 
rican national  ship.  During  the  administration  of  Mr.  Adams, 
several  sailors  were,  in  the  West  Indies,  pressed  from  on  board 
the  Baltimore,  a  pui>Iic  vessel  of  the  United  States. 

III. 

Violent  partizans  have  in  all  ages  believed  the  monstrous  doc- 
trine, that  the  end  sanctifies  the  means ;  a  doctrine  the  fruitful 
parent  of  numberless  crimes.  This  frequently  leads  parties  to 
adopt  measures  at  which  each  individual  member  would  have 
shuddered.  Our  country  has  witnessed  various  instances  of  this 
kind.  Among  the  rest,  unceasing  efforts  have  been  made  by  some 
of  the  most  zealous  and  violent  opposers  of  the  administration, 
to  persuade  the  public  that  the  late  war  was  a  measure  concerted 
between  Bonaparte  and  our  administration,  and  for  which  the 
former  had  paid  the  latter  liberally.  The  following  letter  which 
first  appeared  in  the  Boston  Centinel,  was  one  of  the  innumer. 
able  means  employed  for  this  purpose.  And  had  the  British 
agents  in  Paris  entered  into  the  project,  and  afforded  any  coun- 
tenance to  the  accusation,  it  would  have  gained  universal  cre- 
dence among  the  enemies  of  the  administration  in  this  country, 
and  might  have  produced  alarmmg  consequences.  Very  much 
to  their  credit  and  for  our  happiness,  they  allowed  it  to  die  a  na- 
tural death. 

"  IMPORTANT  LETTER. 

"  The  ori^nal  of  a  letter  from  an  American  (jrentleman  in  Paris,  of  which 
the  fol]owin(^  is  an  extract,  has  been  seen  by  the  editor,  who  vouches  for  its 
tmving  been  faithfully  copied  therefrom : — 

"  Pam,  May  26,  1814. 

"  The  treaty  is  nearly  concUided,  and  wc  shall  once  more  see  all  tlie  world 
in  peace,  cxceptinfi'  our  own  country- — thanks  to  the  wisdom  of  the  democrats 
anu  the  parti7.ans  of  Bonaparte  !  Since  tho  war  has  been  declared,  he  has  not 
exercised  one  single  act  of  amity  or  friendshi]),  cither  toward  the  nation  or  any 
/individual.  It  is  very  well  known  by  every  one  here  who  has  connexion  with 
the  government,  that  it  wa«  by  Imhery  that  tlie  vote  for  the  var  was  obtained. 
A  gentleman  employed  in  the  office  of  tlic  dejiartment  of  for»*ign  afluirs,  told 
me,  that  he  saw  on  the  booht  the  name*  of  the  »enator»  bribed,  attd  the  aumi  paid, 
each  of  them  by  Semtrier  !  !  f  I  hope  in  a  short  time  to  be  able  to  procure  a 
copy  of  it,  to  send  to  you.  The  country  was  told  by  Jlmi»trontf  befoit:  he  left 
Paris,  and  the  war  iva»  decided  upon  ,•  and  in  consequence  he  luaa  made  iecrei:iry 
of  war,  the  better  to  accomplish  the  diabolical  system  !  !  !  1  hope  the  events  which 
have  taken  place  in  Eur«pe  will  enlighten  the  American  p'^oplc,  and  shew 
them  their  true  interest)  and  that  tlu-y  will  have  resuluticm  and  patriotism 
enough  to  dismiss  from  their  co\incils  men  wlio  have  so  basely  belniyed  their 
country  and  the  confidence  that  was  reposed  in  them  by  their  fellow  citizens. 
This  is  the  first  step  towards  making  nn  honourable  and  duntble  peace,  which 
must  be  the  desire  of  every  true  American."  Rnston  CenttwI. 

This  letter  was  re-copied,  as  "  a  most  important  document^^ 
into  n  large  portion  of  the  federal  papers. 


CBAP.  ir4.] 


FORGERY, 


IV. 


41:; 


French  and  English  influence,  ' 

The  United  States  have  resounded  with  the  charge  of  French 
influence,  which  I  have  incidentally  touched  upon  in  some  of 
the  preceding  pages.  Of  its  existence  a  large  portion  of  our 
citizens  are  as  thoroughly  satisfied  as  of  any  of  the  demonstra- 
tions of  Euclid.  On  the  subject  of  British  influence  there  is  an 
almost  total  silence,  although  from  sameness  of  language,  mer- 
cantile intercourse,  and  the  powerful*  operation  in  our  cities  of 
British  capital  and  British  agents,  it  is  plain  and  palpable.  On 
the  12th  of  January,  1814,  governor  Strong  delivered  an  ad- 
dress to  the  legislature  of  Massachusetts,  in  which  he  laid  con- 
siderable emphasis  un  a— 

"  Proposal  made  by  the  French  emperor  that  the  congress  at  Prague  should 
be  composed  of  plenipotentiaries  from  France,  tlie  United  States,  Denmark, 
and  the  other  aUied  princes  on  the  one  hand,  and  tlte  plenipotentiaries  of  Eng- 
land, Prussia,  and  their  allies  on  the  other." 

From  this  proposal  the  worthy  governor  implied  "  a  connex. 
ion  with  France  in  the  war" — in  other  words,  the  hideous  hydra 
of  "  French  influence." 

While  he  thus  sagaciously  discovered  French  injltience^  or 
French  connexions,  in  a  circumstance  so  utterly  unimportant,  is 
it  not  astonishing  that  he  wholly  overlooked  the  extent  of  Bri- 
tish it]fluence  in  Boston,  the  town  wherein  he  wrote  his  address 
— and  that  he  was  as  silent  as  the  grave  about  the  enormous 
supplies  of  specie  at  that  very  time  furnished  to  the  British  na- 
tion then  at  war  with  his  native  country — and  about  the  open, 
undisguised  intercourse  carried  on  with  the  enemy,  and  the 
public  sales  of  his  government  bills  ?  This  is  most  assuredly 
**  Straining  at  gnats,  and  swallowing  camels." 

V  •  * 

Forgery  of  ships''  papers. 

In  the  enumeration  of  the  grievances  whereby  the  United 
States  were  driven  to  war  with  England,  little  has  beri  said  on 
the  subject  of  the  forgery  of  our  naval  papers,  whcreL_  our  flag 
was  discredited,  the  British  commerce  protected,  and  extended 
at  our  expense,  and  ftur  vessels  exposed  to  the  indignation  of 
the  other  belligerents,  who  must,  in  numberless  instances,  have 
found  it  impossible  to  discriminate  between  vessels  fitted  out  in 
England  with  simulated  documents,  and  vessels  fitted  out  bona 
fide  in  the  United  States.  It  is  impossible  to  find  an  upright 
man  in  the  world,  who  will  not  loudly  and  unhesitatingly  con- 
demn and  execrate  such  an  odious,  such  a  detestable  practice. 

Of  the  existence  of  this  practice,  no  man  doubts.    i3ut  of  the 
extent  to  whicli  it  was  carried,  I  believe  very  few  are  aware.    I 
submit  a  few  documents  which  will  throw  light  on  the  subject— 
and  shall  leave  it  thfn  to  the  reader's  reflections. 
O.  B.  H 


r* 


m 


\   : 


.1 1 


I 


sA 


iU 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BUANCH. 


(chap.  74 


Mr.  Brougham,  member  of  parliament  for  Liverpool,  in  a 
speech  on  the  subject  of  the  orders  in  council,  read  the  follow- 
ing circular  from  a  house  in  that  city,  established  to  cairy  on 
the  manufacture  of  simulated  papers. 


"  Lkierpool, 


"  Gentlemen — We  take  the  liberty  herewith  to  inform  you  that  we  have  es« 
tablished  ourselves  in  this  town,  FOR  THE  PURPOSE  OF  MAKING  SIMUt 
LATED  PAPERS,  which  we  are  enabled  to  do  in  a  way  which  will  give  am- 
ple satisfaction  to  our  employers,  not  only  being  in  possession  of  the  original 
documents  of  the  ships'  papers,«and  clearances  to  various  ports,  a  list  of  whiclk 

we  annex ;  but  our  Mr.  G H having  worked  with  his  brother,  Mr. 

J B ,  in  the  same  line,  for  the  last  two  years,  and  understanding  all  the 

necessary  languages. 

"  Of  any  changes  that  may  occur  in  the  different  places  on  the  continent, 
we  are  careful  to  have  the  earliest  information,  not  only  from  our  own  con- 
nexions, but  from  Mr.  J B ,  who  has  proffered  his  assistance  in  every 

way,  and  who  has  for  some  time  past  made  simulated  papers  for  Messrs.  B 
&  P— . — ,  of  this  town,  to  whom  we  beg  leave  to  refer  you  for  further  infor- 
mation.   We  remain.  Sec." 

Then  follows  a  list  of  about  twenty  places,  from  and  to  which 
they  can  forge  papers,  having  all  the  clearances  ready  by  them 
from  the  different  public  agents  the  moment  they  receive  intel- 
ligence that  any  merchant  may  need  their  assistance  in  this 
scheme  of  fabrication.*  , 

From  the  London  JWocn/n^  Chronicle,  June  12, 1812. 
*<  To  ship  brokers,  custom  house  agents,  notaries  public,  merchants,  &c.— Si- 
mulated papers  and  seals,  capital  counting-house  fixtures,  twenty  very  excel- 
lent and  expensive  charts  and  maps,  8ic. — By  Mr.  Sampson,  at  his  ware- 
house, 16  Si/e  laiic,  Bucklcrsbury,  on  Thursday  next,  at  11,  by  direction  of 
the  assignees. 

"  The  valuable  fixtures  and  fittings  up  of  the  counting-houses,  thirty-four 
boxes  containing  simulated  sfiipv'  paper's  and  seals  for  foreign  countries,  various 
coloured  inks,  foreign  writing  paper,  &c.  of  Mr.  Peter  Vander  A.  A.  merchant, 
a  banknipt,  (removed  from  his  offices.  No.  9,  Water  lane,  Tower-street)  com- 
prising seven  mahogany  one  flap  and  two  flap  counting  house  desks,  book 
case,  two  capital  library  and  writing  tables,  with  dmwors,  stamping  and  sealing 
presses,  a  patent  instantaneous  light  macliine,  an  excellent  maliogan^  portable 
writing  desk  with  secret  drawers,  two  patent  polygraphs, several  capital  charts^ 
amongst  which  arc  the  Northern  Sea,  the  Catlegut,  the  Azores,  tnc  Atlantic 
Ocean,  the  Baltic  Pilot,  West  Indies,  British  Channel,  coast  of  England  and 
Holland,  Meiliterranean,  liurope,  Asia,  and  America  j  Mercator's  World ;  Lau- 
rie and  Whittle's  new  map  of  the  British  isfes,  on  spring  rollers  and  boxes ; 
Cary's  Universal  Atlas ;  a  new  ledger,  journal  and  waste  book,  five  volumes  of 
the  Beauties  of  England  anc?  Wales,  and  ninety-five  numbers  of  ditto,  six  iT.o- 
rocco  leather  cases,  8ic.  To  be  viewed  two  days  preceding  the  sale,  at  the  bro- 

•  In  noticing  this  matter  in  the  house  of  commons,  Mr.  Stephens,  author  of 
•*  War  in  Uisgliise,"  said,  "  he  would  ask  gt-ntlemen  sincerely,  were  they  pre- 
pared to  abandon  all  trade  to  tlic  continent  of  Etimpe  on  account  of  those  oii- 
lections,  in  point  nf  mom/<^r/,  which  hud  been  stated  by  tl)e  honourable  mover  ? 
[Mr.  Brougham.]  He  felt  himself  perfectly  ready  to  meet  any  gentleman  upon 
this  ground  \  and  he  really  believed  lie  'wouhl  find  few  who  had  wwiibiw.f 
enouifh  to  think;  or  hypocrisy  enonf(h  to  assert,  that  the  whole  trade  qf  Europe  ought 
to  be  abandoned  on  account  of  the  immorulitfi  of  the  frauds  mvessarili/  practiseit  in 
the  carrying  it  on.  A»  to  the  /bryiHjj' papers  of  the  French  consuls'  certificates 
of  (irigin,  he  was  convinced  that  neither  this,  nor  shewing  false  colours  to  tho 
enemv,  would  bo  supnosad  so  serious  uii  immorality  as  to  make  us  consent  to 
abanuun  all  uur  traUv.  Il'eekly  Itcgiiivr. 


%: 


Mr. 


«US(llt 


tHXP.  74.] 


UPSTART  PRIDE. 


ker's  warehouses  j  catalogues  may  be  had  of  Messrs.  Sweet  and  Stokes,  solid- 
tors,  Basinghall-street,  and  of  Mr.  Sampson,  16,  Size  lane,  Bucklersbuiy." 

Extract  from  tite  speech  of  Mr.  Spooner,  at    a  meeting  in    Birmingham, 

March  31,  1812. 
"  The  evil  that  presses  stronger  upon  my  miiul,  as  respects  the  license  sys- 
tern,  is  the  great  degradation  it  produces  in  the  national  character.  It  is  lament- 
able that  a  nation  hitherto  standing  high  in  moral  estimation,  anxious  to  pro- 
mote true  knowledge,  and  zealous  to  spread  the  principles  of  pure  religion, 
should  thus  lay  itself  open  to  the  imputation  of  forcing  a  trade  by  fraud  and 
perjury,  and  tnat,  too,  under  the  sanction  of  government.  It  must  seriously 
itfflict  every  one  zealous  for  the  true  honour  and  real  interests  of  his  countn', 
that  IT  HAS  BEEN  ADMITTED  IN  THE  COURTS  OF  ADMIRALTY, 
THAT  UNDER  PRESENT  CIRCUMSTANCES  IT  WAS  NECESSARY  TO 
WINK  AT  SIMULATED  PAPERS ! ! !  In  canying  on  this  traue,  the  captain 
of  the  vessel  must  be  furnished  with  two  seta  of  papers  diametrically  opposite  to 
each  other,  both  of  which  he  must  swear  to  be  true.  He  must  also  swear  at  one  place 
that  the  property  is  British,  in.  anot/iei'  that  it  is  netUral ."' 

In  Liverpool,  in  the  fall  of  1811,  the  price  of  forged  papers 
was  as  follows : 


American  Register,  ....... 

Sea  Letter, 

Clearance, ... 

Bills  of  Lading,  with  notary's  certificate  of  property,  3  sets. 


I. 

s. 

d. 

8 

8 

0 

2 

2 

0 

2 

2 

0 

3 

3 

0 

I  shall  close  the  subject  with  the  following  judicious  and  libe- 
ral remarks  from  a  London  paper,  upon,  and  just  reprobation  of, 
this  vile  system,  which  goes  the  full  length  of  demoralizing  the 
mass  of  the  persons  engaged  in  commerce  in  any  nation  \vnere 
it  is  countenanced. 

From  a  London  paper. 
"  When  we  hear  the  accusation  of  treacherous  neutrals  dally  made  against 
the  American  nation,  we  ought  at  least  to  inquire  wlietlier  it  is  just  before  we 
'  give  it  any  cre«lcnce.  If,  however,  we  assist  her  in  obtaining  this  cliaracter, 
and  reap  the  advantages  of  the  prostitution  of  her  flag,  we  ought  to  be  silent. 
It  is  an  undoubted  fact,  and  woil  known  to  all  concerned  in  Uie  Baltic  trade, 
that  most  of  the  Englisli  sliips  which  have  gone  to  the  north  of  Europe  for  two 
years  past,  have  assumed  tlie  American  flag,  and  taken  simulated  papers,  by 
which  they  have  been  permitted  to  an  entry.  The  general  pi*evalence  of  this 
practice  produced  a  seizure  of  all  the  sljips  under  Amcritun  colours,  so  that, 
in  many  instanccH,  tlie  neutral  American  mcrcliants  Hufl'ered,  It  was  a  subject 
of  remonstrance  by  Russia,  Denmark,  and  Sweden,  to  the  American  consuls 
there,  tlmt  their  ncutnd  flag  was  thus  unfairly  assumed  by  one  of  the  bellige- 
rents. In  these  instances,  therefore,  we  have  no  right  to  charge  the  Americans 
with  bad  faith,  as  the  adventures  were  commenced  and  concluded  by  Englisli 
mcixhuntsln  England." 

VL 

Upstart  pride. 

Among  the  blots  and  blemishes  of  this  country,  "  upstart 
pridc^^  ranks  very  high,  and  produces  very  ruinous  conse- 
quences. • 

A  man  comes  to  the  United  States  a»  a  redcmptioncr.  By 
his  labour  for  three  or  four  years  in  a  state  of  servitude,  he  dcr 
frays  the  expense  of  his  passage.  He  afterwards,  by  "  saving 
chccBC-parings  and  ends  of  candles,"  and  stinting  himself  of  ne- 


Im 


:    <IH; 


m 


l^\i 


4l» 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  UBANCiL 


[t.irAr.  74' 


CHAP. 


cessaries,  makes  a  little  money.  He  ninrries  a  wife,  a  personage 
equally  exalted  with  himsell".  They  rake  and  serape  together  a 
few  thousand  dollars,  and  their  ideas  expand  with  their  enormous 
ivealth.  'I'hcy  have  lour,  five,  or  six  sons.  And  it  woidd  he  too 
degrading  to  sloop  to  niake  any  of  them  tradesmen  or  mecha- 
nics. No.  I'hey  must  all  he  mavchnnts — or  doetors — or  lawyers. 
Hence  we  are  overrun  with  broken  merchants,  and  hungry  doc- 
tors and  lawyers  :  and  hence  arises  a  most  serious  and  alarming 
evil,  the  removal  of  which  demands  the  efforts  of  all  the  friends 
of  their  country.  There  are,  alas !  thousands  of  estimable  men 
scatten-d  through  the  United  States,  whose  talents  and  fortunes 
would  have  qualified  them  for  useful  members  of  society  as 
farmers,  artists,  or  mechanics — hut  who  are  actually  thrown 
away  to  themselves  and  the  public,  by  being  devoted  to  the 
mercantile,  or  legal,  or  medical  profession. 

The  mercantile  profession  being  extravagantly  crowded,  the 
competition  in  our  markets  for  the  productions  ot  the  country  for 
exportation,  enhances  the  jirice  here.  And  tlu'  great  competition 
of  sellers  in  the  foreign  markets  sinks  the  ])rice  there.  I'he  ope- 
ration, therefore,  of  the  pernicious  prejudice,  whereby  this  class 
of  our  citizens  is  overstocked,  is  two-fold — its  injurious  effects 
are  felt  at  home  and  abroad.  To  this  source,  in  a  great  mea- 
sure, may  be  ascribed  the  extravagant  proportion  of  bankrupt- 
cies that  have  taken  place  among  tlie  merchants  in  this  country, 
for  many  years.  The  great  number  of  sea-ports  in  the  United 
States,  wherein  foreign  commerce  is  carried  on,  creates  such  u 
competition  in  the  markets  abroad,  as  must  at  all  times  subject 
American  commerce  to  immense  disadvantage.  It  is  therefore 
the  height  of  madness  to  extend  or  increase  the  difficulty  under 
which  our  commerce  must  thus  constantly  and  inevitably  labour. 

VII. 

Manufactures. 

Many  of  our  citizens  have  been  led  into  egregious  errors  on 
the  vital  subject  of  the  promotion  and  encouragement  of  domes- 
tic manufactures,  by  an  outcry  that  has  been  raised  against  the 
manufacturers,  that  in  all  cases  wherein  legal  protection  is  afford- 
ed them,  they  take  an  unjust  and  ungenerous  advantage  of  tht^ 
!>ul)lic,  and  enormously  enhance  the  price  of  their  goods,  where- 
)y  their  fellow-citi/.ens  are  unjusUy  laid  under  hea\'y  contribu- 
tion. And  therefore  many  of  our  members  of  congress  sagaci- 
ously determine  to  let  this  useful  class  of  men,  who  do  more  to 
establish  the-  trui  independence  of  their  country',  than  any  other, 
struggle  against  the  multifarious  disadvantages  under  which  our 
infant  manufactures  labour,  in  a  competition  with  the  matured 
and  long-established  manufactures  of  Kurope. 

It  is  not  easy  to  conceive  of  any  more  miserable  error  than 
this,  or  that  comeswith  a  worse  grace  from  those  who  propagate 


m 


I'liAP.  74.] 


MANUFACriJUKS. 


it.     Who  arc  they  ?   Merchants,  agriculturists^  house  owners^ 
money  lenders,  Ike.  &c. 

Let  us  examine  each  of  these  classes  separately.  I  begin  with 
the  merchant.  When  he  imports  a  cargo  of  any  kind  whatever, 
does  he  regulate  the  price  by  the  cost  ? — Iocs  he  display  the  dis- 
interestedness and  sell'-denial  which  he  so  eloquently  preaches 
up  to  the  manufacturer  ?  Suppose  he  bri.igs  into  market  an  arti- 
cle whose  cost  is  one  dollar,  l)ut  which,  from  its  scarcity  and 
demand,  will  sell  for  fifty.  Does  he  hesitate  to  require  and 
insist  on  fifty  ?  Not  an  instant.  And  he  would  have  no  scruple 
to  demand  one  hundred,  or  one  thousand,  if  the  market  would 
warrant  it.  Let  the  merchant,  then,  never  rail  against  the  ex- 
tortion  of  the  manufacturer.  Let  him  impose  an  eternal  silence 
on  his  tongue,  upon  this  topic,  so  pregnant  with  materials  for  his 
own  condemnation. 

Next  in  ©rder  comes  the  agriculturist.  And  as  a  large  por- 
tion of  the  members  of  our  legislative  bodies  is  composed  of 
gentlemen  of  this  class,  the  appeal  has  been  strongly  and  too 
successfully  made  to  their  passions  and  prejudices.  And  they 
freely  re-echo  the  cry  begun  by  the  merchants  against  the  pre- 
datory spirit  of  the  manulacturers.  They  forget  the  strong  pa- 
rable of  "  the  mote  and  the  beam."  Suppose  a  farmer  to  brmg 
1000  barrels  of  flour  to  a  city  whose  inhabitants  are  perishing 
with  famine.  Where  are  then  his  bowels  of  compassion  ?  Where 
his  tenderness  for  his  sufl'ering  fellow  men  ?  Where  his  abhor- 
rence of  extortion  and  depredation  ?  Will. he  sell  his  flour  for 
the  customary  price  ?  No.  No.  No.  He  takes  the  guage  and 
measure  of  the  general  distress.  And  in  proportion  to  the  de- 
gree of  misery ,  and  sufl'ering,  and  starvation  that  prevails,  he 
fixes  his  price. 

The  owner  of  houses  and  lands  comes  next  in  turn.  And  he 
is  in  the  same  predicament  with  the  merchant  and  agriculturist. 
He  uniformly  regulates  the  rent  of  his  houses  and  lands  by  the 
demand,  not  by  the  cost.  I  have  ])aid  for  the  use  of  a  house 
for  three  months,  during  the  prevalence  of  yellow  fever,  at  least 
as  much  rent  as  would  have  l)een  required  for  a  year  at  any 
other  period.  A  very  small,  narrow  house  in  Market  street, 
Philadelphia,  which  could  not  have  cost  above  two  thousand 
dollars,  rents  for  one  thousand  dollars  per  annum. 

On  the  subject  of  the  generosity  of  the  money  lender,  it  is 
needless  to  descant.  His  tenderness,  and  mercy,  and  benevo- 
lence, have  so  long  been  the  subject  of  celebration  and  pane- 
gyric by  moral  and  dramatic  writers,  and  by  sermonists,  that 
they  cannot  have  escaped  the  observation  of  the  most  super- 
ficial. 

If  therefore,  the  manufacturers  really  increased  their  profits 
with  the  increase  of  demand,  it  would  not  be  a  just  subject  of 
complaint,  with  any  of  the  other  classes  of  society,  who  exactly 


(  i* 


■*  ■  ii 


■I 


k 


418 


POUTICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[CBAV.  74. 


'  .pursue  this  plan  themselves.  But  it  does  not  follow,  that  a  rise 
m  the  price  of  a  manufactured  article  produces  an  increase  of 
die  profits  of  the  manufacturer.  By  no  means.  Three  items 
regiilate  the  price  of  manufactures — the  cost  of  the  material— 
the  price  of  labour — and  the  profit  of  the  manufacturer.  Now 
it  is  obvious,  that  an  increase  of  demand  always  increases  the 
price  of  the  first — and  very  frequently  of  the  second.  Let  us 
then  suppose,  that,  of  a  yard  of  broadcloth,  which  sells  for  six 
dollars,  the  raw  material  costs  two— the  labour  two— <md  that 
the  manufacturer  has  a  profit  of  the  other  two.  If  the  demand 
be  by  any  r  leans  greatly  increased,  the  price  of  the  wool  may 
rise  half  a  dollar — and  of  the  labour  as  much  more.  Thus  the 
article  may  be  sold  at  seven  dollars— and  the  manufacturer  not 
make  more  per  yard — and  less  per  cent,  than  when  he  sold  at  six 
dollars.  This  is  a  random  case — but  sufficient  to  elucidate  the 
point. 

Against  extortion  on  the  part  of  manufacturers,  the  public 
have  two  good  safeguards.  One  is,  the  competition  among 
themselves,  which  is  at  all  times  sufficient  to  prevent  imposition 
to  any  very  material  extent.  The  other  is,  the  danger  of  encou- 
raging the  European  articles,  which  are  always  ready  to  be 
poured  into  the  country  in  extravagant  quantities. 

VIII. 

Excise. 

The  most  odious  and  oppressive  form  in  which  public  contri- 
butions can  be  levied,  is,  excise.  However  free  the  constitution 
or  laws  of  a  country  may  generally  be,  those  citizens  or  subjects 
on  whom  an  excise  system  operates,  are,  so  far  as  respects  the 
support  of  government,  in  a  state  of  as  much  oppression  as  the 
subjects  of  the  veriest  despotism.  Their  houses  are  liable  to 
domiciliary  visits — the  whole  of  their  business  open  to  the  in- 
spection of  tax-gatherers— tb  ^y  are  subject  to  the  necessity  of 
keeping  their  accounts  according  to  rules  and  orders,  with  which 
it  is  almost  impossible  for  many  of  them  to  comply — and  in 
many  cases  they  are  liable  to  pains  and  penalties  for  perjury, 
when  their  intentions  are  perfectly  fair  and  honourable.  And,  so 
far  as  respects  property,  despotism  does  not,  I  believe,  exhibit 
itself  under  a  more  frightful  aspect  than  this,  in  any  part  of 
Europe. 

That  there  are  cases,  nevertheless,  in  which  it  is  perfectly 
right  and  proper  for  governments  to  impose  excises,  and  in 
which  it  is  the  duty  of  the  citizens  to  submit  to  them  chearfully, 
cannot  be  doubted.  And  that  the  situation  of  this  country,  du. 
ring  the  late  session  of  congress,*  when  the  excise  system  was 
adopted,  was  such  as  loudly  called  for  and  justified  it,  is,  I  think, 
equally  clear.    The  people  ought  to  have  borne  a  tax  on  births, 

•  This  WM  written  in  1815. 


CHAP.  74.] 


DECREES  AND  ORDERS. 


419 


on  funerals,  on  the  light  of  heaven,  or  on  the  air  they  breathe,- 
rather  than  submit  to  an  invading  enemy.  And  I  think  it  was 
creditable  to  the  nation,  that  congress  relied  so  far  on  its  patriot- 
ism as  to  risk  their  popularity  on  a  system  so  obnoxious,  which 
nothing  but  dire  necessity  could  justify. 

'  But  when  peace  was  restored — when  the  merest  sciolist  in 
political  economy  must  have  been  perfectly  satisfied,  that  the 
impost  would  be  amply  adequate  to  meet  all  the  regular  de- 
mands of  the  government — it  was  a  most  unpardonable  sin  of 
the  democratic  majority  not  to  repeal  this  most  odious  of  all 
the  odious  forms  of  taxation.  To  continue  the  domiciliary 
visits  of  excisemen-— and  all  the  revolting  detail  of  this  system, 
when  there  was  so  obviously  no  necessity  for  it,  and  when  it 
could  have  been  repealed  without  any  possible  disadvantage, 
was  a  gross  dereliction  of  duty  on  the  part  of  the  thirteenth 
congress — a  disregard  of  the  feelings  and  just  claims  of  a  large 
portion  of  their  fellow  citizens,  that  cannot  fail  to  insure  them 
the  most  unqualified  cem  ure  of  their  constituents.  And  there, 
is  no  doubt  that  they  had  political  sins  enough  to  rnswer  for, 
without  this  addition  to  the  catalogue. 

IX. 

French  Decrees — English  Orders  in  Council, 

I  have  already,  several  times,  incidentally  touched  on  thesj 
measures  in  the  course  of  this  work.  But  I  cannot  resist  the 
temptation  once  more  to  raise  my  feeble  voice  &£;ainst  them  m 
these  few  concluding  observations. 

The  whole  history  of  the  world  may  be  ransacked  in  vain  to 
find  any  parallel  to  these  barefaced  violations  of  the  law  of  na- 
tions. Alone  they  would  be  sufficient  to  stamp  the  era  through 
which  we  have  passed  with  disgrace  and  dishonour. 

Two  great  nations — or  rather  the  govemmentn  of  two  great 
nations — strain  ev|ry  nerve  for  mutual  destmction.  For  the 
attainment  of  this  object,  there  is  a  most  wanton  and  prodigal 
sacrifice  made  of  human  life  and  human  happiness.  Yet  in  the 
midst  of  this  frightful  devastation,  they  most  perfectly  accord 
on  one  point,  which  is,  to  depredate  on  the  property  of  unof- 
fending and  unprotected  neutrals— or,  in  terms  of  the  Boston 
merchants — "  to  prey" — yes  it  is,"  to  prey  upon  the  unprotect^ 
ed  property  of  a  friendly  power." 

This,  as  I  have  already  stated  five  or  six  times,is  the  language 
of  the  merchants  of  Boston,  signed  by  their  committee,  James 
Lloyd,  George  Cabot,  David  Green,  Arnold  Welles,  John 
Coffin  Jones,  and  T.  H.  Perkins.  If  it  be  offensive,  let  these 
gentlemen  answer  for  the  offence. 

What  is  the  meaning  of  "  to  prey  ?"  Dr.  Johnson,  who  is  in- 
disputable lexicographical  authority — tells  the  world— that— 
"  to  prey,"  is  neither  more  nor  less  than  "  to  pltmder-^to  rob." 


I'm 


m 


I 


.  .1 


t  t, 


P'OUTICAL  OUVE  BRANCH. 


[tfBAP.  r4: 


Thus  It  appears,  that  the  whole  body  of  merchants  of  the 
town  of  Boston,  in  1806,  publicly  accused  the  British  govern- 
ment  of  "  plundering  and  robbing'*  "  the  unprotected  property 
of  a  friendly  power."  And  no  man  will  pretend  to  deny  that 
the  *'  decrees"  were  of  an  equally  "  preying*"*  character. 

And  what  was  the  palliation  of  this  preying  system  ?  France 
Constantly  and  earnestly  protested,  that  England  had  begun  the 
trade  of  *'''  preying^"*  and  that  she  had  only  folloxved  her  example. 
England,  with  equal  vehemence,  asseverated  that  the  **■  preying^* 
had  begun  on  the  other  side  of  the  channel.  And  on  this  mi- 
serable, contemptible  pretence,  they  "  preyed'*  upon  American 
{iroperty  between  them,  to  the  amount  of  probably  thirty  mil- 
ions  of  dollars.  In  a  word,  it  appears  that  both  parties  regarded 
us  as  unable  to  protect  ourselves,  and  therefore  that  our  com- 
merce was  lawful  "  />rei/,"  to  avail  myself  once  more  of  the 
phraseology  of  Mr.  Lloyd  and  his  friends. 

It  might  be  thought  impossible  to  add  a  shade  to  this  odious 
system.  But  this  is  an  error.  The  last  stroke  of  the  pencil  is 
wanted.  While  each  of  these  nations  ^''preyed**  upon  the  lawful 
commerce  of  the  United  States  with  her  enemy,  they  carried 
on,  in  the  midst  of  a  raging  and  devouring  war,  a  traffic  with 
each  other,  erected  on  the  basis  of  fraud  and  perjury,  a  conside- 
rable portion  of  the  materials  of  which  traffic  arose  from  the 
American  property  "  preyed"  upon  by  their  cruisers  ! ! ! ! ! 

The  New- York  merchants  prefer  an  accusation  against  the 
orders  in  council,  full  as  strong  in  substance — ^but  not  quite  so  ex- 
plicit in  style  as  their  Boston  brethren.  They  state  that  **  hav- 
ing totally  suppressed  the  external  commerce  of  her  enemieSy 
Great  Britain  is  counselled  to  appropriate  to  herself  that  of 
her  friends.**  The  term  "  appropriate^**  is  rather  more  Chester- 
fieldian,  than  ^^  prey.**  But  it  is,  after  all,  the  same  dish,  a  little 
more  nicely  garnished.  The  privateersman  who  *'*■  preyed**  upon 
the  "  unprotected  property  of  a  friendly  power**  merely  *'  ap- 
propriated** that  property  to  himself. 

That  in  the  whole  world  a  single  man,  who  did  not  profit  by 
this  system,  should  be  found  to  justify,  or  even  palliate  it,  is 
amazing  beyond  expression.  But  that  American  merchants, 
whose  vital  interests  and  whose  country's  dearest  rights  it  cut 
up  root  and  branch,  should  have  taken  this  ground,  as  we  know 
they  have  done,  will  to  our  posterity  appear  as  fal)ulous  and  as 
romantic  as  the  celebrated  story  of  Don  Bellianis  of  Greece — 
the  renowned  history  of  Parismus,  Parisnienos,  and  Parismeni- 
des^-or  the  delectable  tales  of  Aladdin's  wonderful  lamp,  and 
Sinbad  the  Sailor. 

It  will  be  asked,  why  discuss  this  subject  now?  What  purpose 
can  it  answer,  but  to  anger  and  to  irritate— to  prevent  the 


% 


CHAT.  75.] 


DteSOLUTION  OP  THE  UNION. 


431 


IS 


wounds  received  and  given  from  cicatrizing  ?  Ought  not  these 
topics  to  be  buried  in  eternal  oblivion  ?  Can  this  be  a  proper 
time  for  such  enquiries  ?  I  answer,  this  is  the  time — the  only 
time.  What  purpose  would  the  discussion  have  answered,  dur- 
ing the  violence  and  turbulence  of  war  i  A  period  of  peace  is 
precisely  the  time  to  investigate  the  question,  all  important  to 
the  United  States,  whether  the  rights  of  neutrsd  nations  are  to 
be  held  by  the  tenure  of  the  forbearance,  the  moderation,  the 
justice,  the  generosity  of  belligerents — a  tenure,  of  the  precari- 
ousness  whereof  we  have  had  so  many  admonitory  examples — 
or  whether  the  rights,  the  sovereignty,  the  trade,  the  commerce 
of  neutral  nations  shall  be  treated  by  belligerents  with  the  re- 
spect to  which  they  are  entitled.  This  is  a  glorious  theme  for 
enlightened  men  on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic — worthy  of  a 
Milton,  a  Grotius,  a  PuffendoriF— of  a  Henry,  a  Dickinson,  or 
a  Franklin. 

CHAPTER  LXXV. 

Separation  of  the  States.     Civil  War,     Cromwelism, 

Throughout  this  work,  I  have  repeatedly  expressed  a  be- 
lief, that  we  were  of  late  in  danger  of  a  civil  war.  In  fact,  to 
that  idea  the  work  owe?  its  existence.  Such  a  stimulus  as  the 
apprehension  of  that  hideous  result  was  necessary  to  force  me 
on  the  undertaking. 

In  this  opinion  I  stand  almost  alone.  Both  federalists  and 
democrats  utterly  disbelieve  it.  Many  scout  it  as  utterly  ro- 
mantic, and  regard  it  as  almost  a  sufficient  proof  of  insanity. 

I  shall  attempt  to  convince  every  dispassionate  reader  that 
this  opinion,  although  entertained  by  a  very  small  minority, 
stands  upon  impregnable  ground. 

I  shall  take  the  liberty  to  assume,  as  a  datum  on  which  to  rea- 
son, that  during  external  warfare,  and  in  the  inflamed  state  of 
the  public  mind  that  lately  existed,  a  separation  of  the  states,  or 
a  forcible  expulsion  of  the  public  functionaries  from  their  official 
stations,  would  have  produced  civil  war.  Those  who  are  not 
disposed  to  concede  me  this  point,  may  pass  over  this  chapter ; 
as  it  is  not  intended  for  their  perusal. 

I  shall,  I  trust,  accomplish  my  object,  by  establishing  beyond 
the  possibility  of  doubt  or  denial,  tliat  there  was  a  fixed  deter- 
mination among  a  considerable  number  of  the  leading  men  in 
the  eastern  states,  and  some  elsewhere,  who  were  bhndly  fol- 
lowed by  a  great  portion  of  the  community  in  that  quarter,  and 
by  many  in  the  other  states,  to  dissolve  the  union — and  that 
there  was  likewise  as  fixed  a  determination  in  the  middle  states, 
to  coerce  the  executive  officers  to  resign  their  stations. 

The  necessity  and  the  advantages  of  a  dissolution  of  the  union 
were  as  openly  and  as  explicitly  advocated  in  the  Centinel,  the 


O.  B. 


m 


i4i 

'":      '   lit! 


:i«>l  i 


?  iii' 


m 


POLITICAL  OUVE  BRANCH. 


[OHAV.75. 


Repertory,  and  the  Boston  Gazette,  and  in  the  sennons  of  the 
reverend  Messrs,  Gardiner,  Osgood,  and  Parish,  more  particu- 
larly the  latter,  as  if  the  measure  were  not  merely  perfectly 
harmless,  but  legal  and  laudable. 

To  reconcile  the  public  mind  to  that  most  nefarious  of  pro- 
jects, the  existing  evils  were  exaggerated  by  every  possible 
means.  The  persons  who  planned  a  separation,  had  treasonably 
destroyed  the  public  credit  j  as  far  as  in  their  power  prevented 
the  raising  of  troops ;  threw  every  difficulty  in  the  way  of  the 
prosecution  of  the  war ;  and  then  grounded  their  plea  of  the 
necessity  of  a  separation,  on  the  incapacity  and  imbecility  of  an 
executive,  whose  every  effort  they  had  thwarted  and  trammel- 
led. It  is  difficult  to  conceive  of  a  course  of  conduct  more  un- 
fair or  disingenuous. 

While  they  were  thus  unceasing  in  their  efforts  to  accomplish 
the  grand  object  of  a  separation,  they  hypocritically  affected 
deep  regret  at  the  cruel  necessity  that  was  imposed  on  them. 

•'  Those  who  startle  at  the  danger  of  a  SEPARATION,  tell  us,  that  the  soil 
of  New  England  is  hard  and  sterile  ;  that,  deprived  of  the  productions  of  the 
south,  we  should  soon  become  a  wretched  race  of  cowheras  and  fishermen  i 
tliat  our  narrow  territory  and  diminished  population  would  make  us  an  easy 
prey  to  foreign  powers. 

"  Do  these  men  forget  wliat  national  energy  can  do  for  a  people  ?  Hare 
they  not  read  of  Holland  ?  Do  they  not  remember  that  it  grew  in  wealth  and 
power  amidst  contest  and  alarm  ?  Thut  it  threw  off  the  yoke  of  Spain  (our 
Virginia)  and  its  cliapels  became  churches,  and  its  poor  men's  cottages  princes' 
palaces."        Boston  Centinel,  Dec.  10,  1814. 

"  It  is  stud,  that  to  make  a  treaty  of  commerce  with  the  enemy  is  to  violate 
the  constitution,  and  to  server  the  uiuon.  ARE  THEY  NOT  BOTH  ALREADY 
VIRTUALLY  DESTROYED  ?  Or  in  what  stage  of  existence  would  they  be, 
should  we  declare  a  neutralityt  or  even  withliold  taxes  or  men  i"  Idem,  Dec.  17} 
1814. 

"  By  a  commeixial  treaty  irith  England,  wiuch  shall  provide  for  the  admission 
of  such  states  as  may  wish  to  come  into  it,  and  which  shall  prohibit  England 
from  making  a  treatv  with  the  south  and  west,  which  does  not  grant  us  at  least 
equal  privileges  with  herself,  our  commerce  will  be  secured  to  us ;  our  stand- 
ing in  the  nation  raised  to  its  proper  level ;  and  New  England  feelings  will  n» 
longer  be  sported  with,  or  her  interests  violated."    Ibid. 

"  If  -we  submit  qxuetly,  mtr  destruction  is  cei'tain.  If  we  oppose  tliem  with  a 
high-minded  and  steady  conduct,  who  will  say  that  we  shall  mot  beat  them 
BACK  ?  No  one  can  suppose  that  a  conflict  luith  a  tyranny  at  home,  would  be  as 
easy  as  with  an  enemy  from  abroad.  But  firmness  will  anticipate  and  prevent 
it.  Cowardice  dreads  it — and  will  surely  bring  it  on  at  last.  fVhy  then  delay  ? 
Why  leave  tliat  to  chance  which  firmness  should  command  f  Will  our  waver- 
ing frighten  government  into  compliance  ?"    Ibid. 

♦•  We  must  do  it  delil)erately — aiul  not  from  irritation  at  our  wrongs  or  suf- 
ferings. ,tnd  -when  ive  have  once  entered  on  the  Idgh  course  of  honour  and  INDE- 
PENDENCE, let  no  difficulties  stay  our  course,  nor  dangers  drive  us  back,"  Ibid. 

"  We  are  convinced  that  the  time  is  arrived,  when  Massachusetts  must  make 
a  resolute  stand,  and  "  recumng  to  flrst  principles,"  view  men  and  things  as 
they  are.  The  sopldsticated government  which  these  states  have. Witnessed  for 
tliirtccn  years  past,  has  almost  completed  their  ruin — and  every  day  still  adds 
to  their  distressed  condition."    Ipswich  memorial,  Sept.  1813. 


CHAP.  7S.] 


DISSOLUtlON  OP  THE  UNION 


423 


•The  sentiment  is  hourly  extending,  and,  in  these  northern  states,  will 
soon  be  universal,  that  we  are  in  no  better  condition  witli  respect  to  the  south, 
than  that  of  a  c(Miyi/«r<//»e(>pfe."  Boston  Centinel,  Jan.  13,  1813. 

"  We  have  no  more  interest  in  waging  this  sort  of  war  at  present,  at 
the  command  of  Virginia,  than  Holland  m  accelerating  her  ruin  by  unitineher 
destiny  with  France."    Idem.  '  u 

"  The  land  is  literally  taken  from  its  old  possessors,  and  eiven  to  stran- 
gers."   Idem.  • 

"Either  the  southern  states  must  drag  us  further  into  the  war—or  we  must 
drag  tliem  out  of  it— OH  THE  CHAIN  WILL  BREAK."    Idem. 

"  We  must  be  no  longer  deafened  by  senseless  clamours  about  A  SEPARA- 
TION OF  THE  STATES."    Idem. 

••Should  the  present  administration,  with  tlieir  adherents  in  the  southern 
states,  still  persist  in  the  prosecution  of  this  wicked  and  ruinous  war— in  un- 
constitutionally creating  new  states  in  the  mud  of  Lmdnana  (the  inhabitants  of 
which  countty  are  as  ignorant  of  republicanism  as  tlie  alligators  of  their 
swamps^  and  in  opposition  to  the  commercial  rights  and  privileges  of  New 
England,  much  aa  we  deprecate  a  separation  of  the  miion,  toe  deem  it  an  eiM  much 
leas  to  be  dreaded  tfian  a  co-operation  with  them  in  tfiete  nefarious  projects." 

This  wretched  piece  of  ribaldry,  observe,  reader,  is  not  taken 
from  anfanonymous  essay  or  paragraph  in  a  newspaper.  It  is 
extracted  from  a  petition  deliberately  debated,  and  adopted  by 
the  enlightened  and  patriotic  citizens  of  Deerfield  in  Massachu- 
setts, on  the  10th  of  January,  1814,  and  presented  to  the  legis- 
lature of  that  state,  with  a  host  of  similar  ribald  petitions  and 
memorials,  which  were  very  kindly  received  by  that  body.         ; 

*'  We  must  put  away  all  childish  fears  of  resistance."    Crisis,  No.  3. 

••  What  shall  we  do  to  be  saved  ?  One  thing  only.  THE  PEOPLE  MUST 
RISE  IN  THEIR  MAJESTY— protect  themselves— and  compel  their  unwor- 
thy  servants  to  obey  their  will."    Boston  Centinel,  Sept.  10, 1814. 

••  The  union  is  already  dissolved  practically."    Idem. 

"  You  ask  my  opinion  on  a  subject  which  is  much  talked  of— n  Dissohaion  of 
tlie  Union.    On  this  subject  I  differ  from  my  fellow-citizens  generally,  and 
therefore  I  ought  to  speak  and  write  with  diffidence.    I  have,  for  many  years, 
considered  the  union  oft/ie  northeim  and  southern  states  as  not  essential  to  the  safety, 
and  very  much  opposed  to  the  interest,  of  both  sections.    The  extent  of  territory  is 
too  large  to  be  harmoniously  governed  by  tlie  same  representative  bodyl    A 
despotic  prince,  like  the  emperor  of  Russia,  may  govern  a  wide  extent  of  ter- 
ritory, and  numerous  distinct  nations ;  for  his  wtMcontrouls  their  jealousies  and 
discordant  interests.    But  when  states,  having  different  interests,  are  permitted 
to  decide  on  those  interests  t/temselves,   no  harmony  can  be  expected.    The 
commercial  and  non-commercial  states  have  views  and  interests  so  different, 
that  I  conceive  it  to  be  impossible  that  they  ever  can  be  satisfied  with  the 
same  laws  and  the  same  system  of  measures.    I  firmly  believe,  that  each  section    . 
would  be  better  satisfied  to  govern  itself :  and  each  is  large  and  populous 
enoughybr  its  own  protection,  especially  as  we  have  no  powerful  nations  in  our 
neighbourhood.    These  observations  are  equally  applicable  to  the  western 
states,  a  large  body  and  a  distinct  portion  of  the  country,  which  would  govern 
themselves  Detter  than  the  Atlantic  states  can  govern  them,    That  the  .Atlantic 
states  do  not  want  tlie  aid  of  the  strength  nor  the  councils  of  the  western  states, 
is  certain.    And  I  believe  the  public  welfare  would  be  better  consulted,  and 
more  promoted,  in  a  separate  than  in  a  federal  condition.    The  mountains  form 
a  natural  line  of  division  :  and  moral  and  commercial  habits  would  unite  the 
western  people.    In  like  manner,  the  mond  and  commercial  habits  of  the 
northern  and  middle  states  would  link  them  together ;  as  would  the  like  ha- 


f% 


424 


POUTICAL  OUVE  BRANCH. 


[CBAF.  75« 


bits  of  the  slave-holding'  states.  Indeed,  the  cUtempt  to  unite  tMt  vaat  territot-y 
wider  mie  head  has  long  appeared  to  me  absurd.  J  believe  a  peaceable  separation 
■would  be  for  the  liappiness  of  all  sections."  Boston  Centinel,  July  18th,  1812. 

After  this  insidious  and  seditious  address,  the  writer,  in  or- 
der to  shelter  himself  from  the  public  detestation,  adds  the  fol- 
lowing feeble  salvo  : 

*'  But,  as  the  citizens  of  this  countiy  have  generally  been  of  a  different  opi. 
nion,  it  is  best  not  to  urge  for  a  separation,  till  they  are  convinced  of  tlieir  ev- 
vov." 

"  We  will  ask  the  infatuated  men  of  property,  beguiled  by  the  arts  of  Albert 
Gallatin,  by  what  fund,  and  bv  wlioin,  tliey  will  be  repaid  the  advances  made 
on  exchequer  bills  and  the  loans,  in  tlie  event  of  A  DISSOLUTION  OF  THE 
UNION  f  We  ask  them  further,  whetlier  from  present  appearances,  and  un- 
der existing  circumstances,  there  is  tiie  least  foundation  to  build  a  hope  that 
TlIK  UNION  WILL  LAST  TWELVE  MON  THS  ?  We  look  to  Russia  to  save 
us  from  the  horrors  of  anarchy.  If  a  reverse  of  fortune  is  in  reserve  for  Alexan- 
der,  and  the  war  continues,  THE  UNION  IS  INEVITABLY  (;ONE." 

Federal  Republican. 

Extract  from  an  address  to  the  Hartford  Convention. 

*'  The  once  venerable  comtitvtion  has  expired  by  dissolution  in  the  hands  of  those 
wicked  men  who  were  sworn  to  protect  it.  Its  spirit,  with  the  precious  souls 
of  its  first  founders,  has  fled  for  ever.  Its  remains,  with  theirs,  rest  in  the 
silent  tomb  M  your  hands,  therefore,  WE  DEMAND  DELIVERANCE. 
New  England  is  unanimous.  And  we  announce  our  irrevocable  decree,  tliat 
tl»e  tyrannical  opprestnon  of  those  who  at  present  mnrp  t/te  powers  of  the  consti- 
ttuion,  is  beyoncf  endurance,  AND  WE  WILL  RESIST  IT."  Boston  Centi- 
nel.  Dec,  28,  1814. 

V  «•  Long  enough  have  we  grasped  at  shadows  and  illusions,  and  lieen  compel- 
led  to  recoil  upon  ourselves,  and  feci  the  stingy  of  real,  substantial,  hopeless 
woe,  sharpened  by  disappointment.  Long  enough  have  we  paid  the  taxes  and 
fought  the  buttles  of  the  southern  states.  Long  t'nough  have  we  been  scouted, 
Abused  and  oppressed,  by  men  who  claim  a  right  to  rule  and  despise  us. 
Itong  enough  have  lue  been  the  submissive  slaves  nftlte  senseti'ss  representatives  of 
the  rr/ually  senseless  juilives  nf^lfricn.  and  of  the  semi-barbarous  huntsmen  of  the 
western  wildenuss.  Realities  alone  can  work  our  deliverance.  And  deliver- 
anee  xve  deliherateh/.  solemnli/t  and  itmiocably  decree  to  be  our  right,  AND  WB 
WILL  OBTAIN  IT."    idem,  Dec.  24,  1814. 

•*  The  sufferings  wliicli  have  multiplied  so  thick  about  us,  have  at  lenpfth 
aroused  New  England.  She  will  now  meet  evei7  danger,  and  go  through 
every  difticulty,  \intil  her  rights  are  restored  to  the  full — and  settled  too 
strongly  to  be  shaken.  She  ivill  put  aside  all  half-way  measures.  She  will  look 
with  an  eye  of  doubt  on  those  wlio  propose  them.  She  will  tell  such  nu-n, 
that  if  they  hope  to  leiul  in  the  cause  of  NEW  EN(iLANI)  INDEPENDENCE, 
they  must  do  it  in  the  spirit  of  New  England  men."     Itlem,  Dec.  7,   1814. 

••  Throwing  off  all  connection  with  tkis  wasteful  war — making  peace  with 
the  enemy — aiul  opening  oiu'c  more  our  commerce,  would  be  a  wise  and 
manly  course."     Idem,  Dee.  17,  1811. 

••  My  i)lan  is  to  witlihold  o>ir  money,  and  make  a  separate  peace  with  Eng- 
lanil."     H<'Bton  Daily  Advertiser. 

•'  That  there  will  he  a  revolution,  if  the  war  continues  many  months,  no  man 
can  doubt,  who  is  ueiioainted  with  luunan  nature,  and  is  accuNtomed  to  study 
cause  uml  eil'et.  The  eustrm  slates  are  marching  stvadihi  and  straight  forward 
ut>  to  the  ultjecl-  In  times  past,  there  was  nmch  talk,  aiuj  loud  menaces,  but  lit- 
tle action,  among  the  fritada  of  ixt'orin  in  New  England,    Now  we  shall  hear 


CHIP.  75.) 


DISSOLUTION  OP  THE  tJNION. 


«25 


vM 


little  said  and  much  done.     The  new  constitution  is  to  go  into  operation  as  soon 
as  two  or  three  states  shall  have  adopted  it."    Federal  Republican. 

On  the  5th  of  January,  1815,  a  seditious,  I  might  say  a  trea- 
sonable, meeting,  was  *held  at  Reading,  in  Massachusetts,  at 
which  a  number  of  inflamitiatory  resolutions  were  passed,  of 
which  the  climax  was  capped  by  the  following  : 

"  Uesolved,  That  we  place  the  fullest  confidence  in  the  governor  and  legiH- 
lature  of  Massachusetta,  and  in  tiie  state  authorities  of  New  Englumi ;  and  that 
to  them  un'ier  God,  the  cliief  governor  of  the  universe,  we  look  for  aitl  and  di- 
rection ;  and  that  for  the  present,  until  the  public  opinion  shall  be  known,  we 
■tnll  not  enter  our  carnages,  PJIY  OUR  COJ^rTJJSTEJVT^L  TAXES,  or  aid,  in- 
fortn,  or  assist  any  officer  in  their  collection," 

Extracts  from  a  memorial  of  the  citizens  of  Newbury  port  ^  Jon, 
31,  1814,  addressed  to  the  legislature  of  Massachusetts. 

"  In  this  alarming  state  of  things,  we  can  no  longer  be  silent.  When  o\ir 
unquestionable  rigflits  are  invaded,  we  will  not  sit  down  and  coolly  calculate 
what  it  may  cost  us  to  defend  tliem.  We  will  not  barter  tlie  liberties  of  our 
children  for  slavish  repose — nor  surrender  our  birthright  but  with  our  lives. 

"  We  remember  tlie  resistance  of  our  fathers  to  oppressions,  which  dwindle 
into  insignificance,  when  compared  with  those  we  are  called  ujion  to  endure. 
The  rights  "  which  we  have  received  from  God,  we  will  never  yield  to  man." 
We  call  upon  our  state  legislature  to  protect  us  in  the  enioyment  ofthose  pri- 
vileges, to  assert  which  our  fathers  died ;  and  to  defend  which  we  profess  our- 
selves READY  TO  RESIST  UNTO  HLOOM.  We  pray  your  honourable  body 
to  adopt  measures  immediately  to  secure  to  us  especially  our  undoubted  right 
to  tracle  within  our  own  state. 

"  We  are  ourselves  ready  to  aid  you  in  securing  it  to  us,  to  the  utmost  of  our 
power,  "  peaceably  if  we  can — forcibly  if  we  must."  And  we  pledge  to  you 
the  sacrifice  of  our  lives  and  property  in  support  of  whatever  measures  the  dig^ 
nity  anci  liberties  of  this  free,  «overeign,  and  independent  state  may  seem  U| 
your  wisdom  to  demand." 

To  what  a  most  awful  extent  must  the  violence  and  delusion 
of  fuctiwi  have  been  carried,  when  "  resistance  unto  blood^'*  was 
regularly  voted  in  a  town  meeting,  in  an  enlightened  state — and 
among  people  of  high  standing  and  respectability !  It  is  inipos« 
sible  {()r  any  man  of  clear  head  and  sound  heart  to  peruse  these 
profligate  paragraphs  without  the  utmost  abhorrence. 

I  trust  that  no  man  possessed  of  reason  or  common  sense,  who 
attentively  reads  the  preceding  extracts,  and  the  sacrilegious  calls 
upon  "  Moses  and  Aaron,"  m  chapter  56,  will  for  a  moment 
doubt  that  there  was  a  d(  ep,  a  dangerous,  an  audacious,  and  a 
treasonable  conspiracy  to  dissolve  the  union.  Wi  can  never  be 
sufficiently  grateful  to  Heaven  for  our  preservation  from  this 
horrible  catastrophe. 

There  are  three  circumstances  connected  with  this  affair, 
which  are  entitled  to  a  most  serious  consideration.  Without 
bearing  them  dulv  in  mind,  it  is  impossible  to  estimate  accurate- 
ly the  extent  of  our  oblijrations  to  Heaven,  or  t'le  depth  of  the 
gulj)h  of  perdition  that  yawned  to  swallow  us  up. 

ihe  firMt  is,  that  the  sermons  from  which  I  have  given  the 
hideous  extracts,  in  chapter  56,  were  preached  to  large  and  res- 


'%.  if' 


N'    111' 


«  ;! 


IT 


I      ^}k 


436 


POUTICAL  OLrVE  BRANCH. 


[CBAP.  t5. 


pectable  congregations — met  with  their  decided  approbation'— 
and  were  generally  published  at  their  request. 

The  second  is,  that  the  Boston  Centinel,  from  which  I  have 
made  most  of  the  seditious  and  treasonable  extracts  in  the  pre- 
ceding pages,  enjoys  as  great  a  sh&re  of  public  patronage,  and 
possesses  as  decided  an  influence,  probably,  as  any  newspaper  in 
the  United  States.  I  have  been  assured,  and  I  am  inclined  to 
believe  the  assurance,  that  it  has  6000  subscribers.  From  these 
two  facts  some  idea  may  be  formed  of  the  lamentable  extent  to 
which  the  contamination  of  the  political  leprosy  of  disaffection 
and  treason  had  spread  throughout  the  eastern  states. 

The  third  circumstance  that  I  wish  impressed  on  the  mind  of 
the  reader  who  considers  this  subject,  is,  that  during  the  time 
when  a  large  portion  of  this  seditious  and  Jacobinical  matter  was 
publishing,  negociations  for  peace  were  pending. 

I  now  undertake  to  prove  that  there  was  another  project  form- 
ed by  persons  who  did  not  probably  wish  to  dissolve  the  union, 
but  whose  object  was  to  Cromwelize  the  public  functionaries. 
The  "  Elba  toast"— and  "  the  halter"  of  Mr.  Cyrus  King,  throw 
some  light  on  this  scheme. 

To  facilitate  this  object,  there  was  a  decided  effort  made  by 
many  of  the  editors  of  newspapers,  to  persuade  the  federalists, 
that  the  war  having  been  declared  by  the  democrats,  they  ought 
not  to  call  upon  their  opponents  for  aid — who,  on  their  side, 
ought  to  afford  none.  Ana  this  abominable  doctrine  was  preach- 
ed when  the  enemy  was  at  the  door,  and  when,  but  for  the  in- 
tervention of  Heaven,  he  would  have  had  us  almost  entirely  at 
his  mercy.  But,  at  such  a  crisis,  so  violent  was  the  lust  of 
power — and  s6  utter  the  disregard  of  the  public  welfare,  that  the 
perdition  of  the  country  would  have  been  preferred  to  i^failure 
of  the  object  in  view. 

"  Cup  whole  maritime  frontier  is  threatened  by  a  force  which  the  (lemocratn 
themRelvos  say,' we  are  utterly  incompetent  to  resist.  In  this  situation  we  now 
find  ourselves,  witli  an  adminiHtration  acknowledged  W  ita  own  Friends  to  he 
incapable  of  prosecuting  the  war  with  any  cliaiice  of  success,  and  with  the 
•cttttered  remnant  of  an  army,  which  has  lost  all  confidence  in  the  abilitv  of  its 
commanders.  Jlnil  in  this  tituation  we  are  ral/fil  upon  to  unite,  to  brintfjorth  till 
the  fetourcei  of  the  nation — and  to  place  them  at  the  disposal  of  those  very  men 
who  have  already  uselessly  squandered  so  luive  a  portion  of  the  strengtJi  and 
resources  of  the  country  i  and  have  derived  from  them  nothing  but  the  scorn 
of  tiieir  enemies,  and  the  contempt  of  their  friends.  Can  anif  Ihintf  he  mom 
preftoiteroua  !  The  war  has  fUtherto  (leen  tlte  war  of  a  fnirty.  Let  it  lo  continue— 
and  »o  he  terminated. 

"The  disgiiM  0  will  then  eontinue  to  be  the  disgrace  of  the  party,  and  not 
of  the  nation — "  a  conMummution  devoutly  to  be  wished."  /<<■/  those  who  havr 
hitherto  abttained  fi-om  nipportini(  the  war,  itill  ahutnin — and  thereby  prenenie  the 
honour,  and,  no  fur  a»  t/wii  utiU  retnain,  t/ie  rrnowxea  of  the  country,  FOR  THK 
EVKNTS  WUitil  AllETO  FOLLOW."  Uaactte  (if  tho  United  States,  July 
1,1814. 

These  paragraphs  aflTord  sufficient  text  for  a  folio  volume.  But 
I  shall  limit  my  remarks  to  a  few  Unea.     They  appeared  in  the 


eatr.7S.\ 


DISSOLUTION  OP  THE  UNION. 


427 


\f\ 


city  of  Philadelphia,  about  seven  weeks  before  the  Vandalic  de- 
struction of  the  public  buildings  at  Washington — at  a  period 
when  the  enemy  was  collecting  a  force  which  might  have  Co- 
penhagenized  the  city  wherein  the  editor  lived.  And  at  such  a 
time,  when  every  honourable  motive,  public  and  private,  impe- 
riously called  for  a  general  union  of  all  parties  in  the  holy  cause 
of  defending  a  blessed  country,  goaded  into  war  by  nineteen 
years  of  unceasing  outrage  and  depredation,  in  defence  of  its 
honour — its  independence — in  defence  of  its  citizens  stolen  on 
the  highway  of  nations— and  scourged  to  fight,  and  slaughtered 
in  fighting,  the  battles  of  their  enslavers — m  the  midst  of  this 
state  of  things,  with  all  the  horrors  of  subjugation  staring  us  in 
the  face,  a  respectable  party  is  called  upon  "  to  continue  to  ab- 
stain from  supporting  such  a  war*'' — and  for  what?  Why,  "  to 
preserve  the  honour  of  the  nation  !  !  ! !  ."*  Never,  never,  never, 
m  all  the  hideous  annals  of  mankind,  was  there  a  greater  instance 
of  delusion. 

"  To  preserve  the  honour  of  the  nation,''* — by  enabling  an  in- 
furiated enemy  to  spread  devastation  in  every  direction — to 
Hamptonize  our  wiv^s,  our  sisters,  and  our  daughters  ! — and  to 
dictate  the  terms  of  i^mission,  of  colonization,  if  they  should 
judge  proper,  at  tn  ,.i;tof  the  bayontt-^to beauty-and-boott/ 
our  proud  cities — (<■''''  '^'.w-Yorks,  our  Philadelphias,  and  our 
Baltip.iores ! !  I  can  no  more.  I  must  quit  the  contemplation. 
Let  the  reader  pass  the  awful  sentence  of  condemnation. 

"  The  war  is  purely  democratic.  It  was  undertaken  for  democratic  and  not 
for  national  purposes ;  and  has  been  prosecuted  with  democratic  success.  I^et 
the  ilemocrats,  tlierefore,  terminaie  it  in  the  host  manner  they  can.  We  have  no 
partnership  in  the  matter.  If  they  cr;i  iiiake  a  pood  and  honotirabic  peace, 
let  them  have  the  credit  of  it.  Atid  if  tliey  sacrifice  tlic  interest  and  honour 
of  the  country,  as  we  have  alw.ays  !>clieved  tliey  would,  the  country  must  take 
up  the  cause  as  a  national  and  not  a  party  concern  ;  and  should  a  war  become 
necessary,  in  vindication  of  national  rights,  it  will  be  another  kind  of  war  than 
this  has  been."    Gazette  of  the  United  States,  June  25,  1814. 

••  We  say  again,  let  the  tlemocratt  terminate  their  viiliailous  v>ar  in  the  beat  imif 
they  can,-  ami  if,  in  doin)j^  so,  they  sum- nder  any  of  our  essential  rights,  the 
nation  will  employ  competent  men  for  the  recovery  of  them.  If  wnulit />,■  -wutiitf 
than  lueleis,  after  the  experience  tve  have  hnii,  to  enter  into  fxirtneriihift  with  the  pre- 
sent conductor!  of  affairs,  in  supporting  any  rights  whatn<er  IIY  FiJItCK  OF 
AUMS."    Ibid. 

•;thr  present  administration  must  de  got  niDOP,  or  the 

nation  is  inevitably  ruined.  'Jo  talk  of  united  rffurts,  us  unme  good  men  huvr  done, 
w/u'/c  they  continue  in  potuer,  is  to  talk  of  what  cannnt  pnssihlti  happen.  'I'lie  men 
of  virtue,  wisdom,  and  tulents,  arc  ready  to  unite  ;  and  always  were,  and  al- 
ways will  be  ready  to  unite  their  eff'orts  m  the  cause  of  their  country,  and  ♦© 
yield  up  their  purses  aiul  persons  for  its   service — ^iro\ided   they  can  be 

E laced  at  the  disposal  of  men  in  whose  intr|{'rity  and  ability  they  can  place  rc- 
ance."    Idem,  Oct.  14,  IH14. 
"  No  alternative  is  left  us  but  to  resist  with  energfy,  or  to  submit  with  dis- 
rrace.     As  the  latter  is  not  poMsil)leto  Americans,  we  must  prepare  mw  minds 
foi'KU  cxU'cniely  \Q\\^i  unhiotis,  and  sanguinary  war.    Onv  part  of  the  prepa: 


'"ii      " 


ftC.u 


4«» 


POLITICAL  OLTVE  BRANCH. 


[chap.  r5- 


radon  must  be,  tlte  exfndsion,  by  some  modification  of  our  corutitutional  means,  of 
the  faction  that  has  brought  the  nation  to  this  at  best  perilous  condition."  Idem. 

"  New  England  must  require  that  those  men  who  have  degraded  the  coun- 
try they  have  so  long  m  srule(^  should  be  disnussed,  OH  FOttCED  TO  RESIGN." 
Boston  Cf  ntinel,  Dec.  10, 1814. 

"  If  James  Madison  is  to  command  the  force  destined  to  subjugate  the  east- 
em  states,  we  would  suggest  to  his  excellency  a  most  salutary  caution — it  is, 
that  he  should  provide  himaclf  with  a  horse  swifter  footed  by  fiir,  than  that 
which  carried  him  so  gaiUntly  from  tlie  invaders  of  Washington.  He  must  by 
able  to  escape  a',  a  greater  rate  tlian  forty  miles  a  day,  or  the  svnji  vengeance 
^  Xeiv  Englrjid  will  ojertake  THE  WRETCHED  MISCREANT  IN  HIS 
FLIGHT!  IT.  !'» 

This  last  abomirable  paragraph  vas  published  in  the  Merri- 
mack intelligencer,  md  transferred  iroin  thence  into  the  Boston 
Ga^^ette,  of  Jan.  5,  ISioi,  published  by  iiiussel  and  Cutler,  and 
enjoying  a  very  high  degree  of  public  patronage.  It  is  hardly 
possible  to  produce  a  g'.eater  outrage  i  pon  decency,  decorum, 
or  propriety. 

While  these  laboured  efforts  were  employed  to  excite  the 
civtr-iis  to  Cromwelize  the  administration,  by  displacing  the 
public  functionaries,  the  same  language  was  held  in  the  London 
papers,  under  the  patronage  of  the  British  government — and  it 
was  even  announced  in  parliament,  that  all  that  remained  to  be 
done,  Bonapiirte  being  banished,  was  to  put  down  James  Madi- 
son. And  all  the  menaces  of  this  kind  were  copied  without  the 
least  disapprobation  inio  the  most  violent  federal  papers.  Of 
this  I  annex  a  specimen — 

"  In  England  every  thing  was  festivity,  exultation,  and  prosperity,  as  re- 
garded their  European  prospects.  But  with  respect  to  America,  tlie  language 
of  all  ranks  appeared  angry,  bitter,  and  threatening.  The  papers  asserted, 
that  large  reinforcements  would  be  sent  out,  and  the  war  continued  with  the 
vtmost  energy.  But  the  papers  which  use  this  language  say,  their  late  cry  of 
"  ^eiice  leilh  Frauce,  but  down  loith  the  Bonapartisis"  must  be  kept  up  with  the 
altcnUion,  "  I'eacfmth  .imfvica,  but  dow:i  with  the  Mattiions."  It  is  the  opinion 
of  u'f'If-iiifovmeil  ^imericuns  in  Knsflund,  that  the  government  would  not  dare  to  mnkt 
pencf  v'ith  the  .iiin'rican  udmininlration,  for  fear  of  the  resentment  of  the  people. 
Ite  titinh  thi'  nilminintvation  hivve  advices  to  this  effect  in  Washington"  Boston 
Centinel,  June,  8,1814. 

To  such  a  deplorable  length  had  faction  and  treason  proceed 
ed,  that  had  the  Prince  Regent  declared  that  he  would  make  no 
peace  with  this  country  unless  it  changed  its  highest  public  func- 
tionaries, there  were,  we  see,  native  Americans  to  be  found,  pre- 
pared to  submit  to  the  dictation  of  a  foreign  prince  !  And  in 
fact,  many  of  the  paragraphs  published  on  this  side  of  the  Atlan- 
tic, appeared  to  invite  this  dictation  ;  and,  as  I  have  already 
stated,  to  hold  out  the  idea  that  the  British  government  would 
disgrace  itself,  if  it  made  a  treaty  with  the  United  States  with- 
out a  change  of  our  rulers. 

"If  the  American  people  were  not  the  most  tnmc,  amiable,  good-nulureti 
race  of  men  Uiat  ever  lived,  the  preaidtnt  wuuld  havt  been  hissed  out  of  office,  (/' 


ffjc 


«^HAP.  75.] 


DISSOLUTION  OP  THE  UNION. 


429 


not  PELTED  OUT  WITH  STONES,  the  first  day  congress  assembled  after 
the  flight  and  conflagration."    Federal  Republican,  Jan.  31,  1815. 

"  These  men  must  be  tet  aside — must  be  ffot  rid  of,  or  there  can  be,  in  the  na- 
ture of  things,  no  lasting  benefits  resuhing  from  the  abandonment  of  their 
ruinous  courses,  which  is  intended  to  be  only  temporary.  Like  the  North  ad- 
ministration, tlteymust  be  put  dovm,  to  rise  no  more.***  Down,  doien,ivith  t/iese 
detested,  exposed,  self-confessed.  No  matter  who  succeeds  them.  In  the  nature 
of  things,  we  cannot  err — we  cannot  J)c  worsted  in  the  choice  of  successors.* •* 
A  change  of  dynasty  is  as  necessary  to  our  prosperity  as  it  may  now  bo  to  the 
repose  and  security  of  France.  Down  with  the  Veists,  ttie  Modern  fhilosopberSf 
mid  Empinca  .'"    Federal  Republican,  April  9, 1814. 

I  shall  terminate  this  subject  with  introducing  to  the  reader, 
a  personage  who  has  played  a  conspicuous  part  in  the  eastern 
drama  of  disaffection  and  sedition.  James  Lloyd  was  one  of 
the  committee  of  merchants  who,  in  1806,  loudly  called  on  the 
government  to  resist  the  depredations  of  Great  Britain,  which 
he  and  they  publicly  charged  with  "  robbery^'*  i,  e.  with  ^'■prey- 
ing-  upon  the  commerce  of  a  friendly  neutral  power.'*  With 
them  he  pledged  himself  to  support  the  government  in  the  at- 
tempt. And  with  them  he  never  redeemed  that  pledge ;  for  he 
concurred  with  them  to  embarrass  and  defeat  every  measure 
adopted  for  the  purpose  of  procuring  redress.  To  this  gentle- 
man, as  a  conspicuous  eastern  character,  Mr.  John  Randolph,  of 
Roanoke,  addressed  a  lop^,  expostulatory  letter,  on  the  seditious 
proceedings  of  the  eastern  section  of  the  union.  To  this  letter 
Mr,  Lloyd  made  a  prolix  feply,  the  jet  of  which  was  (a  very 
modest  proposition,  to  serve  as  the  bajiis  of  conciliating  this 
gentleman  and  his  friends)  to  "  coerce  Mr.  Madison  and  his  ini' 
mediate  dependants  to  retire  from  office^  and  to  elect  Mr.  King 
or  Judge  Marshall  in  his  stead."  These  were  the  exact  words 
of  this  admirer  of  Gen.  Washington,  whose  immortal  legacy 
denounced,  in  the  strongest  language,  all  "  attempts  to  overawe 
or  controul  the  constituted  authorities." 

I  think  no  candid  man  will  now  deny  that  our  danger  was 
very  considerable.  Lcst,  however,  there  should  remain  any 
thing  to  hang  a  doubt  upon,  I  shall  state  two  analogous  cases,  to 
prove  my  position. 

France,  under  the  princes  of  the  house  of  Valois,  was  for 
about  thirty  years  a  scene  of  the  most  horrible  devastation. 
Civil  war  pervaded  the  whole  nation.  Myriads  of  human  be- 
ings were  immolated.  Rivers  of  blood  were  shed.  Towns  and 
cities  were  sacked  and  conflagrated.  The  aged  matron  equally 
with  the  pure,  immaculnte  virgin,  fell  a  prey  tc  the  lust  of  a  fe- 
rocious an('  brutal  soldiery.  The  new-born  infant — the  manly 
faihcr — the  hoary-headed  grandsire — were  slaughtered  with  a 
demoniac  fury.  In  a  word,  that  earthly  paradise  was  made  4 
suitable  habitation  for  demons  incarnate. 

These  b'>rrible  scenes,  at  which  the  furies  exult,  and  over 
which  hurnqjiity  sheds  the  scalding  tear,  arose  from  a  circum- 
O.  J3,  50 


430 


POUTICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[CBAP.  76. 


stance  apparently  trivial,  and  which,  had  not  the  public  mind 
been  highly  excited,  would  have  passed  over  without  the  shed- 
ding of  a  drop  of  blood. 

A  deadly,  rancorous  hostility  had  been  excited  between  the  two 
parties,  the  Bourbons  and  the  Guises — precisely  such  as  existed 
in  various  parts  of  the  United  States  lately,  and  as  was  daily 
fanned  by  inflammatory  newspapers.  The  duke  of  Guise  was 
on  his  journey  to  Paris,  and  stopped  at  a  small  town,  called 
Vassy,  on  a  Sunday  morning.  The  Hugonots  were  assembled 
at  church.  The  duke's  retinue  went  to  their  place  of  worship, 
and  oiftrred  some  insult  to  the  congregation.  The  latter  picked 
up  stones,  and  threw  at  them.  They,  in  return,  had  recourse  to 
their  arms — fired  on  the  crowd— kiUed  above  sixty,  and  wound- 
ed a  number  of  others.* 

From  this  single  spark  proceeded  the  conflagration  which,  as 
I  have  stated,  raged  for  thirty  years  with  such  destructive  fury. 

This  example,  strong  and  striking,  and  highly  applicable  to 
our  situation,  ought  to  make  a  lasting  impression  upon  all  good 
men.  It  evinces  the  depth  of  the  yawnmg  vortex  into  which 
we  were  precipitously  falling. 

I  shall  trespass  on  the  reader  with  one  more  example  of  a 
bloody  civil  war,  excited  by  a  still  more  trivial  circumstance. 
A  Florentine  lady  was  betrothed  to  a  nobleman  of  distinction, 
who,  a  short  time  previous  to  the  marriage,  was  captivated  with 
the  beauty  of  another  lady,  whom  he  married.  The  relations 
and  friends  of  the  slighted  lady,  in  order  to  be  avenged  of  the 
affront,  assassinated  the  bridegroom.  His  friends  took  up  arms 
to  be  avenged  for  his  death.  And  hence  Florence  was  torn  in 
pieces  for  a  long  series  of  years  by  the  hostile  factions  of  the 
Guelphs  and  Gibbelines,  who  butchered  each  other  as  they  re- 
spectively acquired  the  ascendancy.f 

History  is  replete  with  instances  of  ap  analogous  character. 


M, 


CHAPTER  LXXVI. 


Abute  of  the  freedom  of  the  press.     Attacks  on  monarchs  and 

nations  of  t^urope. 

The  press  is  a  formidable  instrument— capable  of  producing 
the  very  best  as  well  as  the  very  worst  effects  on  society.  When 
employed  to  illuminate  a  nation— to  guard  its  rights — to  aid  the 
cause  of  virtue — it  is  of  inestimable  value — and  cannot  be  too 
highly  prized.  But  when  employed  to  delude— to  deceive — 
to  excite  a  demoniacal  spirit  of  hostility  in  a  community — to 

•  Davila's  History  of  the  Civil  Wars  of  France,  London  Edition,  1769,  vol.  I, 
p  96—7. 

t  Macluavel's  History  of  Florence,  book  2.  page  7. 


■mm 


cur.  r6.] 


FREEDOM  OP  THE  PRESS. 


43t 


prepare  the  way  for  treason,  rebellion,  and  civil  war,  as  we  have 
recently  witnessed,  it  is  among  the  greatest  scourges  of  man- 
kind. 

It  is  a  melancholy  truth,  that  the  most  fatal  errors  prevail  on 
this  vital  subject ;  and  numberless  instances  are  on  record,  of 
jurors  violating  every  dictate  of  justice  and  honour,  as  well  as 
their  solemn  oaths,  in  order  to  shelter  offenders,  who,  under  the 
cloke  of  the  liberty,  have  exercised  the  utmost  licentiousness  of 
the  press. 

It  is  a  fertile  topic,  and  demands  the  investigation  of  enlight- 
ened men,  zealous  to  promote  the  public  good.  To  them  I  shall 
leave  the  various  details,  and  shall  respectfully  offer  a  few  re- 
marks on  one  particular  point. 

The  style  which  our  newspaper  writers  use  ir.  their  lucubra- 
tions on  the  conduct  and  character  of  the  crowned  heads  of  Eu- 
rope, is  too  frequently  gross  and  oflensive, — equally  repugnant 
to  good  taste  and  decency.  They  are  not  unfrequently  styled 
•'  crowned  ruffians  ;"  and  other  terms,  equally  indecent,  are  ap- 
plied to  them.  This  is  highly  impolitic.  It  has  a  tendency  to 
embroil  us  with  the  whole  class  of  monarchs,  and  may,  in  its 
consequences,  involve  us  in  destructive  wars. 

There  are  already  ample  causes  of  jealousy  towards  us  among 
the  monarchs  of  Europe,  in  the  example  our  nation  affords,  of 
the  glorious  results  of  self-government.  It  is  a  standing  re- 
proach to  monarchy,  and  many  of  the  sceptered  race  must  re- 
gard themseWes  as  unsafe  while  our  liberties  exist.  What 
madness  thr  i  must  it  be  to  search  for  additional  causes  of  irri- 
tation and  hostility ! 

Suppose  all  the  monarchs  and  the  royal  families  in  Europe 
were  worthless — suppose  the  males  profligate  and  abandoned, 
and  the  females  prostitute — is  that  any  concern  of  ours  ?  Let 
us  leave  them  to  themselves.  We  are  not  answerable  for  their 
guilt  or  their  folly.  We  have  folly  and  guilt  enough  of  our  own 
to  answer  for.  It  was  a  wise  admonition — "  Let  him  that  is 
without  sin,  throw  the  first  stone."  And  if  a  little  attention 
were  paid  to  this  sacred  rule,  the  monarchs  of  Europe  would 
have  escaped  a  large  portion  of  the  abuse  that  has  been  lavished 
upon  them. 

But  many  of  our  newspaper  editors  not  satisfied  with  their  un- 
ceasing revilings  of  the  monarchs,  display  their  virulence  against 
entire  nations,  which  are  frequently  overwhelmed  with  scurrili- 
ty and  abuse. 

The  vials  of  wrath  and  indignation  are  poured  forth  oii  the 
French,  and  the  English,  and  sometimes  on  the  Spaniards. 
Many  of  the- federal  printers  are  unceasing  in  their  ribald  abuse 
of  the  French.  And  the  democratic  printers,  in  order  to  balance 
the  account,  equally  villify  the  English. 


~44\ 


fit 


t     ,!^ft;:l 


!'ii^:  M 


'>t  :.i 


If  f  • 


POUTICAL  OUVE  BRANCH. 


[(MAI.  73. 


The  injustice  and  fblly  of  stigmatizing  whole  nations  indis- 
criminately, are  evident  on  a  moment^s  reflection.  It  is  hardly 
possible  to  find  a  more  complete  pi  oof  of  a  shallow  mind,  or  a 
rancorous  heart.  Every  nation  has  its  bright  as  well  as  its  dark 
side.  It  is  the  law  of  our  nature.  And  to  humble  and  morti- 
fy American  vanity  and  pride,  there  is  not  a  civilized  nation 
perhaps  in  the  world  that  is. not  superior  to  us  in  some  point  of 
view.  Will  any  man,  not  deserving  of  a  straight  waistcoat, 
pretend  for  a  moment  to  compare  the  American  people  with  the 
French,  in  point  of  politeness,  urbanity,  and  mildness,  or  a  deli- 
cate regard  for  the  feelings  of  those  with  whom  they  have  in- 
tercourse— qualities,  which,  more  than  any  other,  soften  and  re- 
move so  much  of  the  asperities  and  discomforts  of  life  ?*  or  will 
he  pretend  to  compare  us,  as  a  people,  for  solid,  substantial  cha- 
rity, for  munificence,  or  public  spirit  with  the  English  ?f  or,  as 
a  people  for  sobriety, industry-,  and  economy,  with  the  Scotch?:}: 
or  for  strong  feeling,  and  ardent,  zealous  attachment  with  the 
Irish  i^  I  believe  not. 

That  on  "  a  view  of  theiAvhole  ground,"  we  will  stand  a  com- 
parison with  any  or  all  of  these  nations,  I  freely  admit.  But  we 
are  really  far  indeed  from  perfection.     And  considering  the 


*  A  man  of  keen  sensibility  wlu)  has  any  defect  in  his  person,  his  address,. 
I»is  manners,  or  his  language,  will  have  his  fcelinj^s  nwre  irequently  outrag^ed 
in  one  week  in  Philadelphia,  New  York,  or  Baltimore,  tlian  in  seven  years  in 
Paris. 

f  I  need  not  tell  the  reader  that  I  am  no  admirer  of  the  British  government. 
He  has  long  since  made  tlie  discovery.  Its  tyranny  over  the  country  of  my 
birtli,  and  its  outrages  upon  the  country  of  my  adoption,  sufficiently  justify  my 
strong  and  extreme  dislike  to  it.  But  the  British  nation  maintains,  in  some 
points  of  view,  a  proud  pre-eminence  over  most  of  the  otiier  nations  of  tlie 
globe.  And  in  none  does  it  stand  higher  than  in  munificence  or  public  spirit. 
For  any  great  public  object,  for  the  relief  of  extraordinary  distress,  or  for  the 
remuiierution  of  great  public  services,  London  is,  1  believe,  the  first  city  in  the 
world.  It  will  be  said,  as  it  has  frequently  been,  that  there  is  an  extreme  dif- 
ference between  the  wealth  of  Lonilon,  and  that  of  Philadelphia,  New  York, 
Boston,  or  nultimore.  This  is  a  shallow  defence,  and  will  not  bear  examina- 
tion. There  are  in  those  four  cities  hundreds  of  persons,  each  of  whose  for- 
tunes exceeds  half  a  million  of  dollars,  some  without  a  child  to  inherit  their 
property,  and  not  one  of  whom  has  ever  performed  a  signal  act  of  munificence 
—ever  laid  clfumto  tlie  praises  of  his  coteinporarics  or  posterity  for  liberality. 
Many  of  them  arc  as  huixl,  as  griping,  and  as  unfeeling,  as  they  were  when 
they  originally  laid  the  foundation,  on  a  small  beginning,  of  the  immense  for- 
tunes with  which,  had  they  pr.tilic  spirit,  they  might  immortahze  themselves. 
The  bane  of  this  countiy  is  a  sorliu  thirst  of  wealth.  This  vile  passion,  where 
it  once  gains  full  possession,  Dever  loses  its  gra.sp.  It  swallows  up  all  tiiat  ren- 
ders man  estimable. 

A  great  number  of  the  hospitals  and  other  public  charities  in  London,  were 
foiuided  by  individuals,  whose  natnos  they  bear.     We  arc  most  lamentably  de 
liciont  in  such  instances  of  munificence. 

t  There  is  more  dissipation  and  idleness  in  some  of  our  small  towns,  which 
shall  be  nanirless,  than  in  a  whole  Scotch  shire. 

§  1  might  ofl'cr  some  strong  comparisons  here,  but  1  forbear,  The  i-cadcr  wiU 
ccTgitate  on  the  subject,  and  supply  them  himstlf. 


CRAP.  76.] 


FREEDOM  OF  THE  PRESS. 


433 


immense  advantages  we  enjoy,  and  the  opportunity  we  have  had 
of  rendering  our  institutions  as  nearly  perfect  as  is  attainable  in 
this  sublunary  sphere,  we  have  reason  to  feel  ashamed  that  so 
much  imperfection  remains  in  our  political  systems,  in  our  ju- 
risprudence, and  in  our  regulations  of  property. 

A  respectable  newspaper,  edited  by  men  of  talents,  and  in  ge» 
neral  of  sound  judgment,  lately  sullied  its  reputation  by  a  gross 
statement  of  the  tragical  end  of  the  illustrious  Porlier,  worthy 
of  a  nobler  fate.  It  was  stated  that  "  the  beastly  Spaniards*'*  had 
trailed  him  through  the  streets  to  be  pelted  by  the  mob ;  thus 
stigmatizing  a  whole  naUon  for  the  brutality  of  a  ferocious  few. 
What  immense  injustice ! 

Every  one  who  reflects  for  a  moment  must  admit  that  it  fre- 
quently happens  that  a  small  portion  of  the  inhabitants  of  a 
town  or  city  are  guilty  of  enormities  at  which  the  residue  shud- 
der, and  which  they  abhor  and  detest.  The  horrible  scenes  of 
the  Septembrization  in  Paris,  over  which  outraged  humanity 
sighs  and  laments,  were  perpetrated  by  less  than  a  sixtieth  part 
of  the  population  of  that  city  ;  and  the  mass  of  the  remainder 
were  as  innocent  of  the  guilt  as  the  people  of  Pekin  or  Canton, 
New- York  or  Philadelphia.  It  would  therefore  be  rampant  in- 
justice to  charge  these  horrors  to  the  account  of  the  whole  of 
the  citizens  of  Paris.  What  then  must  be  the  disregard  of  all 
the  rules  of  equity,  to  brand  with  infamy  the  whole  French  na- 
tion, for  the  wickedness  of  a  detestable  fragment  of  the  scum  of 
Paris  ? 

Thus  it  is  with  the  expression  "  the  beastly  Spaniards,''^  One, 
or  two,  or  three  hundred  of  the  ofF-scourings  of  Corunna,  earned 
for  themselves  immortal  infamy  by  their  ferocity  towards  the 
hero  who  would  have  delivered  their  nation  from  the  most  gall- 
ing shackles :  and  this  enormity  is  to  attach  disgrace  to  a  nation 
which  cherished  the  sacred  flame  of  liberty  when  it  was  almost 
utterly  extinguished  throughout  the  rest  of  Europe — a  nation 
which  has  been  long  pressed  down  by  the  most  galling  yoke  of 
tyranny,  and  is  entitled  to  our  sincere  commiseration  ! 

Besides  these  three  nations,  we  have  contrived  to  exasperate 
most  of  the  others,  by  scurrilous  attacks  on  their  kings.  Except 
among  a  people  diviiled  by  faction  and  party  rage,  each  indivi- 
dual generally  identifies  the  honour  of  his  rulers  with  his  own. 
He  regards  insults  and  outrages  offered  to  them  as  attaching  dis« 
grace  to  himself. 

There  is  no  mode  of  testing  the  correctness  of  our  conduct  to 
others,  so  unerring,  as  to  place  ourselves  in  their  situation,  and 
judge  of  the  effect  it  would  produce  on  us.  Most  of  the  errors 
and  wickedness  of  mankind  arise  from  a  disregard  of  this  rule. 

What,  then,  would  be  our  feelings,  if  ihe  newspapers  of  any 
foreign  nation  were  filled  \vitli  gross  and  billingsgate  abuse  of  us? 


5'^if- 


''V^  « 


% 


I?  ^-r 


434 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[crip.  76. 


If  for  any  of  the  excesses  that  take  place  here,  we  were  to  be 
styled  "  the  beastly  Americans  #"'  If  our  president,  our  congress, 
and  our  governors  were  overwhelmed  with  scurrility?  Wf; 
would  feel  a  just  indignation  at  such  indecency  and  vulgarity. 
What  then  must  be  the  feelings  of  the  English,  the  French,  and 
the  Spaniards,  on  reading,  (and  we  may^rely  upon  it  that  they  do 
read,)  the  vile  billingsgate  with  which  our  papers  teem  against 
them  ? 

I  have  heard  it  said,  that  there  is  a  wide  difference  between 
the  two  cases ;  that  we  do  not  deserve  such  abuse ;  that  so  great 
are  the  corruptions  and  depravity  of  the  higher  orders  in  Eu- 
rope, that  they  really  deserve  even  worse  than  the  abuse  that  is 
lavished  upon  them ;  and  much  more  in  the  same  style. 

I  could  refer  to  high  authority  for  a  parable  on  the  "  beam 
and  the  mote,"  and  for  the  folly  of  self-righteousness.  But  I 
waive  this  as  superfluous.  I  will  suppose  for  a  moment  that  all 
the  allegations  are  well-founded,  and  ask*  Does  that  materially 
alter  the  case  ?  Does  that  confer  on  us  a  right  to  assume  the  rank 
of  censors,  and  deal  forth  condemnation  on  persons  at  three 
thousand  miles  distance  ? 

If  the  abuse  be  well  founded,  this  only  renders  it  more  galling 
and  irritating.  Mankind  can  in  general  treat  with  scorn,  un- 
merited calumny :  but  where  truth  points  the  dart,  it  wounds 
severely,  and  rankles  and  festers. 

We  might  find  ourselves  in  a  very  uncomfortable  situation,  i£ 
the  personages  against  whom  this  billingsgate  is  levelled,  were 
to  appeal  to  our  courts  for  redress,  and  the  decision  were  to  be 
regulated  by  common  law.  I  shall,  to  elucidate  the  matter, 
state  two  cases  strongly  in  point. 

Thirty  years  since,  her  imperial  majesty,  the  empress  Catha- 
rine of  Russia,  was  introduced  to  the  notice  of  the  world,  in  the 
London  papers,  in  no  very  pleasing  point  of  view.  Some  of  the 
extraordinary  and  unprecedented  arcana  of  her  private  life  were 
stated  without  any  veil  or  covering.  Her  minister  applied  for 
redress  to  the  court  of  King's  Bench.  Prosecutions  were  un- 
dertaken against  all  the  editors  of  the  papers  wherein  the  libel 
had  appeared.  They  were  all  found  guilty,  and  condemned  to 
fine  and  imprisonment.  The  case  of  one  of  the  parties  was  pe- 
culiarly hard.  He  was  an  old  man  who  held  a  share  of  a  news- 
paper, but  had  not  the  least  concern  in  the  editorship.  It  was 
proved  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  court  and  jury,  that  he  took  no 
other  part  in  the  paper,  than  merely  to  receive  or  pay  his  quota 
of  profit  or  loss,  and  even  never  went  to  the  printing  oflice  where 
the  paper  was  published.  These  pleas,  strong  and  decisive  as 
they  were,  availed  him  not.  He  underwent  the  severity  of  his 
sentence. 


.::l.;l 


CHAP.  77.] 


TRUE  POLICY  OF  BRH^AIN. 


43S 


.r:.| 


The  other  is  more  recent,  and  is  much  better  known.  After 
the  treaty  of  Amiens,  Peletier,  a  French  journalist  in  London, 
made  very  free  with  the  character  of  Bonaparte,  who,  with  a 
degree  of  littleness,  unworthy  of  the  character  and  station  he 
bore,  complained  of  the  libel  to  the  British  government.  A 
prosecution  was  ordered,  which  closed  with  the  conviction  of 
Peletier,  who  escaped  punishment  by  the  renewal  of  the  war. 

It  is  most  devoutly  to  be  wished  that  our  newspaper  printers 
will,  in  their  future  lucubrations  on  foreign  affairs,  consult  true 
taste  and  sound  policy,  when  they  arraign  at  the  bar  of  the  pub- 
lic the  nations  or  the  sovereigns  of  Europe. 

CHAPTER  LXXVII. 

Shall  we  soon  have  another  war  P   The  vulnerable  part  of  Great 
Britain,  The  late  war.  Defective  legislation,  American  seamen. 

An  idea  prevails  among  many  of  our  citizens,  that  the  peace 
with  England  will  not  be  of  long  duration — ^that  her  jealousy  of, 
and  hostility  towards,  this  country,  will  impel  her  once  more, 
and  not  at  a  very  distant  day,  to  hurl  the  gauntlet  in  our  teeth, 
and  to  open  wide  again  the  temple  of  Janus. 

I  fondly  hope  these  anticipations  are  unfounded.  I  fondly 
hope  that  England  will  understand  her  true  interests  better — 
that  she  will  allow  us  to  spread  the  mantle  of  oblivion  over  the 
injuries  we  have  received;  and  that  she  will  cultivate  our  friend- 
ship by  kindness  and  a  reciprocation  of  the  good  offices  and  cha- 
rities of  a  liberal  intercourse,  dictated  by  sound  policy,  and  her 
vital  interests.  The  hideous  wounds  that  our  national  pride,  our 
honour,  our  independence,  and  our  dearest  rights  have  received, 
deep  and  festering  as  they  are,  may  be  made  to  cicatrize  in 
time.  We  may,  and  I  hope  will,  forget  that  we  once  were  foes. 
But  this  depends  on  herself  entirely.  This  country  may  again 
be  provoked  to  war.  But  I  feel  a  proud  and  confident  hope  it 
will  not  afford  just  provocation  for  entering  into  "  the  unprofit- 
able contest  who  shall  do  the  other  most  harm." 

In  effect,  were  tlie  affairs  of  nations  conducted  with  even  a 
moderate  degree  of  prudence  and  common  sense,  there  would 
be  little  reason  for  apprehension.  But  a  very  cursory  glance  at 
the  history  of  the  world,  will  satisfy  an  enquirer,  that  no  Bed- 
lamite, confined  in  a  cell,  and  curbed  by  a  strait  waistcoat,  dis- 
plays more  insaiity  or  folly  than  frequently  appears  in  the  ma- 
nagement of  public  affairs.  However  lamentable,  therefore,  it 
might  be,  it  would  not  be  very  astonishing,  if  the  evil  genius  of 
Great  Britain  would  impel  her  once  more  to  hostilities.  Should 
that  event  take  place,  it  will  be  the  most  dire  insanity. 

There  are  strong  inducements  for  Great  Britain  to  cultivate 
peace  with  this  country,  independent  of  the  immensely  lucrative 
pommerce  )she  carries  on  with  us.    I  shall  glance  at  a  few. 


■■-.1. 
■  if 


■!' .  M 


■■  m 


:l. 


436 


POLITICAL  OLTVE  BRANCH. 


[ctfAF.  77. 


Should  this  book  ever  find  its  way  to  any  man  who  has  a  voice 
in  the  councils  of  Great  Britain — should  my  countrymen,  lord 
Castlereagh  or  marquis  Wellesley,  condescend  to  cast  an  eye  on 
these  pages,  I  hope  it  will  be  strongly  and  indelibly  impressed 
on  their  minds,  that' so  surely  as  war  takes  place  between  the 
two  countries,  British  commerce  will  suffer  as  much  destruction 
in  one  year,  as  it  formerly  suffered  in  half  a  century.  One  con- 
sequence of  the  late  war  into  which  she  fatuitously  goaded  us, 
was,  that  we  found  the  spot  where  she  is  vulnerable— and  we 
have  also  made  the  all-important  discovery  of  the  most  unerring 
meaps  of  annoyance.  Achilles  had  a  tender  heel.  He  was  every 
where  else  invulnerable.  Ten  Hectors,  ten  Sarpedons,  and  ten 
Troiluses,  uniting  their  forces,  could  not  with  their  javelins 
affect  tlie  apple  of  his  eye.  But  a  woman  or  a  child  could  in, 
flict  a  mortal  wound  in  the  heel. 

Great  Britain,  in  like  manner,  has  her  tender  heel.  That  heel 
is  her  commerce.  While  this  is  uninterrupted,  she  laughs  to 
scorn  the  efforts  of  her  enemies.  She  is  elsewhere  invulnerable. 
Commerce  furnishes  her  with  means  to  subsidize  one  half  of  the 
civilized  Europeans  to  oppress  the  other. 

Rome,  in  her  proudest  day  of  triumph  and  glory,  had  hardly 
a  greater  number  of  vassal  monarchs  in  her  train,  than  the  world 
lately  saw  arrayed  in  arms,  led  by  the  address,  or  bought  by  the 
wealth  of  Great  Britain.  But  cut  off  her  commerce,  and  she  is 
powerless.     Her  resources  are  dried  up. 

In  all  future  wars— (should  we  be  driven  into  any — and  I  feel 
confident  they  will  not  be  of  our  seeking) — the  energies  of  this 
nation  will  not  be  wasted  on  the  land.  They  will  be  spread  over 
the  ocean.  Our  Constitutions,  and  our  United  States,  and  our 
Peacocks,  and  our  Wasps,  and  our  Hornets,  and  our  Arguses, 
and  our  Enterprizes,  and  our  Essexes,  and  our  Comets,  and  our 
Armstrongs,  will  penetrate  her  bays  and  harbours,  and  sink, 
bum,  and  destroy  her  vessels  in  all  quarters  of  the  globe.  Let 
her  regard,  with  serious  concern,  the  terrible  devastations  of 
Hull,  of  Decatur,  of  Stewart,  of  Bainbridge,  of  Rodgers,  of 
Perry,  of  Macdonough,  of  Porter,  of  Biddle,  of  Lawrence,  of 
Allen,  of  Blakely,  of  Warrington,  of  Jones,  of  Read,  of  Boyle, 
of  Barney,  of  Champlin.  And  let  her  be  assured— the  solemn 
truth  ought  to  make  a  lasting  and  indelible  impression — that 
every  port  in  the  union  will  have  its  Porter,  or  its  Perry,  or  its 
Macdonough,  or  its  Biddle->each  emulating  the  glory  acquired 
in  the  late  war — each  straining  every  nerve  to  excel  his  rival  in 
the  race  of  avenging  his  country's  wrongs.  Insurance  will  again 
be  as  high  from  England  to  Ireland  as  in  a  French  war  it  would 
be  from  England  to  the  East  Indies. 

England  has  been  in  the  habit  of  commencing  war  without 
deiclariog  it— and  thus,  taking  her  adversary  unawares,  she  crip-^ 


CHAP.  TV.] 


THE  LATE  WAR. 


437 


pies  him  completely.  In  this  manner,  in  1756,  she  issued  letters 
of  marque  against  France,  which  were  acted  upon  in  all  quar- 
ters of  the  world  at  the  same  time,  whereby  she  possessed  her- 
self of  many  hundred  vessels,  and  10,000  seamen,  before  a  hos- 
tile act  was  cQtAmitted  by  France. 

She  commenced  war  against  Spain  by  an  attack  upon  her  fri- 
gates freighted  with  dollars.  And  for  her  commencement  of 
hostilities  with  innocent,  unoffending  and  respectable  Denmark, 
I  refer  the  reader  to  chapter  6 1 ,  where  he  will  see  a  hideous 
portrait,  drawn  by  the  masterly  pen  of  Roscoe. 

To  a  nation, like  the  United  States,  whose  commerce  is  spread 
over  every  sea  and  every  ocean,  and  which,  in  a  period  of  peace, 
has  probably  at  all  times  above  a  hundred  millions  afloat— >this 
is  a  subject  of  the  most  serious  and  solemn  consideration.  Per- 
haps a  general  law,  for  the  arrestation  of  the  persons,  and  se- 
questration of  the  property  of  the  subjects  of  any  power  com- 
mencing hostilities,  without  a  formal  declaration  of  war,  might 
be  considered  as  no  improper  precautionary  measure. 


lit^! 


It 


■m* 


The  late  xvar. 

Among  the  infinite  variety  of  circumstances,  which  enable  us 
to  look  back  on  the  late  war  with  gratitude  to  Heaven,  and  with 
just  exultation,  there  is  one  peculiarly  important,  to  which  suffi- 
cient attention  has  n,ot  been  paid,  and  which  highly  interests  the 
whole  family  of  mankind. 

When  the  war  began,  men  of  sound  minds,  great  public  spi- 
rit, and  deep  reflection,  were  somewhat  appalled  at  the  fearful 
odds  against  us.  This  did  not  appear  more  manifest  in  any  point 
than  in  that  of  commanders.  Those  of  our  enemy  had  all  the 
advantages  that  long  experience  and  great  skill  could  afford. 
Some  of  them  had  been  crowned  with  laurels  acquired  in  the 
bloody  fields  of  France,  Spain,  and  Portugal.  And  in  the  eyes 
of  the  world,  they  appeared  like  so  many  Goliahs  ready  to  crush 
our  little  Davids, 

Most  of  those  worthies  who  had  signalized  themselves  during 
the  American  revolution,  had  been  mowed  down  by  the  sickle 
of  Time,  as  the  ripe  wheat  falls  before  the  sickle  of  the  rean(-r. 
And  the  hopes  of  the  nation  mainly  rested  on  men  who  had 
hardly  acquired  the  rudiments  of  the  art  of  war. 

Blessed,  thrice  blessed,  be  the  God  of  our  fathers !  Public 
spirit,  innate  bravery,  and  the  thirst  of  avenging  their  country's 
wrongs,  supplied  the  place  of  experience  and  knowledge.  It  \s 
u  most  delightful  truth,  that  three-fourths  of  all  our  triumphs, 
by  sea  and  land,  have  been  achieved  by  heroes  who  were  far  be- 
low the  meridian  of  life — some  of  them  24,  25,  26  or  27  years, 
of  age.  It  is  impossible  to  appreciate  this  circumstance  too 
O.  B.  57 


«, 


iiii«'- 


til 


M 


438 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[tUAr,  77'. 


highly,  aa  it  respects  not  merely  ourselves,  but  our  fellow  men 
generally.  It  shows  what  glorious  exploits  may  be  performed 
by  hardy,  though  inexperienced  freemen,  fighting  pro  aria  ct 
focis — for  their  fathers — their  mothers— their  sisters — their  bro- 
thers— their  wives  and  their  children— and,  in  a'^yord,  for  their 
beloved  country. 

Defective  legislation. 

There  is  one  point  in  which  the  general  government  and  most 
of  the  state  governments  are  highly  censurable.  Amidst  the  im- 
mense number  and  variety  of  laws  whi(  h  are  annually  enacted, 
and  under  which  our  shelves  groan,  there  are  few  whose  direct 
object  is  to  foster  and  promote  public  spirit— or  to  make  our 
citizens  wiser  or  better ! 

I'o  excite  emulation  by  rewarding  merit,  and  thus  to  foster 
and  encourage  virtue  and  talents,  is  equally  dictated  by  justice 
and  policy.  And  therefore  it  is  difficult  to  express  the  censure 
which  is  due  to  congress  for  its  neglect  of  the  duty  of  sub- 
stantially rewarding  the  eminent  services  which  so  many  of  our 
citizens  have  rendered  their  country.  It  has  been  our  great 
gocid  fortune  to  have  u  very  numerous  list  of  such  claimants — 
and  therefore  a  considerable  expense  would  be  incurred  to  per- 
form this  act  of  justice  in  a  style  worthy  of  a  great  nation.  But 
is  it  any  reason  why  a  debtor  shovild  not  pay  his  debts,  merely 
because  his  creditors  are  numerous  ?  Surely  not.  And  there 
are,  it  is  to  be  hoped,  few  men  in  the  country  so  base  as  to 
grudge  to  pay  their  quota  of  this  debt  of  gratitude. 

American  .seamen* 

Among  the  reasons  why  the  claims  of  American  seamen  to 
be  shielded  by  their  country  from  the  horrors  of  impressment 
should  be  attended  to,  there  is  one  of  considerable  weight, 
which  appearH  to  have  escaped  notice.  I  believe  our  seamen, 
man  for  man,  poisess  worth  superior  to  their  fellow-citizens  on 
sljore.  In  other  words,  that  there  is  more  sterling  virtue,  and 
less  wortli'icssness  among  them,  in  proportion  to  their  numbers, 
than  is  to  be  found  on  shore. 

Tliis  is  high  praise.  It  is,  however,  coolly  and  calmly  penncl. 
I  h:i»  ,  with  all  the  impartiality  and  candour  I  can  conmiand, 
weighed  the  opinion  over  and  over.  And  my  mind  is  unalter- 
ably made  up  on  the  subject.  Let  us  compare  the  commodores 
and  captains,  and  lieutenant. .  and  midshipmen,  with  the  upper 
and  middle  classes  of  socieiy  on  shore — and  is  there  a  man 
whose  heart  beats  !ngh  for  the  honour,  the  glory  "f  our  nautical 
citi'/.ens,  that  will  shrink  from  the  severest  scrutiny. 

Of  the  sedition,  the  treason,  the  disi'tifcction  to  their  country*-* 


pr« 


MAP.  ^8,] 


C0NGIIE8S10NAL  CAUCUSES. 


4S9 


and  aclhesion  to  its  enemies,  which  hitely  pervaded  entire  sec- 
tions of  the  union,  there  was  not  a  single  instance  to  be  found 
in  our  glorious  navy.  Blake's  maxim,  "  to  defend  the  country, 
let  who  would  rule,"  pervaded  the  whole,  and  animated  them  as 
with  one  soul.  Let  an  American  traverse  the  globe,  and  his 
cheek  will  never  be  suffused  with  a  blush  for  any  act  of  his  naval 
countrymen.  The  most  daring  and  intrepid  courage — the  most 
l^ublime  heroism — the  most  exalted  generosity  and  liberality  to- 
wards their  captives— have  elevated  them  to  the  highest  pinnacle 
of  glory. 

And  if  the  officers  stand  thus  high,  are  not  the  sailors  as  con- 
spicuous in  their  sphere  ?  Are  they  not  far,  very  far,  superior 
to  men  of  the  same  grade  on  land  ?  Mbst  undoubtedly.  1  hope, 
then,  that  their  country  will  never  again  leave  them  to  the  merci- 
less gripe  of  a  British  lieutenant,  or  to  the  ignominious  and 
bloody  stripes  of  a  British  boatswain. 

It  reflects  discredit  on  the  government  that  there  is  no  public 
hospital  or  asylum  provided  for  the  common  sailors,  maimed  or 
grown  decrepid  in  their  country's  service.  I  am  delighted  to  be 
able  to  put  on  record,  that  since  I  '^er, an  this  chapter,  a  public- 
spirited  citizen  who  has  no  concern  m  commerce,  and  who  de- 
sires his  name  to  be  concealed,  has  authorised  a  friend  to  head 
a  subscription  for  the  excellent  purpose  of  establishing  such  an 
asylum,  with  one  thousand  dollars.  It  is  hoped  our  Girards, 
and  our  Clapiers,  and  our  Willings,  and  our  Pratts,  and  our 
Ralstons,  and  our  Kochs,  will  imitate  this  laudable  example. 


CHAPTER  LXXVIII. 

Congressional  Caucuses  fbr  President  and  Vice-President. 

Tins  is  a  delicate  subject  to  discuss  at  any  time.  It  is  pecu- 
liarly so  at  the  present  moment,*  as  nominations  for  these  offices 
must  be  shortly  made.  And  it  may  be  supposed  that  I  write  with 
a  view  to  this  mdividual  case.  I  shall  therefore  probably  give 
offence  to  many  whose  opinions  I  prize,  and  would  be  very  re- 
luctant to  forfeit.  To  this  consequence,  however,  I  submit.  No 
man,  who  has  not  fortitude  to  dare  such  an  issue,  ought  ever  to 
take  the  pen  on  cotemporaneous  politics. 

I  have  no  view  to  any  particular  candidate,  nor  to  any  particu- 
lar election.  My  remarks  shall  be  gener.nl.  They  will  apply 
to  all  congressional  nominations  of  presidents  and  vice- 
presidents,  as  well  past  as  future. 

That  the  elective  principle  is  the  key-stone  of  the  arch  of  re- 
presentative or  republican  government,  is  a  maxim  in  which  all 

•  Writtrn  .Tiinilan-,  IHIG 


RP 

11 

■*  ■*  fER 

»''  '    hrfW 

S'       ■-■'^^C^j 

|;    \,i!f 

fi 

:r 

'ftt 


i     M; 


I  .  :  J  ■  II 


'    (I 


440 


pitJLrrirAL  olive  URANcrt. 


[CHitF.    T* 


political  writers  are  agreed.  And  that  its  purity  ought  therefore 
to  be  guai'ded  with  the  utmost  vigilance,  is  beyond  all  doubt  or 
controversy.— Every  measure  calculated  to  vitiate  it — ^to  subject 
it  to  the  influence  of  intrigue  or  sinister  management,  ought  to 
excite  the  alarm  of  all  the  friends  of  rational  liberty,  and  produce 
the  most  decisive  exertions  to  remedy  the  evil. 

These  ideas,  so  intrinsically  just,  as,  I  hope,  to  command  uni- 
versal assent,  apply  to  every  grade  of  public  officers  elected  by 
the  people.  But  the  higher  the  office,  and  the  more  extensive 
its  powers,  the  more  cogent  becomes  the  reasonmg,  and  the 
more  decided  the  call  for  care  and  circumspection. 

It  does  not  require  any  argument  to  prove,  that  the  most  im- 
portant elections  in  the  United  States,  are  those  of  president 
and  vice  president.  This  stands  confessed.  The  high  degree 
of  solicitude  they  excite,  not  merely  in  this  country,  but  some- 
times in  foreign  nations,  is  a  full  proof  of  the  public  sentiment 
on  this  subject. 

It  will  therefore  be  tii;»e  well  employed  to  examine  whether 
the  system  pursued  in  the  important  operation  of  nominating 
candidates  for  these  exalted  stations,  be  pure  and  correct,  or 
whether  it  be  radically  unsound  and  vicious.  If  the  former,  it 
is  entitled  to  a  cordial  support.  If  otherwise,  our  best  and  most 
influential  citizens  ought  to  devise  and  apply  a  remedy. 

In  order  to  decide  whether  a  system  be  correct,  or  the  re- 
verse, it  is  necessary  to  state  precisely  what  it  is.  My  information 
as  to  the  plan  pursued  l)y  the  federal  party  is  so  imperfect,  that  I 
must  confine  myself  to  that  of  their  political  opponents. 

During  the  session  of  congress  nrevioufi  to  the  close  of  the 
presidential  term  of  office,  a  convention,  or  caucus,  as  it  is  term- 
ed, is  held  of  the  senators  and  members  of  the  house  of  repre- 
sentatives of  the  United  States,  belonging  to  th'  -"arty.  They 
take  a  silent  vote  by  ballot  on  the  candidates  proposed.  Those 
gentlemen  on  whom  they  finally  agree,  are  recommended  to  thi; 
citizens  of  the  United  States  as  the  candidates  of  the  party  for 
the  two  offices. 

In  every  instance  hitherto,  this  nomination  has  been  acquies- 
ced in  by  the  great  body  of  the  part  .  Hence  it  results,  that  this 
nomination  is  virtually  and  substantially  equivalent  to  an  elec 
tion.     This  is  a  most  serious  and  solemn  consideration. 

The  party  considers  itself  bound  to  support  the  candidatt> 
thus  pro])osed.  And  any  state,  however  powerful,  or  any  indi- 
vidual, however  high  his  standing,  or  important  his  services, 
that  doe.^  not  submit  to  this  dictation,  is  denounced.  The  oppo- 
sition is  regarded  as  apostacy  from  the  party. 

It  thus  appears,  that  "the  most  i  nlighted  ation  in  the  world''' 
tlccts  its  first  magistrate  through  the  agency  of  a  few  men,  who 


CHAP.  78.] 


CONGRESSIONAL  CAUCUSES. 


are  themselves  merely  elected  for  the  purpose  of  legislation.  It 
is  true,  we  persuade  ourselves,  that  we  elect  the  president  and 
vice-president.  We  have  eighteen  boards  of  electors,  who,  with 
much  parade  and  solemnity,  ballot  for  those  officers.  But  it  is 
in  fact  little  more  than  mere  form.  The  business,  as  hitherto 
conducted,  is  precisely  to  confirm  the  high  behests  of  the  cau- 
cus, who  have  really  and  truly  dictated  the  candidate — to  regis- 
ter their  edicts,  as,  under  the  arbitrary  monarchs  of  France,  the 
parliaments  of  that  country  "vere  obliged  to  register  the  royal 
edicts. 

It  is  easy  to  perceive  how  great  a  departure  this  is  from  our 
political  principles — ^how  directly  in  the  teeth  of  freedom  of 
election.  *      . 

But  before  I  attempt  to  reason  cm  the  subject,  I  shall  s;il  mit 
to  the  reader  some  historical  sketches  of  past  arrangements.  I 
have  tried  to  procure  data  or  documents  respecting  the  no- 
minations in  1800  and  1804.  But  my  researches  have  been 
fruitless,*  With  those  of  1808  and  1812, 1  have  been  more  suc- 
cessful. I  can  furnish  a  tolerably  circumstantial  account  of 
both,  which  will  enable  the  reader  to  decide  with  accuracy  on 
the  justice  or  unsoundness  of  the  views  I  shall  give. 

Mr.  Jefferson,  the  third  president  of  the  United  States,  had 
determined  to  retire  from  public  life,  on  the  close  of  the  second 
period  of  his  official  duties.  His  intentions  were  announced  to 
congress  on  the  10th  December,  1807,  nearly  twelve  months 
previous  to  the  election  of  his  successor. 

About  six  weeks  afterwards,  that  is,  on  the  23d  January, 
1808,  a  convention  of  the  democratic  members  of  both  houses  of 
congress,  at  Washington,  was  summoned  by  a  circular  from  Ste- 
phen Roe  Bradley,  one  of  the  senators  from  the  state  of  Ver- 
mont. This  important  prerogative  was  assumed,  or  pretended 
to  be  derived  from  the  circumstance  of  his  having  been  chair- 
man of  a  similar  caucus,  held  for  the  same  purpose,  in  1804  ! ! ! 
His  circular  letter  follows  : 

"  In  pursiumcc  of  the  powers  voslcil  In  mc  as  president  of  the  late  conven- 
tion of  tlu'  rcpuhliciin  members  of  both  houses  of  conpr^'ss,  I  <lccm  it  expedi 
cnt,  for  tlio  purpose  of  nonrtinittin(j^  suital)lc  chararttrs  for  tlie  president  and 
viec-|)resident  of  the  United  States,  for  the  next  prrsidenlial  election,  to  euHa 
•convention  of  the  said  repiil)lican  members,  to  meet  at  tlie  seiiMe  rhaniber,  on 
Salnrdav,  thi-  '2.)d  instant,  at  six  o'clock,  1*.  M.  at  which  time  and  place  your 
personal  atti-ndanc-  \h  r((|uestrd,  to  aid  tiie  meetiiip  with  your  influence,  infor- 
niuliun,  und  tulcnts.     Dated  at  WusUliigton,  tliis  19tii  day  of  .lanuary,  1HU8. 

"SIK1»HF-N  H    UUADLEY."! 

This  asstunption  ol"  jiowcr  excited  the  indignation  of  several 
of  the  metnbers,  who  did  not  merely  absent  themselves  from  the 

*  The  fail  u'e  is  of  no  importance,  as  in  these  elections  there  was  little  or  no 
nppoRition  in  the  |)arty. 

f  Aineritdi   Hepstcr,  vol.  v.  jjajjc  80. 


:■'•■■  i 


442 


POUTICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


(chap.  78. 


CHAP. 


meeting,  but  denounced  it  in  the  most  pointed  tenns.  Some 
idea  may  be  formed  of  their  sentiments,  from  the  following  re- 
ply of  Edwin  Gray,  esq.  one  of  the  mc^nbers  of  the  house  of 
representatives  from  Virginia.  '  - 

"  SiH, 

"  Your  proclamation,  dated  tlie  19th  instant,  and  addressed  to  me,  I  havf» 
just  received;  and  I  take  the  earliest  moment  to  <^  dare  my  abhorrence  of  the 
usurpation  of  power  decliired  to  be  vested  in  yow — of  your  mandatory  style, 
and  the  object  contemplated.  I  deny  that  you  o.s  ^s  any  right  to  call  upon 
the  republican  members  of  congress,  or  other  p"  'sc.  at  this  time  and  place, 
to  attend  a  caucus  for  tlic  presidential  election,  ou  uiust  permit  me  to  remind 
you  that  it  was  for  a  far  different  purpose  for  wiiich  my  constituents  reposed 
their  confidence  inmc.  I  cannrt  consent,  either  in  an  individual  or  representp 
tive  capacity,  to  cuuuleiia.sce,  by  my  fuesence,  the  midnight  intrigues  of  any 
set  of  men  who  may  arrogate  to  themselves  the  right  (whicl'  belongs  only  to 
the  people)  of  selecting  proper  persons  to  fill  the  impoilant  offices  of  presi<lent 
and  vice-president ;  nor  do  I  suppose  tlial  the  honest  people  of  the  United 
States  can  much  longer  suffer,  in  silence,  so  direct  and  palpable  an  invasion 
upon  the  most  important  and  sacred  right  belonging  exclusively  to  them.* 

«  Stkphbn  KOk  Brablet,  Es*.  EDWIN  GRAY.'  * 

Josiah  Masters,  one  of  the  representatives  from  the  state  of 
New  York,  affixed  a  placard  in  a  conspicuous  place  in  Congress 
Hall,  in  the  following  words  : 

"  In  pursuimce  of  a  similar  power,  vested  in  me,  with  that  assumed  by  Stephen 
R.  Brarlley,  one  of  the  senate,  coi.trary  to  the  tme  principles  of  the  constitution, 
I  deem  it  expccUcnt,  for  tlie  purjiose  of  not  nominating  any  characters  for  prcsi- 
dcntorvice.presidentof  the  UnitedStates  at  the  next  presidential  election,  r'ot  to 
luill  a  convention,  aliiis  caucita,  to  meet  in  the  senate  chamber,  on  Saturday,  the 
23d  instant,  at  six  o'clock,  P.  M.;  at  which  time  and  place  the  personal  attend- 
ance of  the  said  republican  membeinis  not  requested,  to  aid  the  unconstitutional 
meeting,  solicited  by  the  said  Stephen  R  Bmdiry ;  and  at  which  time  and 
place  I  hereby  recjuost  they  will  not  attend  to  aid  and  sanction  an  infringement 
of  one  of  the  most  important  features  and  principles  of  tlie  constitution  of  tliu 
United  States. 

"JOSIAH  MASTERS." 

"  Waslungto.i,  Jan.  2i,  1808." 

Nevertheless,  ninety-four  members  attended  the  caucus. 
Five  of  the  number  refused  to  take  any  part  in  the  proceedings 
— and  of  course  the  business  was  decided  by  eighty-nine. 

It  must  be  satisfactory  to  the  reader  to  know  how  the  several 
states  were  represented  in  the  caucus,  and  the  proportion  that 
the  votes  in  that  body  bore  to  the  weight  they  enjoyed  in  con- 
gress. 


Now  Hampshire 
Massachusetts 
Vermont 
Connectlc\it 
Rhoile  Island     - 
New  York 
New  Jci-sey 


In  Caucut. 

in  Contfregr. 

Senators. 

Repres. 

Senators. 

Repres 

1 

5 

2 

5 

1 

10 

2 

17 

2 

2 

2 

4 

0 

0 

2 

7 

2 

2 

2 

2 

0 

1 

2 

17 

2 

4 

2 

6 

24 


14 


58 


Ibid. 


cukr.  7S.] 


CONGRESSIONAL  CAUCUSES. 


44^ 


Brought  forward 
Vennsylvania 
Delaware 
Maryland 
Virginia 
Ohio 

Kentucky 
North  Carolina 
South  Carolina 
tJeorgitt        -  -  - 

Tennessee 
Indiana  Territoiy 


The  votes  were— 

Premknt. 
For  James  Madison, 
Ceorge  Clinton, 
James  Monroe, 


8 
1 
0 
1 
2 
1 
2 
1 
1 
2 
2 
0 

21 


24 

8 

0 

4 
13 

1 

4 

7 

5 

4 

2 

1 

73 ' 


14 

2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
0 

34 


58 

18 
1 
9 

22 
I 
6 

12 
8 
4 
3 
1 

143 


83 
3 
3 


89 


Vice-Prexidenf 

I'oi'  George  Clinton,         ^9 

John  Langdon,  5 

Ileniy  Dcarhorn,  3 

John  Quincy  Adams,    1 

88 


Against  the  proceedings  of  this  caucus,  there  was  a  strong 
protest  published  by  seventeen  members  of  both  houses  of  con- 
gress. 

The  reasons  assigned  for  the  protest  were  two-fold— one  was 
the  utter  impropriety  of  the  measure  itself — and  the  ether,  ob- 
jections to  the  presidential  candidate.  It  cannot  be  amiss  to  state 
some  of  those  reasons.* 

"  Our  alarm  is  equally  excited,  whether  we  advert  to  the  mode  in  which  the 
meeting  was  summoned,  or  to  the  proceedings  after  it  was  convened.  The  se- 
nator who  JSKumed  the  power  ofcaUing  together  the  members  of  congress,  did 
it  under  the  pretext  of  that  power  bemg  vested  in  him,  by  a  former  conven- 
tion ;  this  pretext,  whether  it  be  true  or  not,  implies  an  isscrtion  qf  a  right  in 
t!)c  congr<;ss  of  1804,  to  direct  their  successors  in  the  mode  of  choosing  the 
cliicf  magistrate ;  an  assertion  whirh  no  man  has  ever  before  hiul  the  hardihood 
to  advance.  The  notices  were  private  ;  itot  general  to  all  the  members  of  the 
two  houses  ;  nor  confined  to  the  republican  party ;  a  delegate  from  one  of  dift 
territories  was  invited  and  attended  i  a  man  wiio  in  elections  has  no  mifirage, 
and  in  legislation  no  vote.  The  pervious,  who  met  in  pursuance  of  this  unpre- 
cedented summons,  proceeded  withoiit  discussion  or  debate,  to  dettrniine  by 
ballot  the  candidates  for  the  highcHt  oilicos  in  the  union.  The  charactin's  of 
different  men,  and  their  pretensions  to  the  p  iblic  favour,  wci'e  )>ot  sufTored  to 
be  canviissed,  and  all  responsibility  was  avoid  jtd  by  the  mode  of  selection.  Tlip 
determination  of  this  conclave  has  been  piibl  shed  as  the  act  of  the  republican 
party  ;  and  with  as  much  exultation  ^s  the  result  of  a  solcnm  election  by  the 
nation.  Attempts  arc  making  to  impress  up.)n  the  pul)lic  mind,  that  these  pro- 
ceedings ought  to  be  binding  upon  all  the  republicans  :  and  those  who  refused 
to  attend,  or  disapprove  of  t'u;  meeting,  »  't  denounced  as  enemies  of  liberty, 
and  as  apostates  from  the  cause  of  tlie  ])eople.  In  this  state  of  things,  wethink 
it  inir  duty  to  address  you,  and  W(.'  tleeni  ourselves  called  upon  to  enter  oiu- 
most  solenm  protest  against  thesf  rroceedings. 

"  It  is  true  that  at  former  periods,  when  the  election  of  a  president  and  vice- 
presitlent  approached,  it  was  customary  to  hold  meetings  of  tlu'  members  of 
congrvijs,  for  the  puri)09c  of  recommending  candidntc^  to  the  public.    Uut 

*  Idem,  page  81. 


# 


f  j.        ' ,'    ft 


'*    \l 


i 


'(■*<. 


¥* 


POLITICVIi  OLIVE  BilA>*!.U. 


[chap.  784 


these  meeting*,  if  not  justified,  were  palliated  by  the  necessity  of  union.  The 
federahsts  presented  a  formidable  phalanx  ;  and  eit!u;r  to  succeed  at  all,  or  to 
prevent  them  from  placing  the  candidate  for  the  vice-presidency  in  the  presi- 
dentijd  chsur,  it  was  necessary  to  exert  the  combined  eflbrts  of  the  whole  re- 
publican party.  But  it  is  equally  true,  that  in  those  cases,  the  nominations  for 
the  presiueivcy  were  matters  of  course.  In  the  first  and  second  elections  under 
the  constitution,  the  eyes  of  all  were  turned  upon  tianeral  Washington  :  and 
mnce  tlie  expiration  of  those  periods,  during  which  ha  filled  the  supreme  exec- 
utive office,  there  has  not  till  now  been  any  diftereijce  of  opinion  among  the 
republicans,  as  to  tlie  candidates  for  the  fii-si  magistracy.  The  real  object  of 
all  former  meetings  was  to  produce  such  a  cu-operattuit  as  would  sc(  ure  tim 
election  of  a  republican  vice-president. 

"  The  circumstances,  which  might  be  urged  in  extxsnuation  of  such  a  mea- 
sure heretofore,  do  not  now  exist.  The  federalists  aio  comparativeJy  few  in 
number,  and  form  but  a  feeble  party.  The^  cannot  give  tu  any  one  cai  didate, 
more  than  sixteen  it  :ieventeen  votes  out  of  one  hundred  a;id  seventy-aix ;  no 
federalist  can  therefore  be  elected  by  the  electors  j  and  should  no  person  have 
a  majority  of  all  llje  electoral  votes,  the  choice  of  the  president  willdevr,)»re  ou 
the  members  of  tnc  present  house  of  veprescntjitives,  in  whi  jli  the  federalists 
have  the  votes  of  on\v  two  states,  Connecticut  and  Delaware.  Tlie  alteration 
cf  the  constitution  ..I'evcnt's  the  (.iun'iv  r  of  any  intrigue,  by  which  the  intended 
vice-president  might  be  elected ;  1  .  iJent.  Nr?  good  reason  cun  therefore  now 
be  assigned,  why  a  union  of  ther'"r>ub!ic;iii«  in  favour  "f  any  particular  person, 
should  oe  attempted  by  a  measui-e  in  its-!.' so  excci^tionable,  as  a  nomination 
by  the  senators  and  npresentativea  in  <*--tii'^iioss. 

"So  conscious  were  the  members  \<i'i-.>  iltended  the  late  meeting,  of  the 
weight  of  objections  which  mig'itbc  n'-^'ed  agiiinsl  their  proceedings,  that  they 
have  thought  it  [T-oper  to  publish  a!>  exculpatory  resolution,  proposed  by  Mr. 
^jiles,  of  Virginia,  and  unanimously  adopted.  They  have  declared,  that  in 
*'  making  the  nominations,  they  have  acted  only  in  their  individual  chai-acters 
Mf  itizens."  This  is  very  true,  because  they  could  act  in  no  other,  without  a 
breach  of  their  oaths,  and  r<  direct  violation  of  the  letter  of  the  constitution. 
But  w;.s  it  not  intended  that  those  nominations  shonld  be  enforced  by  the 
sanctioi  )f  congressional  namos? — ^They  proceed  to  assert  "  that  they  have 
been  indiii  v  J  to  adopt  this  m«.isure,  from  the  necessity  of  the  ca.se,  from  a 
deep  convi'  ti<m  of  the  importance  of  a  union  of  the  republicans  throughout 
all  parts  of  tin-  United  States,  in  the  present  crisis  of  both  our  external  and 
internal  affairs."  We  trust  wc  have  shown  tliat  no  s«ich  necessity  exists,  and 
that  a  union  amoi  .;  the  republicans,  in  favour  of  an  individual,  is  not  important. 

"  Wc  do  therefore,  in  tlie  most  solemn  manner,  protest  against  the  proceed- 
ings of  the  meeting,  held  in  the  senate  chamber,  an  the  twenty-third  day  of 
January  last,  because  we  consider  them — 

"  As  bei.'nr  in  direct  hostility  to  the  principles  of  tlic  constitution : 

"  Ad  a  g>;iss  assumption  of  power  not  delegated  by  the  people,  and  not  jus- 
tified or  extenuated  by  any  actual  necessity. 

"  As  an  attempt  to  produce  an  unjust  bias  in  tlie  ensuing  election  of  presi- 
dent and  vice-president,  and  virtually  to  transfer  tlie  appointment  of  those 
officers  from  the  people,  to  a  m.'ijority  of  tlie  two  houses  of  congress. 

"  And  we  do  in  the  same  manner,  protest  against  tlic  noiniiiation  of  .fames 
Madisoi),  as  we  believe  him  to  be  unfit  to  (ill  the  office  of  president  in  tlic  pre- 
sent juncture  of  our  affiiirs. 


"JOSKPH  CLAV, 
AliKAHAM  'l'im;G, 
JOIIV  Hl'SSKLL, 
.rOSIAH  MASTKUS, 

c;f,ok(;r  clinton,  iun. 

r;i!K!M)N  S.  MlIMFOi(l), 
.U)MN  THOMPSON, 
VmVM  SWAItT, 
KDWIN  <;UAY, 

"  City  uf  IVuihinKtm,  Feb.  27,  I8O9." 


W.   IIOGE, 
SAMUEI,  SMlTFf, 
DAN.  MONTGOMERY, 
.10IIN  IIAUHIH, 
SAMUEL  MAC  LAY. 
D.  It.  WILLIAMS, 
.TAS.  M.  GAHNETT, 
JOHN  RANDOU'U" 


CRAF.  78. 


CONGRESSIONAL  CAUCUSES. 


445 


The  caucus  nomination  met  with  violent  opposition  in  vari- 
ous parts  of  the  United  States,  The  same  grpund  was  taken  as 
by  the  protestors.  George  Clinton  possessed  the  regard,  the  es- 
teem and  the  gratitude  of  his  fellow  citizens,  in  a  very  high  de- 
gree. The  members  of  congress  from  the  state  of  New  York 
Were  most  decidedly  attached  to  him  ;  and,  except  one,  absent- 
ed the  ms!  Ives  from  the  caucus. 

Thert^  \'  as,  moreover,  in  the  state  of  Virginia,  a  strong  party 
m  iavovi)'  )f  Mr.  Monroe,  who  appointed  a  most  respectable 
committee  to  promote  his  election.  But  all  opposition  was  vain. 
The  paramount  influence  of  the  congressional  caucus  overpow- 
ered all  competition;  and  the  votes  of  the  presidential  electors 
were 


President. 
Jamcii  Miidison 
C.C  Pinckney 
GeOi|^e  Clinton 


m 

6 


176 


Vice-PreaideiU, 
George  Clinton 
Uui'tis  King 
John  Langdon 
James  Madison 
James  Monroe 


113 

48 
9 
3 
3 

176 


^  i 


H       it 


It  is  therefore  obvious  that  83  members  of  congress  did 
effectually  dictate  a  president,  and  79  a  vice-president,  for  the 
United  States.  And  it  is  equally  clear  that  they  took  the  na- 
tion completely  by  surprise ;  and  by  their  precipitation  did  not 
allow  the  chance  of  a  fair  expression  of  public  opinion.  The 
occasion  by  no  means  required  such  haste.  They  might  have 
waited  till  the  close  of  the  session  without  any  conceivable  dis- 
advantage :  whereas,  as  I  have  already  stated,  in  six  weeks  from 
the  declaration  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  determination,  and  above  ten 
months  previous  to  the  election,  they  wrested  the  choice  from 
the  hands  of  the  nation. 

In  the  whole  of  this  statement,  I  studiously  waive  all  compa- 
rison between  the  three  respectable  citizens  who  alone  were  con- 
templated for  president  by  the  party — James  Madison,  James 
Monroe,  and  George  Clinton.  Their  merits,  or  demerits,  do  not 
at  all  affect  the  question :  and  it  cannot  be  denied,  that  there  was 
a  degree  of  indecorum  and  impropriety  in  the  measure  that  can- 
pot  be  justified. 

I  shall  now  give  a  view  of  the  caucus  in  1812,  considerably 
more  in  detail,  as  more  recent. 

It  was  held  on  the  1 8th  of  May,  and  attended  by  1 7  senators, 
and  65  members  of  the  house  of  representatives.  To  enable  the 
reader  to  investigate  the  subject  with  more  accuracy,  I  annex  a 
I'st  of  their  names — the  states  they  represented — and  the  sta- 
tions they  filled. 

O.  B.  8% 


\  Hi 


446 


POUnCAL  OUVE  BRANCH. 


[chat.  79' 


Mv)  Hampshire, 
Senator. 
Richard  Cutis. 

KepresentativeB 
Josiah  Bartlet, 
Obed  Hall, 
John  A.  Harper. 
Mastochuaetts. 
Senator. 
John  B.  Varnum. 

Representatives 
Isiuah  L.  Green, 
Ebenezer  Seaver, 
Charles  Turner,  jun. 
Wm.  M.  Richardson. 
Vermont. 
Senator. 
Jonathan  Robinson. 

Representatives 
James  Fisk, 
Samuel  Shaw. 

Rhode  Island' 

Senator. 

Jeremiah  B.  Howell. 

^ew  York. 

Senator. 

John  Smith. 

Representatives. 
Samuel  L.  Mitchill, 
Ebenezer  Sage, 
Thomas  Summons. 
JVew  Jersey. 
Senator. 
John  Condit. 

Representatives. 
Lewis  Condit, 
James  Morgan, 
Adam  Uoyd. 

Pennsylvania. 
Senators- 
Andrew  Gregg, 
Michael  Lcib. 


Representatives. 
William  Anderson, 
David  Bard, 
Robert  Brown, 
William  Crawford, 
Roger  Davis, 
William  Findlay, 
John  M.  Hynemaii, 
Abner  Lacock, 
Aaron  Lyle, 
William  Piper, 
William  Smilie, 
George  Smith. 

Maryland. 

Representatives. 
Samuel  Ringgold, 
Robert  Wright. 
Virginia. 
Senator. 
Richard  Urent. 

Representatives. 
Burwell  Basset, 
Matthew  Clay, 
Wm.A  Burwell, 
John  Dawson, 
Thomas  Gholson, 
Peterson  Goodv^n, 
A.  M.  Hawes, 

—Taliaferro, 

Willisun  M'Coy, 
Hugh  Nelson, 
Thomas  Newton, 
James  Pleasants,  jun. 

JVor/A  Carolina. 
Senator. 
James  Turner. 

Uepresentatives. 
Willis  Alston, 
James  Cociinin, 
William  U.  King, 
Israel  Pickens. 


South  Carolina. 

Senator. 
John  Taylor. 

Representatives. 
William  Butler, 
John  C.  Calhoun, 
Elias  Earle, 
Thomas  Moore, 
Richard  Winn. 

Georgia. 

Senators. 
William  H.  Crawford, 
Charles  Tait. 

Representatives. 
William  H.  Bibb, 
Boiling  Hall, 
George  M.  Troup. 

Kentucky. 

Senator. 
John  Pope, 

Representatives. 
Henry  Clay, 
Joseph  Desha, 
Richard  M.  Johnson, 
Samui  1  M'Kee, 
Stephen  Ormsby, 
Anthony  New. 

Tennessee. 

Senators. 
Joseph  Anderson, 
G.  W.  CampbeU. 

Representatives. 
Felix  Grundy, 
John  Rhea, 
John  Sevier. 

Ohio. 
Senator. 
Thomas  Woitliin^n. 
Representative. 
Morrow. 


Mississippi  Territory. 
George  Poindexter. 
hvUana  Territory— ioxaXimi  Jennings. 


h 


CHAP.  78.] 


CONGRllSSIONAL  CAUCUSED- 


447 


New  Hampshire, 

Vermont,  - 

Massachusetts, 

Connecticut, 

Khode  Island, 

New-York, 

New-Jersey, 

Pennsylvania, 

Delaware, 

Maryland, 

Virginia, 

North  Carolina, 

South  Carolina, 

Georgia, 

Kentucky, 

Tennessee, 

Ohio, 

Indiana  territory, 

Mississippi  territory. 


In  Caucus 

In  Caucw 

Sen. 

Rep. 

Sen. 

Rep. 

1 

3 

2 

5 

1 

2 

4 

1 

4 

2 

17 

0 

0 

2 

7 

1 

0 

2 

2 

1 

3 

2 

17 

1 

3 

2 

6 

2 

12 

2 

18 

0 

0 

2 

1 

0 

2 

2 

9 

1 

12 

2 

22 

1 

4 

2 

12 

1 

5 

2 

8 

2 

3 

2 

4 

1 

6 

2 

6 

2 

3 

2 

3 

1 

1 

2 

1 

0 

1 

0 

1 

0 

1 

0 

1 

17      65        34    144 


Still  further  to  facilitate  a  decision  on  the  justice  or  injustice 
of  this  procedure,  I  submit  four  different  views  of  its  results : — 


mm 

'I  m^ 


'j' 

■f;! 


i:i 


m 


First  View. 


Connecticut  and  Delaware, 
Five  eastern  states,  -  '       j^.     ' 

New-York,  .... 

Pennsylvania  and  New-Jersey, 
Maryland,  ..... 

Virginia,        .  -  .  -  - 

North  Carolina,  .  .  .  - 

South  Carolina  and  GeorgiE^        '  '  ' 

Kentucky,  Tennessee,  Ohio,  Mississi^i  and) 
Indiana  territories,  3 

Second  View, 
New- York  and  Massachusetts, 
South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Kentucky,  Tennessee, 

Ohio,  Mississippi  and  Indiana  territories, 
Pennsylvania,  New-Jersey,  and  Connecticut, 
New  Hunpslure,  Maryland,  and  North  Carolina, 


Votes  in  Caucus.  In  both  Houses. 


Massachusetts, 
Kew-Yofk, 
Pennsylvania, 
Virginia, 


Third  View. 


Fourth  View, 


Five  eastern  states,        -        .  - 

Middle — New- York,   Pennsylvania,  New-Jereey? 

and  Delaware,  5 

Southern— MaTy\a.nd,   Virginia,  Noitli  Carolina,? 

South  Carohna,  and  Georgia,  j 

Western  states,  -  ,  .  - 


0 

12 

13 

45 

4 

19 

18 

28 

2 

11 

13 

24 

5 

14 

12 

16 

15 

16 

9 

S8 

27 

32-2 

18 

37 

11 

32 

5 

19 

4 

19 

14 

20 

13 

24 

13 

45 

22 

50 

31 

65 

15 

16-2 

Ills 


II 


IP: 


44$ 


POLITICAL  OUVE  BRANCH. 


[chap.  78< 


New- York  and  Massachusetts,  with  38  members  in  congress, 
had  but  nine  votes  in  caucus  j  whereas  South  Carolina,  with 
ten  members,  had  seven  votes. 

The  Western  states  and  territories,  with  sixteen  votes  in  con- 
gress, and  two  members  without  votes,  had  no  less  than  fifteen 
votes  in  caucus ;  being  within  one  as  many  as  Massachusetts, 
Connecticut,  New- York,  Maryland,  North  Carolina,  and  Dela- 
ware, which,  with  7a  votes  in  congress,  had  only  16  in  caucus. 

It  is  impossible  to  review  these  tables  without  being  most 
forcibly  struck  with  the  manifest  injustice  of  the  operation  of 
this  anomalous  proceeding.  It  is  in  every  point  of  view  inde- 
fensible. 

The  only  palliation  that  I  have  ever  heard,  or  seen  in  print,  of 
a  congressional  nomination  of  president  and  vice-president,  is, 
that  in  any  other  mode  it  would  be  difficult,  if  not  impossible,  to 
concentrate  the  exertions  and  energies  of  the  democratic  party 
in  any  one  candidate  ;  and  that  therefore  unless  this  system  were 
adopted,  they  would  be  liable  to  a  defeat. 

This  is  a  flimsy  covering,  to  justify  a  measure  not  merely  un- 
warranted by  the  constitution,  but,  as  I  shall  show,  in  direct  hos- 
tility with  as  wise  and  as  sound  a  provision  as  any  in  that  most 
noble  instrument. 

For  every  departure  from  constitutional  principles  that  ever 
has  taken  place,  or  ever  will,  an  equally  plausible  reason  may 
be  found.  The  British  house  of  commons'  was  chosen  trienni- 
ally  from  the  reign  of  WJUiam  III.  till  anno  1716,  under  the 
reign  of  George  I.  During  1715,  a  rebellion  had  taken  place — 
and  been  suppressed.  And  the  then  existing  parliament,  under 
pretence  that  the  Jacobites  would,  in  a  new  parliament,  acquire 
a  dangerous  ascendency,  and  that  the  nation  would  be  under 
French  influence,  passed  an  act  directing  the  elections  to  be 
septennial.  It  may  not  be  irrelevant  to  state  a  few  of  the  prin- 
cipal reasons  given  in  favour  of  the  septennial  bill.  In  the  house 
of  lords, 

"  The  fluke  of  Devonslrrc  made  a  speech  on  the  inconveniences  that  attend 
triennial  elections  ;  snpjgesting,  in  particular,  that  they  keep  up  party  divisions ; 
raise  and  ferment  feuds  and  animosities  in  pnvate  families  ;  occasion  ruinous 
expenses  ;  and  {jive  ocxasion  to  the  cabals  and  intrig'ues  of  foreign  princes. 
It  therefore  became  the  wisdom  of  tiiat  autyust  assembly  to  apply  a  proper 
rciiiedy  to  an  evil,  which  might  be  attended  with  the  most  dangerous  conse- 
quences, especially  in  tlie  present  temper  of  the  nation.  For,  though  the  re- 
bellion was  iiappily  suppressed,  yet  the  spirit  of  it  remained  unconquered,  and 
seemed  only  to  wait  for  an  opportunity  to  shew  itself  with  more  violence  ;  and 
that  the  ejection  of  a  new  parliament,  wliich  by  the  triennial  act  was  not  far 
otl',  being  the  most  favourable  junctm-e  which  the  disaffected  could  expect,  he 
thought  it  absolutely  necessary  to  deprive  them  of  it."* 

TheTeas(  ning  in  the  house  of  commons  was  equally  frivolous 
aind  dcceptious  : 

•  Rapin's  England,  vol.  .\ix.  p.  5. 


CHAP.  7B.] 


COKGRESSIIONAL  CAUCUSES. 


4.49 


"  Mr.  Lyddall  made  a  long  speech  for  the  bill,  and,  among  other  things,  swd, 
"  If  this  opportunity  be  lost,  ^ou  may  possibly  never  have  another,  or  at  least 
so  good  a  one,  not  only  to  conquer  but  even  to  eradicate  that  spirit  of  Jaco- 
bitism,  which  has  dwelt  long  among  us,  and  has  more  than  once  brought  this 
nation  to  the  very  brink  of  ruin  and  destruction.  Since,  therefore,  with  much 
danger  and  difficulty,  we  have  at  last  secured  our  religion,  laws,  and  Uberties, 
when  all  was  at  stake  from  the  treachery  of  the  late  ministiy,  and  the  unac- 
countable proceedings  of  the  last  triennial  parliament,  why  should  you  run  the 
jisk  of  having  a  new  one  so  soon,  first  chosen  by  French  money,  and  then  vot- 
ing by  French  directions  ?  Since  the  king  and  his  parliament  exert  their  united 
power  for  the  good  of  the  public,  and  to  retrieve  the  honour  of  tlie  nation, 
why  should  they  not  continue  longer  together,  that  they  may  finish  wliat  they 
have  so  unanimously  and  happily  beg^ui  ?    Upon  the  whole,  the  electors  and 

Eeople  of  all  the  boroughs  in  England  having,  for  several  ye.irs  past,  been 
ribed  and  preached  into  the  pretendrt-'s  interest,  and  a  dislike  of  the  protests 
ant  succession,  it  becomes  rather  necessity  than  choice,  to  apply  an  extraordi* 
nary  remedy  to  an  extraordinary  disease."* 

The  danger,  if  real,  subsided — if  pretended,  as  appears  pro- 
bable, lost  all  its  plausibility.  But  power  was  too  sweet  to  be 
abandoned.  The  septennial  act  remains.  It  has  been  in  opera- 
tion above  a  century.  The  best  men  in  the  British  dominions 
have  used  their  utmost  endeavours,  in  vain,  to  have  the  original 
system  restored.  Those  who  alone  have  the  power  of  correct- 
ing the  evil,  would  thereby  diminish  their  own  influence.  It  is 
therefore  utterly  hopeless  to  expect  a  reformation.  And  the 
best  political  writers  of  Great  Britain  ascribe  to  this  single 
source  a  large  proportion  of  the  abuses  that  have  arisen  since 
the  important  change  took  place ;  as  the  effect  of  the  alteration 
is  to  render  the  representative  almost  wholly  independent  of, 
and  irresponsible  to,  his  constituents. 

After  having  given  a  concise,  but  I  hope  a  satisfactory  histo- 
rical sketch  of  the  two  most  important  congressional  caucusses 
that  have  occurred,  I  proceed  to  point  out,  in  brief,  a  few  of 
the  radical  and  powerful  objections,  to  which  they  are  incurably 
liable. 

1,  The  first  objection  is,  that  they  are  manifestly  unequal,  and 
of  course  unjust. 

We  have  seen  that  some  of  the  states  have  had  in  caucus 
nearly  the  whole  number  of  their  representatives  in  congress — 
some  two-thirds — some  one  half — and  some  were  wholly  unre- 
presented. And  this  is  an  inevitable  result  of  the  present  sys- 
tem of  caucussing.  The  states  of  New- York  and  Pennsylvania, 
with  1,700,000  free  inhabitants,  if  represented  by  federalists, 
would  not  have  as  much  influence  in  a  democratic  caucus,  as  the 
Indiana  territory,  if  represented  by  a  democrat.  I  trust  there 
is  not  a  candid  man  in  the  nation  who  will  deny,  that  this  is  an 
overwhelming  and  unanswerable  objection  to  the  system. 

2.  They  make  the  seat  of  government  a  scene  of  intrigue, 
and  pave  the  way  for  the  inroads  of  corruption. 

*  Idem,  page  If^. 


V-^ 


i 


:i 


{ 


ill- 


■■|.  '    . 


Iff; 


POUnCAL  OUVE  BRANCH. 


[ciAF.  rs. 


While  the  nomination^  (that  is  to  say,  arguing  from  past  ex- 
perience, the  election)  of  president  and  vice  president,  resides 
in  a  body  of  men,  collected  in  one  spot  for  months  together,  it 
presents  a  focus  for  intrigue,  and  management,  and,  let  me  add, 
for  corruption,  not  merely  to  ambitious  men  in  our  own  country, 
but  to  the  ministers  of  foreign  powers,  who  may  feel,  as  some 
of  them  undoubtedly  do,  a  desire  to  acquire  an  undue  influence 
in  our  councils.* 

The  office  of  president  holds  out  lures  to  two  of  the  strongest 
jiassions  of  human  nature— ambition  and  avarice.  Almost  every 
page  of  history  affords  the  most  admonitory  warnings  against 
their  deleterious  effects.  A  man  of  powerful  influence,  actua- 
ted by  ambition  or  by  avarice,  and  desirous  of  filling  the  presi- 
dential chair,  can  very  readily  offer  sufficient  temptations,  by 
the  numerous  offices  of  profit  and  honour  in  the  gift  of  the  pre- 
sident, to  a  few  of  the  leading  members  of  congress,  to  secure 
their  influence,  which  will  give  the  command  of  a  majority  of 
the  votes  in  caucus. 

Against  this  pernicious  consequence,  the  constitution  very 
wisely  provides.  It  directs  that  the  electors  of  president  and 
vice-president  shall  assemble  on  one  day,  in  their  respective 
states,  thus  rendering  it  impossible,  from  their  numbers,  and 
their  distance,  to  tamper  with  them  effectually. 

3.  A  third  objection  deserves  consideration.  When  a  presi- 
dent is  desirous  of  a  re-election,  he  will,  as  the  important  period 
of  the  caucus  approaches,  find  it  necessary  to  consult  the  views 
and  wishes  of  the  leading  members  of  congress,  to  a  degree 
hardly  compatible  with  the  independence  which  his  official  sta- 
tion requires.  A  political  leader  in  congress,  possessed  of  great 
influence  and  address,  feels  his  own  importance,  and  it  would 
not  be  extraordinary  if  he  were,  on  certain  occasions,  to  make 
it  likewise  felt,  and  oppressively  too,  by  the  president. 

4.  The  fourth  objection  is  of  itself  abundantly  sufficient.  It 
is  simply,  that  a  congressional  caucus  for  president  or  vice-pre- 
sident is  absolutely  unconstitutional. 

There  are  only  three  classes  of  persons  who  are  expressly  pro- 
hibited from  being  electors  of  either  of  those  officers.  1.  Mem- 
bers of  the  senate.  2.  Members  of  the  house  of  representatives 
of  the  United  States—and,  3.  Persons  holding  offices  under  the 
United  States.  The  constitution  expressly  declares,  that — ^"  no 
senator,  or  representative,  or  person  holding  an  office  under  the 
United  States,  shall  be  appointed  an  elector." 

Is  it  not  wonderful — would  it  not  be  incredible,  if  the  fact 
did  not  thus  stare  us  in  the  face — that  two  of  the  three  classes 

•  The  objection  here  stated,  may  be  found  detailed  more  fully  and  more 
satisHtctorily  in  the  address  of  tlic  New-York  committee,  appointed  at  the  last 
presidential  election. 


«)RA1'.   78.] 


CONGRESSIONAL  CAUCUSES. 


451 


of  men,  who  are  expressly  excluded  by  the  constitution,  from 
any  s^ency  in  this  important  operation,  should  have  dared  to 
assume  the  whole  power  of  election,  and  that  the  usurpation 
should  have  been  tamely  submitted  to  by  their  fellow-citizens  ? 

The  provision  of  the  constitution  is  singularly  wise  and  pro- 
found. It  is  intended  to  prevent  an  undue  influence  upon  the 
election — ^to  erect  a  barrier  between  the  legislative  body  and  the 
first  executive  magistrate.  And  is  there  a  man  in  the  nation 
who  will  venture  to  say,  that  the  effects  proposed  to  be  produced 
by  this  provision,  are  not  utterly  destroyed  by  the  members  of 
the  legislature  daring  to  propose  candidates,  who  must  be  sup- 
ported under  the  penalty  of  apolitical  anathema  i 

Disproportionate  and  objectionable  as  were  the  caucuses  of 
1808  and  1812,  a  caucus,  merely  congressional,  for  the  ensuing 
presidential  election,  would  now  (1816)  be  far  more  incorrect. 
The  eastern  states  being  almost  wnolly  represented  in  congress 
by  federal  stR.  the  voice  of  these  states  would  be  very  nearly 
lost  in  a  democratic  caucus.  They  would  have  little  more  in- 
fluence in  the  affair,  than  the  inhabitants  of  Jamaica  or  Calcutta. 
The  state  of  Ohio  or  Tennessee  would  have  more  weight  in  the 
arrangement,  than  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts,  Vermont, 
Connecticut,  Rhode  Island,  Delaware,  and  perhaps  Maryland. 
It  is  impossible  for  any  man,  of  fairness  and  candour,  not  to  be 
struck  with,  or  not  to  acknowledge,  the  gross,  palpable,  and  mon- 
strous impropriety  of  such  a  system. 

That  a  constitutional  provision  might  be  devised,  I  feel  confi- 
dent^ I  will  venture  respectfully  to  suggest  one.  Should  it  be 
regarded  as  improper  or  inadequate,  others  may  be  proposed. 

In  two  of  the  states,  Connecticut*  and  New  Jersey,  the  people 
vote  for  candidates  to  be  put  in  nomination  for  members  of  con. 
gress.     If,  then,  applying  this  plan  to  the  office  of  president,  at 

*  Extract  from  an  Act  for  regxdating  the  election  ofSenatom  and  Representativett 
for  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  for  the  State  of  Connecticut. 

"  2.  And  be  it  further  enacted.  That  the  freemen  of  the  several  towns  in  this 
state,  at  the  freemen's  meeting  in  April,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand 
seven  Imndred  and  ninety-six,  and  once  in  two  years  thereafter,  at  the  free-, 
men's  meeting  in  April,  immediatelv  after  giving  in  their  votes  for  the  officers 
of  government,  shall  each  give  in  his  vote  or  suffrage  for  fourteen  pei-sons, 
such  as  he  judges  qualified,  to  stand  in  nomination,  for  election  in  the  month 
of  October,  then  next  following,  as  representatives  of  tiio  people  of  this  state, 
in  the  congress  of  the  United  States,  their  names  being  fairly  written  on  a 
piece  of  paper,  to  the  person  who  by  law  presides  in  sai<l  meeting;  wlio  shall 
m  the  presence  of  the  freemen,  make  entry  of  all  such  persons  as  tlie  freemen 
shall  vote  for,  and  the  number  of  votes  for  each  ;  and  lodge  the  same  in  the 
town-clerk's  office,  of  the  town  to  which  he  belongs,  and  transmit  a  <opy  under 
his  hand  and  seal  of  office,  sealed  up,  to  the  general  assembly,  in  May  then  next 
following,  by  one  of  the  representatives  of  such  town  ;  at  whicii  assembly,  tlie 
votes  of  the  freemen  shall  be  counted  in  maimer  and  form  as  is  hei-eafter  in  this 
act  directed.  And  the  fourteen  persons  who  have  tlie  greatest  number  of 
votes,  shall  be  the  persons  whose  names  shall  be  returned  to  the  several  townSj 
to  stand  in  the  nomination  aforesaid." 


I^ii 


If .  \l 


m 


ji. 


:il^ 


POLmCAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[chap.  78. 


the  general  election  in  each  state,  next  previous  to  the  election 
for  president  and  vice-president,  the  electors  were  to  vote  for 
candidates  to  be  put  in  nomination  for  these  offices,  the  sense  of 
the  nation  would  be  fairly  taken  :  and  from  the  candidates  thus 
designated,  the  electors  might  finally  fill  the  offices. 

out  this,  or  any  other  constitutional  provision  is  a  remote  ob- 
ject, and  even  ii  adopted,  will  be  too  late  for  the  ensuing  elec- 
tion, A  remedy  for  some  of  the  evil's  of  the  Washington  cau- 
C'-  i  may  be  suggested.  Let  those  states  that  are  wholly  repre- 
sented by  federalists,  appoint  a  number  of  delegates  to  proceed 
to  attend  the  caucus  at  Washington,  equal  to  the  whole  number 
of  members  of  congress  belonging  to  these  states ;  and  those  that 
are  in  part  represented  by  federalists,  a  number  equal  to  the 
number  of  federalists.  Thus,  in  the  decision  of  this  important 
operation,  every  state  will  have  its  due  share  of  influence.* 

These  delegates  may  be  appointed  either  by  the  people  in 
their  districts,  or  by  the  democratic  members  of  the  several  le- 
gislatures, as  the  case  may  be. 

It  is  obvious,  thfit,  although  this  plan  does  not  remove  the 
constitutional  objection,  it  obviates  some  of  the  other  most  solid 
ones. 

If  the  federal'^sts  manage  this  affair  by  congressional  caucus, 
every  line  of  this  chapter  applies  to  them  as  well  as  to  the  demo- 
crats. 

Just  as  this  sheet  was  going  to  press,  I  met  with  a  plan  pro- 
posed by  a  writer  in  a  Louisville  paper,  which  deserves  serjoua 
consideration.  It  is,  for  the  state  legislatures  to  appoint  com- 
mittees of  correspondence  to  ascertain  the  public  sentiment  re- 
specting the  various  persons  among  whom  it  might  be  proper  to 
make  a  choice.  If  in  this  mode  a  concentration  of  the  energies 
and  exertions  of  the  party  could  he  obtained,  as  seems  not  un- 
prol)able,  it  would  be  by  far  the  best  mode  that  has  hitherto 
been  suggested.  It  would,  at  all  events,  obviate  all  the  strong 
and  solid  objections  to  which  the  system  that  has  heretofore  pre- 
vailed, is  liable. 

*  Tliis  idea  was  siippcstrd  by  Mr.  John  Hinnii,  rdltor  of  the  Dcmorrntic 
Press,  several  nioiUl\s  sinct — iiiid  is  merely  carrying  into  ojxration  a  system 
.•ilreiuly  acted  upon  in  Uic  sluic  df  IVniisylvftniu,  in  clcctirtis  lor  governor.  It 
)<  not  lUcrctbre  wliolly  an  untried  sclicinc. 


^ 


m 


APPEXDIX 

TO  THE  EIGHTH  EDITION,* 


■'ri 


CHAPTER  LXXIX. 

JVestern  Insurrection,     Views  of  the  war.    John  Henri), 

Among  the  sins  of  the  democratic  party,  the  western  insur- 
yection  claims  a  proud  pre-eminence.  Hid  it  not  been  met  with 
the  energy  and  decision  which  General  Washington  displayed 
on  the  occasion,  its  obvious  tendency  was,  and  the  probable  re- 
sult would  have  been,  to  destroy  the  recently  r^.ised  fabric  of  the 
federal  government — the  pride  of  the  new,  the  admiration  of  the 
old,  world.  The  wise  and  the  good  of  this  country,  and  of  Eu- 
rope, regarded  the  crisis  with  the  deepest  awe  and  solicitude. 
The  prospect  was  calculated  to  appal  persons  of  no  mean  degree 
of  fortitudct  The  fate  of  unborn  millions  hung  for  a  season  in 
suspense  and  doubt.  Heaven  smiled  propitiously  on  us.  It  in- 
terposed for  our  salvation.  Our  executive  magistrate  wisely 
called  forth  an  overwhelming  force,  which  frowned  down  trea- 
son and  rebellion.  They  shrunk,  shuddering  with  terror,  into 
their  dens,  and  called  on  the  mountains  to  cover  them, 

This  heinous  sin,  hideous  enough  under  any  possible  form,  is 
greatly  aggravated  by  a  consideration  of  the  subject  that  led  to 
it.  It  was  the  excise  on  spirituous  liquors.f  Never  can  the 
ministers  of  taxation  appear  in  a  less  exceptionable  form,  than 
when  they  derive  means  of  defraying  the  expenses  of  go'crn- 
ment,  by  limiting  the  horrible  ravages  of  the  destroyer,  drun- 
kenness, which,  by  profound  observers,  is  believed  to  devour 
more  hunuui  victims  than  the  sword. 

The  deluded  men,  wliosc  (  rinus  forfeited  their  lives,  to  the 
offended  justice  of  ihcir  country,  and  some  of  whom  actually 
lost  them  in  the  insurrection,]  were  guilty  of  most  atrocious  out- 

•  riihlishoil  July  4,  1R17. 

\  In  ilmpiiT  74,tlierf  uro  iome  severe  Btriclurrs  uguimt  tlic  contimiancc  of 
the  exciHc  svMtcni,  whicli  to  siipcHiciul  reiidirs  wijl  appiuf  inconsistent  wiih 
tlieHc  reinurks  Hut  tliis;  w  ill  I)p  tlir  caw  with  tliut  tliisBol  readers  only.  Tlio 
rxcise  there  reprohntcd  v-itcnded  to  Viicioti'*  ohjects  oi  useful  induntry,  und  on 
•oinn  of  tliein  h:td  u  inosl  "ppressive  irt'eet 

i  There  were  u  few  «f  tile  rioters  kilkd  in  the  attuck  upon  tlic  inspcetor'n 
houic  in  Pitt<4bur{(. 

O.  B.  It 


•M, 


454 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BUANCIL 


[chap.  79. 


rages.  They  seized  a  person  of  the  name  of  Wilson,  whom 
they  presumed  to  be,  but  who  really  was  not,  a  collector  of  the 
revenue — stripped  him  of  his  clothes,  which  they  burned — tarred 
and  feathered  him— burned  him  on  several  parts  of  the  body 
with  a  heated  iron — and  dismissed  him  naked,  wounded,  and 
otherwise  in  a  suffering  conditio » .*  They  tarred  and  feathered 
other  persons.  And  they  seized  and  carried  off  witnesses,  in 
order  to  prevent  their  giving  testimony  of  the  outrages.f 

They  likewise  burned  the  bams,  with  their  contents,  of  per- 
sons who  had  given  information  against  the  insurgents  ;  and  not 
satisfied  with  this  outrage,  they  perpetrated  the  same  even  on 
those  who  had  merely  -ompUed  with  the  law.:}; 

Tlie  marshal  and  inspector  of  the  revenue  were  beset  on 
the  road  by  from  thirty  to  forty  armed  men,  and  Bnally  fired 
iipon.i^S 

A  meeting  was  held  at  Pittsburg,  of  a  large  number  of  in- 
habitants of  the  western  counties  of  Pennsylvania,  which  passed 
a  nuinlier  of  inflammatory  and  seditious  resolutions, — among 
the  rest  they  declared  "that  they  would  in  future  regard 
those  who  held  oiHces  for  the  collection  of  the  duty  as  unworthy 
of  their  frirmhhij) ;  that  they  would  have  no  intercourse  nor 
dealings  with  them  ;  that  they  would  withdraw  from  them  every 
assistance ;  withhold  all  the  comforts  of  life  which  as  men  and 
fellow  citizens  they  owed  each  other  ;  and  on  all  occasions  treat 
them  7vith  contempt ;  earnestly  recommending  to  their  fellow- 
citizens  at  large,  to  follow  the  same  line  of  conduct  towardi 
them.  II 

Every  attempt  was  made  to  appease  them,  but  in  vain. 
They  proceeded,  step  by  step,  to  the  last  extremity.  On  the 
17th  of  July,  1794,  an  armed  party  of  insurgents,  amounting  to 
about  5(X)  men,  attacked  the  house  of  the  inspector  in  Pitts- 
burg, ill  which  was  a  small  but  gallant  bcxnd  of  soldiers,  amount- 
ing to  about  a  dozen  men,  vmder  Major  ivirkpatrick.  A  brisk 
fitJng  took  place,  which  continued  for  an  hour — and  at  length, 
the  insurgents  having  set  fire  to  the  adjacent  buildings,  eight  in 
number,  the  intensencss  of  the  heat  obliged  the  major  and  his 
small  i)arty  to  surrender ;  when  the  assailants  burned  the  in- 
sp«ctor'8  house  ar\d  all  its  furniture.  They  took  the  marshal  and 
inspector  prisonern,  and  only  released  them  (m  a  solemn  pledge, 
that  they  would  serve  no  othir  process  west  of  the  mountains.^! 

They  likewise  stopped  the  mail,  cut  it  open,  and  took  out  all 
tjie  letters,  except  those  contained  in  one  packet.** 

•  ProrrcilitififH  of  the  executive  of  tJie  United  States,  respecting  the  insiir* 
gcnl».     Anno  ir'.M.  p.  104. 


I 


Idem,  105. 
Idcui,  lUU. 


1 1dem,  11.5, 116. 
1 1dvin,  Ul. 


S  Idem,  119. 
•♦  Idem,  Ui 


CBAP.  79] 


VIEWS  OF  THE  WAR. 


455 


Here  ended  their  ahort-lived  triumphs.  The  president,  as 
stated,  sagaciously  embodied  a  torce  that  rendered  further  op- 
position liopeless. 

The  leaders  of  the  insurrection  fled  in  various  directions— 
and  of  course  escaped  danger.  Numbers  of  their  deluded  fol- 
lowers were  unresistingly  seized — thrown  into  prison — tried- 
found  guilty — and  all  experienced  the  lenity  of  the  govern- 
ment. 

This  unsuccessful  insurrection  operated,  as  all  others  of  this 
description  have  ever  done.  It  wonderfully  strengthened  the 
hands  of  the  government.  It  paralized  thousands  of  the  demo- 
crats, who  had  been  terrifying  themselves  with  the  apprehen- 
sions of  the  Scylla  of  despotism — and  found  themselves  on  the 
V  ^rge  of  a  shipwreck  on  the  Charybdis  of  anarchy.  Vast  num- 
bers of  them  abandoned  the  ranks  of  democracy — and  enrolled 
themselves  beneath  the  banners  of  federalism,  under  which  they 
have  kept  the  field  ever  since. 


ji  ;,i 


New  views  of  the  war. 

The  late  war  may  be  regarded  under  a  variety  of  views,  fur- 
nishing ample  subjects  for  exultation,  astonishment,  and  grati- 
tude.    I  submit  two,  by  no  means  the  least  remarkable. 

It  continued  for  about  two  years  and  a  hull'.  For  nearly  two 
years  of  that  time  Great  Britain  was  engaged  in  a  desperate 
and  doubtful  war  with  France  and  her  dependencies ;  and,  of 
course,  her  attention  was  distracted  from  our  war  to  more  t)res3- 
ingafTairs  nearer  home. 

Durinp  this  time,  we  met  with  a  long  series  of  disasters  on 
land,  which,  in  rapid  succession,  trod  on  the  heels  of  each 
other.  But  from  the  period  of  the  subjugation  of  France  and 
the  final  triumph  of  Grcit  Britain,  when  we  had  to  engage  tliis 
mighty  power  single-handed,  we  were  almost  unccasinglj'  pros- 
perous, with  the  exception  of  the  disgraceful  and  never-enoujrh- 
to-be-regrettcd  disaster  at  Washington. 

The  other  view  of  the  war  is  as  interesting.  It  was,  with 
few  exceptions,  conducted  by  the  niinistry  of  (jreat  Britain  with 
great  imbecility.  Yet  where  the  means  were  least  proportion- 
ed to  the  ends',  they  succeeded  best.  Of  this  their  success  a* 
Washington  affords  a  most  complete  illustration.  With  the  force 
the  British  had  on  that  occasitm,  it  was  a  most  extravagant  and 
wild  undertaking,  to  venture  so  far  from  their  sliipping  in  such 
u  country.  But  where  they  i)lanned  with  the  most  [)rudence 
and  sagacity,  there  they  were  most  signally  defeated.  The 
ablest  statesman  tliut  ever  lived,  could  hardly  have  made  more 
judicious  arrangements — or  l^otter  proportionid  the  means  to 
the  object  in  view,  than  was  dime  at  Plattsl)urg  and  New  Or- 
leans :  and  never  vas  then-  a  more  comjilete  prospect  of  Rvrv- 


If 


1 »». 


•456 


lOUTICAL  OUVE  BRANCH; 


[chap,  79. 


cess.  But  never  were  arrangements  more  completely  baffled — 
never  were  defeats  more  signal — than  in  those  two  cases.  The 
disproportion  of  forces  was  immensely  great ;  but  the  dispro* 
portion  of  destruction  was  far  greater.  There  is  probably  no 
example  of  the  kind  in  history  equal  to  that  of  New  Orleans. 

These  two  cases  afford  the  most  complete  corroboration  of  the 
scripture  maxim — "  the  race  is  not  always  to  tlje  swift — nor  the 
battle  to  the  strong.'* 

John  Henry. 

The  employment  of  this  British  agent  by  sir  John  Craig,  to 
sound  the  views  of  the  leaders  of  the  federal  party  in  the  east- 
ern states,  and  to  ascertain  how  far  they  would  "  exert  their  in- 
fluence to  bring  about  a  separation  from  the  general  union  ;''  and 
*'  how  far,  in  such  an  event,  they  would  look  to  Englahd  for 
assistance,  or  be  disposed  to  enter  into  a  connexion"  with  her, 
has  been  stated  in  the  27th  chapter,  in  which  the  correspond- 
ence between  the  employer  and  the  agent  has  been  given. 

He  ivas  not  only  ungemrously  but  unjustly  treated  by  the 
British  government.  He  had  been  employed  by  one  of  their 
highest  public  functionaries  on  an  important  service,  attended 
with  considerable  t.ouble,  difficulty,  and  expense — and  requiring 
a  respectal)le  grade  of  talents.  In  the  performance  of  this  ser- 
vice, he  displayed  ability  and  inckistry.  He  fairly  earned  a 
handsome  reward  :  and  it  was  discreditable  to  (jreat  Britain  not 
to  cou.pensute  him. 

Irritated  to  revenge  by  this  treatment — and  probably  pressed 
by  want,  he  came  to  this  country  to  sell  his  secret  to  th*  best 
advantage.  Our  administration  y^,i\v  bun  thf  enormous  and 
most  extravagant  bonus  rf6(',(XK>  dolUtrs  for  hi*  diHcot^ericM  and 
his  breach  of  faith  to  his  original  eniplove'  i.* 

It  was  most  immoderately  beyond  thi     a\\\v  of  the  commww- 
cation.     The  udministration  doululess  *  ahulated  that  it  would 
excite  a  general  resentment  against  the  British  nation  and  tlvc 
partisans  of  that  nation,  which  would  produce  a  great  degree  of 
unanimity  in  favour  of  the  war.    And  had  Alexander  Hamilton 
fx:cn  at  the  head  of  the  j«,V(.  rnment,  and  possessed  su'h  an  in- 
strunnnt  against  his  p  \\X\cd  opponents,  he  would  hav«  crushed 
them,  as  the  forked  hghtnit'  lies  wliatever  stands  in  its  way. 

But,  at  it  was  managf'd,  it  i.v . ......    a  mt  re  pop  gun,  wholly  \r^ 

operative  as  to  the  tvA  proposed.  Jndied,  it  may  be  fairly 
doubted  whether  it  did  n6t  actually  recoil  upon  and  injure  the 
administration. 


•  Never  WOH  money  more  nMpifNVy  '»r!,tov/r<l     One  half  the  mterost  of  it, 
cmpUivcil  in  publitiitioiiM,  lo  mT     '  irrx  (»f  tin  ^^om  riini<  nl  frciin  tin- 

(ffoss  niitrcprcn'-ntfttioim  wlmli  (I  .»,  wonlil  nruhiil'ly  liuvc  prevent 

ed  tlie  war,  and  saved  niiUtoiiH  cf  (l<illHr<  iiut  tl>ouH»iKls  of  vuIuuIjIc  livc^. 


!■     '! 


CHAP.  80.] 


BLUE  LIGHTS. 


457 


•^  ;  .       CHAPTER  LXXX. 

Blue  Lights.     Congress. 

At  an  early  period  of  the  war.  Captain  Decatur,  in  the  United 
States,  accompanied  by  the  Macedonian  and  Hornet,  sailed 
from  New-York,  into  the  Sound,  hoping  to  elude  the  vigi- 
lance of  the  enemy's  squadron  cruising  off  that  harbour.  He 
was  disappointed  in  this  calculation,  and  obliged  to  take  refuge 
in  the  port  of  New  London,  where  he  Was  blockaded  by  a  su- 
perior force. 

The  weather,  on  two  occasions,  appeared  to  afford  him  a  fair 
chance  of  escape,  of  which  he  was  anxiously  desirous  to  avail 
himself.  But  in  both  instances  he  was  defeated  by  traitors,  who, 
by  means  of  blue  lights,  announced  his  intentions  to  the  enemy, 
so  as  to  render  the  attempt  a  certain  prelude  to  destruction. 

This  is  a  most  melancholy  consideration.  It  evinces  the  aw-* 
ful  extent  to  which  disaffection  and  the  treasonable  spirit  was 
tarried,  and  affords  a  most  admonitory  warning  against  the 
curses  with  which  faction  is  pregnant. 

Attempts  were  made  to  destroy  the  Iielief  of  this  atrocious 
fact.  It  was  flatly  contradicted  in  various  newspapers  in  the 
eastern  states.  The  following  is  the  form  in  which  the  contrar 
diction  appeared  in  the  Rhode  Island  American  : 

"  In  our  paper  of  Friday  last  [December  17,  1813]  we  repii!)Iished  from  tlie 
New  London  Gazette,  an  account  respecting'  the  exhibition  of  blue  light n,  on 
tile  lieiglits  near  that  place,  desijynod  as  signals  to  the  enemy's  fleelf.  Wft 
were  unwilling'  to  believe  that  any  of  our  citizens  could  be  guilty  of  so  vjross 
a  1  outrage  on  the  laws  of  their  Coiuitiy  ;  and  arc  happy  now  to  have  it  j/i  our 
power  to  stute,  on  the  autlun-itv  of  a  respectable  paper  published  at  Norwich, 
that  the  statement  was  totallv  incorrect.  It  appears,  that  on  the  night  of  Sun- 
tiuy  the  12th  inst.  hhu^  liffhtH  from  the  enemv's  ships  were  discernible  from  our 
gxiuitl  boats.     Hut  none  were  seen  proceeding  froiathe  land." 

It  would  be  highly  grateful,  for  the  honour  of  our  country,  to 
find  these  confident  assertions  coincide  with  the  fact.  Unfor- 
tunately they  are  in  direct  hostility  with  it,  as  will  appear  from 
the  following 

Edlractofu  Ifttfrfrom  Commoilori'  Decatur  to  thr  Sirrrtary  nf  thn  J^ai';i. 

.A'Viv  Itondnn,  fire.  20,  181.?. 
"  Home  few  nights  since,  the  weather  promised  an  opfiortunily  f-ir  tliiH 
squadron  to  get  to  sea:  and  it  was  said  on  shore,  that  wj- intended  to  niak(t 
tlu'  attempt.  In  the  course  of  the  evening,  two  Miir  Utffitu  were  burned  on 
♦tolh  the  points  at  the  harbour's  mouth,  ;is  signal';  to  the  enemy.  And  there 
IS  not  adoubt,  i)Ul  that  they  have,  l)v  signals  uid  otherwise,  instantaneous  in- 
formation of  our  movements,  (irt'tt,  but  iinsucressf'ul  exertions  have  been 
made  to  detect  those  .vho  comuinnirate  with  the  enemy  by  signal.  The  edi- 
torofthe  New  l.(»n(U)n  (iazefle,  to  alarm  them,  and  in  the  hope  to  prevent', 
the  repetition  of  these  signulg,  stated  in  tliat  newspuiier,  that  they  had  been 
oliserved,  and  \enturi(l  to  denounce  those  wlio  h:i')  made  them,  in  the  most  in- 
(iijt'iiant  terms.  The  tonsccpu-nce  is,  tliut  /»•  hw  imnnrd  the  rrlnmn  cciiswi'  nf 
fume  of  hi. t  nnicfibuiirj.     Not  withsUJuliiig  these  sigiiula  \i\\x  been  rcjjcalt.d,  and 


m 


■-4 


458 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


{kuAt.  80. 


CKif. 


have  been  seen  by  twenty  persons  at  least  in  this  squadron,  there  are  men  in 
New  London  who  have  the  hardihood  to  affect  to  itisbelieve  it,  and  the  effrmitery  to 
avov)  their  disbelief.  1  am,  &C.  STEPHEN  DECATUR." 

Hon.  Win.  Jones,  Sec.  of  the  Mivy. 

It  may  not  be  unsatisfactory  to  the  reader,  to  see  the  state- 
ment from  the  New  London  Gazette  to  which  Commodore  De- 
catur refers,  and  which,  alas  !  excited  the  indignation  of  the 
printer's  patrioUc  neighbours ! 

JV'<nr»  IjQjidon,  Sec.  IS. 
"  It  will  astonish  every  Americln  who  has  one  spark  to  kindle  into  a  flame 
the  love  of  his  country,  when  we  state  as  a  fact,  for  wliich  we  vouch,  that  on 
Sunday  evening  last,  when  tlie  report  was  current,  that  our  squadron  would 
put  to  sea  before  the  next  morning-,  in  the  course  of  the  night,  blue  lights  were 
raised  on  the  h >>- b*s  botli  at  Grotonand  on  tliis  side  of  the  entrance  of  our 
harbour  ;  evii^jiti,  designed  as  signals  to  the  British  fleet.  This  has  excited 
tlie  highest  iiv  ignation  :  and  the  most  decisive  measures  have  been  taken  to 
detect  and  tr  •  «itr  to  condign  punishment  the  traitorous  wretches  who  dare 
thus  to  give  ■  .emy  ev^ry  atlvantage  over  those  great  and  gallant  men,  who, 
in  the  .>,i  ••.Ui  ifipoli,  and  in  the  present  contest,  have  honoured  the  Ameri- 
can si).r .  \.iii  ;•.  bistre  which  cannot  be  eclipsed." 


Congress, 

It  is  im  :  >t:  le  for  any  man  who  has  the  honour  or  interest 
ot  this  country  at  heart,  to  view  some  of  the  proceedings  of  con- 
gress, without  mixed  emotions  of  astonishment,  and  deep  regret. 

The  mind  eagerly  searches  in  those  proceir^  Ings  for  symptoms 
of  that  public  spirit,  those  enlarged  views,  thst  regard  for  the  per- 
manent honour  or  interest  of  the  nation,  which  their  country  has 
a  right  to  demand.  The  seaich  is  too  frequently  in  vain.  There 
are  not  many  traces  of  them  to  be  found. 

Congress  have  been  steadily  years  behind  the  mass  of  the 
nation,  whose  voice  has  loudly,  Ijut  ineffectually  called  for  a  va- 
riety of  measures  of  great  public  utility,  becoming  a  nation  which 
has  started  into  independent  existent  '•  with  advantages  hardly  evec 
equalled,  ntvcr  surpassed.  What  bi»  ssings  would  the  have  de- 
served, had  they  enattKi  a  comprehensivt-  and  judicious  bankrupt 
law,  to  »tem  the  tide  (A  fraud  which  is  invited  by  the  want  of  a 
suital)le  legal  provision  on  the  subject — a  noble  aod  enlighteneil 
■scheme  of  militia  defence— a  general  •  '  n  fr  .'Xtending  the  in- 
tercourse between  the  states  \iy  magniftv-jnt  canals  and  r'  ids,  on 
a  ^rale  commensuratr  with  tiit:  magr -udc  of  the  ecu., try — a 
sound  and  tlTcctual  i.niff  for  the  protection  of  domestic  indus- 
try— and  had  they  mad.*  that  provision  for  the  brave  defendem 
oi  thrir  country,*  which  public  gratitude  demanded  !  And  how 
great  .»nd  how  just  is  the  condeTniiation  they  richly  deserve,  and 
will  indubitably  receive  trom  history,  for  their  utter  neglect  oi 
these  grand  and  magnificent  objects  ! 

To  the  loud  call  oi  the  nation,  for  these  and  various  other  great 
measures,  has  been  added  the  strong  recommendation,  often  re- 

•  Written  1817. 


cVAP.  80.] 


CAUCUS. 


4tt 


peatedfOfthe  various  executives.     But  the  call  and  the  recom* 
mendation  have  been  equally  unavailing. 

The  nation  must  suffer,  in  the  eyes  of  the  world,  by  its  repre- 
sentatives. Almost  wholly  unaided  by  those  representatives, 
and,  in  some  respects,  in  spite  of  them,  it  breasted  the  storm  of 
foreign  warfare ,  emerged  through  all  its  difficulties ;  and  as- 
cended the  highest  pinnacle  of  glory. 

It  was  fondly  hoped  that  the  odious  imbecility  of  the  majority, 
and  the  factious  violence  of  the  minority,  which,  during  the 
war,  menaced  the  country  with  destruction,  would  have  been  of- 
fered up  as  a  sacrifice  at  the  restoration  of  peace,  on  the  altar  of 
patriotism,  and  that  the  future  contest  would  be,  who  should 
labour  most  for  the  public  prosperity.  1  he  hope  was  perfectly 
natural.  Would  to  heaven  it  had  been  realized  !  Such  conduct 
might,  in  a  great  degree,  have  expiated  the  sins,  manifold  and 
heavy  as  they  were,  of  the  period  of  warfare.  The  nation  would 
have  buried  them  in  oblivion ;  as  the  return  to  virtue,  entitles 
a  repentant  sinner  to  a  reception  in  the  fold.  But  the  fatigued 
eye  seeks  in  vain  among  the  barren  pages  of  what  are  pomp- 
ously styled  the  journals  of  congress,  for  any  thing  that  as- 
sumes the  form  ox  atonement.  Every  page  exhibits  the  same 
miserable  waste  of  time  in  speechifying — the  same  utter  neglect 
of  those  mighty  objects  that  are  so  loudly  called  for  by  patriot- 
ism, the  unanimous  voice  of  all  the  good  and  the  wise  of  the  na- 
tion, and  the  strong  and  unequivocal  dictates  of  duty. 


■'»■, 


:   il 


CAUCUS. 

This  subject  presents  itself  to  the  mind  in  a  point  of  view, 
highly  interesting,  and  almost  entirely  novel. 

rhroughout  the  United  States,  too  much  importance  is  at- 
tached \o  the  men  who  are  to  administer  our  state  and  general 
governments.  It  would  appear,  when  we  are  called  upon  to 
elect  a  president  or  governor,  that  we  believe  there  is  but  one 
man  in  the  country  fit  for  the  presidency,  and  but  one  in  a  state 
suitable  for  governor;  and  that  if  we  fail  of  electing  them,  our 
affairs  are  doomed  to  destruction.  This  is  an  absurtlity  dis- 
graceful to  the  nation.  Heaven  has  not  been  so  parsimonious 
of  its  endc^vments  as  to  furnish  hut  one  or  two  men  lit  vor  the 
reins  of  government,  as  president,  in  a  pc  ,)ulation  of  8,(XX),0()0 
— or,  as  governor,  in  a  population  of  5oOOOC),  700,00o,  or 
1,0(X),000. 

Let  IS  boldly  examine  the  subject,  and  ascertain  the  rial  state 
of  it,  regardless  of  the  censure  of  those  to  whom  ever)'  thing  is 
wrong  that  militates  against  ancient  usage. 

We  will  take  a  retrospect  of  a  few  years  ;  as  the  mind's  eye 
can  view  objects  at  a  modcnitc  distiuicc,  in  point  oi  time,  more 


MH,! 


bl 


m 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


IcflAr.  80 


correctly,  than  those  of  a  similar  description  that  are  passing 
around  us. 

When  Mr.  Jefferson  retired  from  public  life,  three  citizens  of 
high  standing  were  contemplated  by  different  portions  of  the 
nation  to  fill  the  vacant  seat :  George  Clinton,  venerable  for  his 
undeviating  patriotism  and  his  valuable  revolutionary  services — 
James  Madison,  an  able  defender  of  the  federal  constitution, 
distinguished  as  an  enlightened  and  independent  representa- 
tive in  congress,  and  as  secretary  of  state,  which  stations  he 
filled  with  great  credit — and  James  Monroe,  who  had  long  serv- 
ed in  a  diplomatic  capacity  in  France  and  England,  in  periods 
of  considerable  difficulty  and  embarrassment.  No  others  were 
brought  forward  or  contemplated  by  the  democratic  party.  - 
Yet  it  is  not  improbable  that  there  might  have  been  found  in  that 
party  twenty,  perhaps  one  hundred,  other  citizens,  in  the  United 
States,  with  high  claims  on  public  favour,  and  with  talents  and 
merits  equal  to  any  of  these.  To  the  mass  of  the  nation  it  was 
a  matter  of  supreme  indifference,  which  of  the  three  was  chosen 
—as  they  were  all  men  suitable  for  the  station,  possessed  of 
pure  characters,  great  experience,  and  of  sound  republican  prin- 
ciples. 

To  the  particular  friends  of  each  candidate,  indeed,  the  choice 
was  a  matter  of  immense  importance.  On  the  issue  of  that 
question  depended,  whether  they  were  to  continue  in  private  life, 
or  to  fill  the  high  public  stations  in  the  presidential  gift.  It  is 
not  wonderful,  therefore,  that  they  struggled  hard  to  effect  the 
•nomination  of  their  friends  respectively.  This  affords  a  com- 
plete clue  to  the  factious  violence  generated  by  our  elections, 
whereby  neighbours,  friends,  and  relations  are  embittered 
against  each  other — and  whereby,  at  a  future  day,  the  peace  and 
liberty  of  the  country  may  be  sacrificed. 

Had  the  unbiassed  \  oice  of  the  nation  prevailed,  it  is  almost 
certain  that  Mr,  Clinton  ivould  have  been  the  successful  candi- 
date. His  career,  as  a  politician,  had  been  undeviatingly  pure 
and  unsuUiid.  His  reputation  was  deservedly  very  high.  He 
filk^d  a  lar^f  space  in  the  histon-  of  the  revolution :  and  in  can- 
vassing tbr  claims  of  candidates  for  honours  or  emoluments  in 
the  gift  of  tne  people,  or  that  of  the  governments,  either  state 
or  federal,  revolutionary  services  are  entitled  to  great  and  deci- 
sive weight. 

Tlu'  conj^ressional  caucus,  a  manifest  and  nwst  flagrant  viola- 
tion of  the  constitution,  prevailed.  Mr.  Madi^m,  nominated 
by  that  caii<  us,  was  elected  by  the  democratic  party.  His  std- 
ministration  affords  much  food  tor  cennvire — much  f<»r  pnitMr. 
He  was  an  excellent  peace  president,  except  on  on^  pomt.  This 
respects  the  insurrectional  proceedings  in  the  eastern  suites. 
The   hydra  of  faction  and  inhurrettion   ou^ht  to  have  been 


-i:i« 


CHAP.  80.] 


FACTION. 


461 


Strangled  in  the  cradle. . 'Had  the  .strong  arm  of  government 
been  employed,  as  it  ought  to  have  been,  the  struggle  would 
have  been  short  and  decisive.  Incipient  treason  would  have 
expired  in  agonies.  During  the  war,  none  but  a  sorry  parasite 
can  deny,  that  Mr.  Madison  committed  errors,  and  was  guilty 
of  omissions,  some  of  them  of  great  msignitude.  Yet  on  a  fair 
review  of  his  whole  administration — ^taking  into  consideration 
the  immense  difficulties  and  embarrassments,  internal  and  exter- 
nal, with  which  he  had  to  contend,  the  impartial  voice  of  history, 
when  he  and  his  cotemporaneous  eulogists  and  calumniators  are 
consigned  to  the  peaceful  grave,  will  pronounce  a  favourable 
sentence  on  his  presidency.  His  communications  to  congress 
were  just,  luminous,  profound,  and  contained  full  details  of  the 
soundest  policy  :  and  a  large  proportion  of  his  appointments 
were  eminently  wise  and  judicious.  These  are  the  principal 
points  on  which  a  president  of  the  United  States  has  to  act. 
A.nd  of  those  who  have  lavished  so  much  abuse  on  the  late  pre- 
sident, for  his  errors,  may  we  not  ask — Do  not  all  human  af- 
fairs exhibit  a  mixture  of  good  and  ill,  of  wisdom  and  folly  ? 
And  what  peculiar  merit  in  the  eye  of  heaven  has  America, that 
her  rulers  are  to  be  invested  with  infallibility  ? 

But  is  it  possible  for  a  rational  man  to  believe,  that,  had  either 
governor  Clinton  or  Mr.  Monroe,  or  any  one  of  a  dozen  or 
perhaps  twenty  citizens,  who  might  be  named,  fi".ed  the  station, 
its  duties  would  not  have  been  as  well  performed  as  they  have 
been  by  Mr.  Madison,  in  peace  or  in  war?  Surely  not. 

I  may  be  arrested  here  with  the  question,  on  the  subject  of 
these  discussions — Cut  bono  ?  The  answer  is  plain.  If  these 
views  be  correct,  the  inference  is  clear,  that  the  factious  violence 
with  which  men  of  the  same  principles,  who  merely  differ  on  the 
question  of  the  comparative  merits  of  two  citizens,  either  of 
whom  is  perfectly  adequate  and  worthy  to  fill  an  office  about  to 
be  vacated,  engage  in  hostility,  is.  absurd,  improper,  and  unjurt. 

Since  the  chapter  on  caucuses,  page  439,  was  written,  an  im- 
portant event  has  occurred  in  the  state  of  Pennsylvania,  which 
forms  an  era  in  the  political  history  of  this  country.  The  pub- 
lic attention  had  been  directed  to  the  subject  of  legislative  cau- 
cuses, of  which  the  gross  and  manifest  impropriety  had  forced 
itself  on  the  mind  of  the  community.  That  they  were  pregnant 
with  corruption,  that  they  subjected  the  president  or  governor, 
as  the  case  might  he,  who  might  be  anxious  for  a  re-election,  to 
the  caprice  of  influential  men  in  the  legislature  of  the  United 
States  or  of  the  individual  states,  was  so  plain  and  palpable  as  to 
force  conviction  on  the  most  superficial  observer.  Prescription, 
however,  was  in  their  favour.  They  had  been  sanctioned  by 
early  and  uniform  custom,  in  which  the  nation  had  acquiesced — 
and,  though  offering  violence  to  the  fundamental  prmciples  of 
liberty,  it  was  thought  impracticable  to  apply  anv  remedv. 
O.  K.  60 


m^'. 


'-»; 


l 


*i' 


40 


POUTICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


(chap.  80. 


.  t 


At  length  the  good  sense  of  the  state  aroused  itself.  And  a 
determination  was  formed,  to  apply  a  remedy  to  the  evil.  This 
remedy  was  suggested  by  the  Board  of  Electors  of  president, 
which  met  at  Harrisburg  on  the  5th  of  December,  1815.  They 
published  a  recommendation  to  the  citizens  of  the  state,  to  ap- 
point delegates  to  attend  a  convention  to  be  held  at  the  same 
place  on  the  4th  of  the  then  ensuing  March,  for  the  sole  purpose, 
of  nominating  a  candidate  for  the  office  of  governor. 

To  the  honour  of  the  state,  this  plan  was,  without  any  diffi- 
culty, generally  adopted,  and  carried  into  effect,  although  pro- 
posed only  three  months  before  the  time  of  its  operation,  and 
although  in  opposition  to  an  inveterate  practice. 

All  the  counties  in  the  state  were  represented,  except  two  or 
three  of  the  most  remote  ones.  Several  of  the  counties  authori- 
sed their  representatives  in  the  state  legislature  to  act  for  them 
on  the  occasion — the  others  elected  delegates  for  this  express 
object. 

The  whole  number  of  members  in  the  convention  was  113,  of 
whom  44  were  senators  and  representatives,  and  69  delegates, 
specially  chosen  for  this  particular  purpose. 

Thus  is  a  great  object  attained.  It  cuts  off  a  fertile  source  of 
intrigue  and  management.  And  it  cannot  be  doubted,  that  it  will 
be  found  advisable  on  future  occasions  to  exclude  from  nomina- 
ting conventions  the  members  of  legislatures  universally. 

The  objections  to  the  congress  caucuses  are  infinitely  more 
powerful  than  against  those  of  xtatti  legislatures.  Besides  the 
vile  spirit  of  domestic  taction,  in, rigue,  management,  and  cor- 
ruption, which  they  en^rendtr  lu  common,  the  former  have  the 
additional  disadvantage,  that  they  open  a  door  to  foreign  intrigue 
and  corruption,  far  more  deleteriosis.  The  voice  of  the  nation 
ought  to  be  elevated  in  one  common  concert,  to  consign  them  to 
oblivion. 

The  present  period  is  auspicious  to  such  a  determination. 
Three  years  and  upwards  will  elapse  before  another  presidential 
election  takes ^place,  an  interval  amply  adequate  to  devise  apian 
calculated  to  obviate  all  the  plausible  reasons  in  favour  of  con- 
gressional caucuses,  and  all  the  objections  that  maj.  be  made  to 
an  innovation  upon  the  usurped  power  of  congress. 

Almost  the  only  reason  that  has  ever  been  assigned  in  favour 
of  this  usurpation  is,  that  in  any  other  mode  it  is  impossible  to 
concentrate  the  force  of  the  party,  or  to  secure  the  election  of 
their  candidate. 

Were  this  objection  founded  in  truth,  which  is  not  the  case, 
it  has  not  sufficient  weight  to  influence  the  minds  of  men  of  un- 
derstanding. The  evils  arising  from  congressional  caucuses  arc 
far  greater  than  those  of  any  substitute  that  can  be  devised. 


OOAf.  81.] 


FACTION. 


m 


CHAPTER  LXXXI. 

Faction.    A  most  tremendous  scourge.     Corrupts  the  heart  and 

bewilders  the  head. 

Of  all  the  curses  disgorged  on  mankind  from  Pandora's  Box, 
there  is  hardly  any  worse  in  its  consequences,  than  "  faction." 
It  is  the  fruitful  parent  of"  legions'*^  of  calamities.     Civil  war, 
with  all  its  horrors,  marches  in  its  train,  and  is  its  lineal  and  le 
gitimate  descendant. 

Faction  is  vitally  destructive  to  purity  of  heart — ^to  benevo 
lence — to  beneficence — to  integrity — to  human  happiness.     ^ 
the  most  lamentable  feature  in  its  character,  is,  that  tht 
few,  alas  !  very  few,  who  in  times  of  fermentation  are  cap 
withstanding  its  allurements.     During  the  prevalence  of  i 
men  in  other  points  of  sound  minds  and  good  hearts,  bi 
in  this  respect,  as  stupid,  as  blind,  as  infatuated,  and  as  sottish 
— as  the  tenants  of  bedlam — and  likewise,  frequently  as  hard 
hearted  and  unfeeling  as  tigers.    They  yield  themselves  up  as 
pliant  and  submissive  victims  to  tliu  will  and  pleasure  of  violent 
and  wicked  leaders. 

Its  effects  on  the  head  are  as  deleterious  as  on  the  heart.  A 
faction,  headed  by  a  few  turbulent  demagogues,  although  com- 
posed generally  of  men  of  integrity  in  private  life,  will  frequent- 
ly perpetrate  wickedness  in  companj, which  they  would  indivi- 
dually shudder  at  with  horror,  and  fly  from  with  affright. 

It  requires  a  slight  knowledge  of  history,  to  produce  nume- 
rous  and  striking  cases  in  point.  Short  as  is  that  of  our  nation, 
it  affords  us  strong  and  admonitory  examples.  I  shall  therefore 
not  travel  from  home,  but  shall  sketch  a  few  instances  wherein 
both  of  the  parties,  federal  and  democratic,  have  been  unduly 
influenced  by  the  force  of  faction — that  complication  of  folly 
and  wickedness — that  canker-worm,  destructive  equally  to  hu- 
man virtue  and  human  happiness. 

The  cause  of  France,  in  her  late  contest,  was  assuredly  at  the 
commencement  one  of  the  most  noble  that  ever  attracted  the  at- 
tention, or  excited  the  sympathy  of  mankind.  Heaven  never 
smiled  on  a  more  glorious  struggle.  It  was  the  cause  of  a 
mighty  nation,  ground  to  the  earth  by  a  most  complicated  and 
vexatious  tyranny — a  nation  wherein  25,000,000  of  human  be- 
ings, were  literally  "  hewers  of  wood  and  drawers  of  water,"  to 
1 ,  or  200,000  of  the  privileged  orders.  * 

It  were  to  compare  the  ravages  of  an  otter  or  a  fox  with  the 
desolation  of  a  ruthless  lion,  or  tiger,  or  panther — the  southern 
breeze  with  the  West  India  hurricane— or  the  agitations  of  the 
Delaware  with  the  overwhelming  violence  of  the  Mahlstrom. 
— to  compare  the  grievances  of  England  in  1688,  when  she  ex- 
pelled the  Stuart  Uace,  and  called  in  t^e  House  of  Brunswick— 


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POLITICAL  OUVE  BRANCH. 


[ciup.  81. 


or  the  oppression  of  the  American  Provinces  in  1775-6,  when 
they  threw  off  the  yoke  of  Great  Britain — to  compare,  I  say, 
either  of  these  with  the  awful  state  of  France  in  1789. 

Not  to  feel  a  deep,  a  lively  interest  in  such  a  glorious  cause, 
were  to  be  grossly  stupid,  or  greatly  depraved.  Well  might 
Gen.  Washington  say  with  solemnity,  when  he  received  the 
French  standard,  from  the  minister  of  that  nation,  M*  Adet,  in 
the  year  1796  :— 

"  Born,  sir,  in  a  land  of  liberty ;  having  early  learned  ita  value ;  having  en-  > 
gaged  in  a  perilous  conflict  to  defend  it;  having,  in  a  word,  devoted  the  best 
years  of  my  life  to  secure  its  permanent  establishment  in  our  own  country— 
my  anxious  recollections,  my  S3rmpathetic  feeling^,  and  my  best  wishes,  are 
irresistibly  excited,  whensoever,  in  any  country,  I  see  an  oppressed  nation  un- 
furl  the  banners  of  freedom.  But,  above  aU,  the  event*  of  the  Fi^ench  revolution 
have  produced  the  deepest  solicitude,  as  tveU  as  the  highest  admiration.  To  call 
your  nation  brave,  were  to  pronounce  but  common  praise — Wonderful  people .' 
Ages  to  come  will  read  with  astonishment  the  history  of  your  brilliant  ex* 
ploits. 

"  I  rejoice  that  the  period  of  your  toils  and  of  your  immense  sacrifices  is 
approaching ;  I  reioice  that  the  interesting  revolutionary  movements  of  so  many 
years  have  issued  m  the  formation  of  a  constitution  designed  to  give  perma- 
nencv  to  the  great  object  for  which  you  have  contended ;  1  rejoice  that  liberty, 
which  you  have  so  long  embraced  with  enthusiasm ;  liberty,  of  which  you  have 
been  the  invindbte  dyenders,  now  finds  an  asylum  in  the  bosom  of  a  regularly 
organized  government — a  government,  which,  being  formed  to  secure  the 
happiness  of  the  French  people,  corresponds  with  4%e  ardent  wishes  of  my 
heart,  whilst  it  gratifies  the  pri'^e  of  every  citizen  of  the  United  States,  by  its 
resemblance  to  their  own.  On  these  glorious  events,  accept,  sir,  my  sincere 
congratulations. 

'*  In  delivering  to  you  these  sentiments,  I  express  not  my  tnm  feelings  only, 
but  those  of  my  fellow  citiiens,  in  relation  to  the  commencement,  the  progress,  and  the 
issue  of  the  French  revolution  ,-  and  the^  will  cordially  join  with  me  in  purest 
wishes  to  the  Supreme  Being,  that  the  citizens  of  our  sister  republic,  our  magna- 
nimous allies,  may  soon  eniov  in  peace,  that  liberty  which  they  have  purchased 
at  so  great  a  price,  and  all  the  happiness  which  liberty  can  bestow. 

"  I  receive,  sir,  with  lively  sensibility,  the  symbol  of  the  tnumbhs  and  of  the 
enfranchisement  of  your  nation,  the  colours  of  France,  which  you  nave  now  pre- 
sented  to  the  United  States.— The  transaction  will  be  announced  to  Congress ; 
and  the  colours  will  be  deposited  with  those  of  the  United  States,  which  arc  ut 
once  the  evidences  and  tne  memorials  of  their  freedom  and  independence  : 
May  these  be  perpetual,  and  may  the  friendship  of  tlie  two  republics  be  com- 
mensurate with  their  existence." 

With  few  exceptions,  the  American  nation  felt  a  profound  in- 
terest in  the  holy  struggle.  She  had  freed  herself  from  mana< 
cles.  And  she  rejoiced  that  France  was  following  the  example, 
and  shaking  oflT  her  ponderous  and  galling  fetters.  Our  hopes 
and  our  fears  were  as  highly  excited  as  if  our  own  battles  were 
fighting — as  if  our  fate  was  about  to  be  decided.  This  was  per- 
fectly natural.     It  was  highly  honoui  -^ble. 

But  soon  the  prospect  changed.  The  horizon  was  darkened. 
And  over  the  fair  scene  which  angels  and  archangels  must  have 
regarded  with  complaisance,  were  spread  all  the  horrors  that 
the  furies  and  gorgons  themselves  could  engender.  To  Fayette, 
Claviere,  Roland,  Vergniaud^  Brissot,  Condorcet^andOetiaonnetv 


■M 


CHAP.  81.] 


FACTION. 


465 


succeeded  Legendre,  Danton,  St.  Just,  Couthon,  Marat,  and 
finally  Robespiere,  demons  incarnate,  who  appear  to  have  had 
no  delight  but  in  human  misery,  and  to  have  ravenously  thirsted 
after  blood  and  slaughter. 

The  goddess  of  liberty  when  she  first  appeared  on  the  shores 
of  France,  was  pure  and  immaculate  as  an  angel.  She  was  then 
fairly  entitled  to  the  utmost  veneration  we  bestowed  on  her. 
But  her  hands  were  early  stained  with  blood.  We  overlooked 
her  guilt  in  the  magnitude  of  the  object  in  view.  Soon,  however, 
she  literally  swam  in  blood.  We  nevertheless  extenuated  or 
defended  these  atrocious  crimes — and  almost  appear  to  have  be. 
lieved  in  the  vile  maxim,  that  "  the  end  sanctifies  the  means,^* 

While  the  succession  of  monsters  preserved  the  name  of 
"  French  republic,  one  and  indivisible,"  the  democrats  clung  to 
the  cause  most  stedfastly.  Ffiction  blinded  us  to  the  mass  of 
wretchedness  that  overspread  the  face  of  France.  We  palliated 
the  noyades,  the  unprecedented  fusillades,  the  slaughters  at  Ly- 
ons and  elsewhere.  It  was  a  republic  in  name.  That  single  word 
was  enough  to  lull  us  asleep— to  render  us  blind,  and  deaf,  and 
dumb  to  the  mountains  of  misery  endured  under  the  pretended 
republic-— which  ^'  exceeded  in  one  year  all  that  France  had  en- 
dured under  the  Bourbons  in  twenty.'*  We  lauded,  and  toasted, 
and  belaurelled  the  murderous  leaders,  whose  deeds  spoke  more 
of  the  hyxna,  the  panther,  or  the  tiger,  than  of  the  human  being. 
Our  attachment  remained,  when  the  cause  of  the  rulers  of  France 
—it  was  no  longer  the  cause  of  the  nation — had  become  *^  a 
stench  in  the  nostrils  of  heaven"  And  every  man  who  dared 
to  doubt  the  justice  and  propriety  of  the  murderous  scenes  ex. 
hibited  in  France,  was  denounced  as  a  tory,  or  a  monarchist. 

To  these  monsters  succeeded  Bonaparte.  Ambitious,  and 
unfeeling,  and  delighting  in  war,  he  was  nevertheless  not  blood- 
thirsty. He  did  not  slaughter  his  fellow  men  wantonly  and  for 
sport,  as  many  of  his  predecctsors  had  done.  Compared  with 
Danton,  Marat,  or  Robespicre,  he  M'as  an  angel  of  light.  But 
as  he  scorned  to  deceive  the  world  by  pretending  to  the  form  of 
a  republic—as  he  assumed  the  style  of  a  sovereign,  we  generally 
abandoned  his  cause. 

Again.  When  Jay's  treaty  was  presented  for  ratification  to 
General  Washington,  he  was  greatly  embarrassed  as  to  the 
course  to  be  pursued.  It  was  by  no  means  perfectly  satisfactory 
to  him.  He  had  weighty  objections  to  many  of  its  clauses. 
But  an  apprehension  of  war  and  its  horrors,  induced  him,  after 
the  most  solemn  consideration,  to  adopt  the  measure  of  ratifica- 
tion. 

All  the  long  and  disinterested  services  of  this  patriotic  and 
jlluitrious  citizen  were,  with  the  mass  of  the  democrats,  eflaccd 


^1 1  a 


Wm] 


if 


I 


I 


■I  1  .1 


l^i 


466 


POLITICAL  Of.IVE  BUANCIl. 


[chat.  m. 


by  this  act,  which,  even  if  incorrect,  could  not,  without  gross 
and  manifest  injustice,  be  ascribed  to  sinister  motives — but  must 
have  arisen  from  error  in  judgment.  The  thunderbolts  of  the 
press  were  hurled  at  his  fame :  and  all  the  merits  of  a  seven 
years  warfare — were  obliterated.  Many  of  the  democrats  have 
not  recovered  from  the  delusion  to  this  day. 

The  federalists  have  no  reason  to  triumph  over  us  for  this 
folly  and  madness.  They  have  displayed  insanity,  equal  in  de- 
gree, and  still  more  pernicious  in  its  consequences. 

While  the  ministers  of  Great  Britain,  with  an  odious  mixture 
of  injustice  and  folly,  were  harassing  our  commerce,  and  enslav. 
ing  our  seafaring  citizens,  with  every  aggravation  of  violence  and 
mitrage,  faction  blinded  and  deluded  a  large  portion  of  the  fede- 
ralists, as  I  have  already  fully  detailed,  to  embarrass  and  cripple 
their  own  government,  struggling  not  merely  for  the  national 
rights,  but  for  the  most  vital  mterests  of  those  very  federalists 
themselves.  They  scouted  the  idea  of  resisting  the  most  abomi- 
nable practice  of  impressment— the  greatest  degradation  and  the 
most  detestable  outrage  ever  perpetrated  by  any  civilized  nation. 

Again.  During  the  pressure  of  the  late  war,  waged  in  defence 
of  the  most  sacred  rights  of  the  nation,  faction  predominated 
over  a  great  body  of  the  federalists,  particularly  m  the  eastern 
states,  to  such  a  degree,  that  they  were»  as  I  have  already  stated, 
incomparably  more  formidable  to  the  government  than  the  em* 
battled  lesions  of  the  enemy.  I  could  mention  individuals  in 
Boston,  who  were  more  serviceable  to  Great  Britain,  than  Ge- 
neral Ross,  General  Pakenham,  General  Prevost,  Admiral  War- 
ren, or  Admiral  Cockbum.  Were  I  called  upon  to  pronounce 
their  names,  I  should  unhesitatingly  place  in  the  foremost  ranks, 
some  of  the  apostles  whose  pulpits  resounded  with  loud  invoca- 
tions of  "  Moses  and  Aaron" — and  who  violated  every  senti- 
ment of  Jesus  Christ  and  his  apostles,  on  the  subject  of  govern- 
ment, to  be  four  '  'n  the  New  Testament,  in  which  there  is 
not  A  single  se^^t  ;  line,  or  word,  to  warrant  the  course  they 
steered. 

The  evils  of  faction  are  numberless.  I  shall,  for  the  present, 
( onfinc  myself  to  one. 

It  circumscribes  the  range  of  selection  of  candidates  for 
public  life  to  one  portion  of  the  community — and  of  course  ex- 
f  hides  all  the  rest,  however  meritorious  and  useful  they  may  be. 
Within  the  nale  of  the  dominant  party  they  must  be  selected. 
No  degree  ot  virtue  or  talents  can  afford  the  least  chance  of  sue- 
ress  out  of  that  pale.  Were  a  choir  of  angels  and  archangels 
to  have  assumed  human  form,  and  settled  in  Connecticut,  they 
would  not  have  been  able,  a  few  years  since,  to  procure  scats 
in  congress,  if  they  believed  in  democracy.    Candiaates  profess* 


iiS 


cukt.  81.] 


FACTtoV. 


4(5?' 


ing  *^  the  pure  principles  of  federalism,''  with  very  moderate  en- 
dowments of  head  and  heart,  would  triumph  over  them  in  an 
election  contest. 

This  folly  is  not  peculiar  to  Connecticut  or  to  federalism. 
Pennsylvania  and  democracy  are  subject  to  the  same  censure* 
In  parts  of  this  state,  angels  or  archangels,  professing,  or  sus- 
pected of  fcdenilism,  would  be  equally  proscribed  from  all  chance 
of  public  employment. 

The  evil  is  not  confined  to  candidates  for  public  employment. 
As  the  number  of  these  bears  a  small  proportion  to  the  mass  of 
the  community,  if  the  influence  of  faction  were  limited  to  them, 
the  evil  would  be  of  much  less  importance  than  it  is  at  present. 
But  it  pervades  every  ramification  of  society,  and  sheds  its 
blasting  poison  on  most  of  the  comforts  and  enjoyments  of  life. 
And  it  too  frequently  happens  that  a  conformity  to  the  creed  of 
the  dominant  party  in  any  particular  place,  not  virtue,  nor  ho- 
nour,  nor  talents,  decides  the  standing  or  influence  of  individu- 
als. There  are  numberless  instances  of  men  of  weak  heads  and 
bad  hearts,  as  well  as  tarnished  reputations,  who  are  caressed 
and  idolized  by  parties  and  factions,  merely  on  the  ground  of 
their  political  opinions,  while  men  as  superior  to  them  as  Aris- 
tides  was  to  Cleon,  are  put  into  Coventry. 

Libels  against  General  Washington, 

During  the  effervescence  of  the  public  mind  in  the  United 
States,  on  the  subject  of  Jay*s  treaty,  great  importance  was  at- 
tached to  the  circumstance  of  its  having  received  the  sanction  of 
general  Washington,  then  president  of  the  United  States.  This 
was  regarded  by  vast  numburji  as  a  decisive  reason  for  public: 
acquiescence  ;  for  such  was  their  boundless  confidence  m  the 
soundness  of  his  judgment  and  in  his  political  integrity,  that  they 
Were  satisfied  he  would  not  ratify  any  measure  either  unjust  or 
pernicious. 

Under  these  circumstances  a  small  club  of  ardent  democrats 
in  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  after  a  long  debate  on  the  subject, 
determined,  to  canvass  the  conduct  and  attack  the  character  uf 
the  general,  in  order  to  destroy,  or  at  least  to  impair  the  eftect 
of  his  support  of  that  instrument.  On  this  decision  they  stead- 
ily acted.  Unceasing  abuse  was  heaped  on  him.  All  his  me- 
rits and  services — all  his  disinterestedness — were  entirely  bu- 
ried in  ol)livion. 

This  ill-advised  uuasure  was  highly  pernicious,  and  for  a 
time  ruinous  to  the  party,  iuid  incalculably  advantageous  to  their 
political  opponents. 

The  most  violent  and  malignant  enemy  of  the  democrats 
could  not  have  done  them  a  more  serious  ii\jur\'.     It  disgusted 


M 


mv\\i 


si 


1! 

'I 


i 


4M 


P'OUTICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[crap.  Bl- 


and alienated  from  them  vas*:  numbers  of  their  most  zealous 
friends  ;  who  duly  appreciated  the  distinguished  merits  of  gene- 
ral Washington.  In  a  certain  degree  it  threw  him  into  the  arms 
of  the  federalists— 'and  completely  identified  him  with  them.  It 
operated  as  fatally  on  the  democratic  party,  as  the  Hartford  con- 
vention has  recently  done  on  the  federalists. 

On  the  5th  of  March,  1797,  the  day  after  the  inauguration  of 
Mr.  Adams  as  president,  in  consequence  of  General  Washing- 
ton declining  to  be  a  candidate,  Benjamin  Franklin  Bache,  edi- 
tor of  the  Aurora,  published  the  following  shameful  and  impoli- 
tic attack  on  the  president,  which  fairly  capped  the  climax  of  the 
long  tissue  of  abusive  publications  against  that  great  and  good 
man.  Dearly  did  the  unfortunate  editor  pay  for  his  folly.  The 
patronage  of  his  paper  was  reduced  within  narrow  limits.  HiR 
subscribers  withdrew  by  dozens— and  he  closed  his  career  in 
considerable  embarrassment — a  career  commenced  under  the 
most  favourable  auspices.  On  few  men  of  his  age  did  the  sun 
ever  rise  more  benignantly — but  the  setting,  alas !  was  overcast 
with  deep  gloom. 

Having  said  thus  much,  it  would  be  extreme  injustice  did  I 
not  add,  that  few  natives  of  Philadelphia  ever  excelled  this  amia- 
ble young  man  in  all  the  qualities  of  head  or  heart  that  can  ex- 
cite or  repay  esteem  or  regard.  It  was  impossible  to  know  him 
without  admiring  and  esteeming  him.  He  was  a  member  of 
the  club  above  mentioned,  among  whom  were  some  men  of  ex- 
cessive violence.  I  am  convinced,  they  overruled  Mr.  Bache, 
whose  na<^ive  mildness  and  urbanity,  had  they  been  allowed  free 
scope,  would  have  shut  the  Aurora  against  such  rancorous  and 
unfounded  abuse. 

FROM    A   CORRESrOJinEm'. 

"  Lonl,  now  lettcst  tlimi  thy  sonant  depati  in  peace,"  WM  the  pious  ci'acu- 
iation  of  a  tnun  wlio  beheld  a  flood  of  happiness  nisliing  in  upon  mankind.  \i' 
ever  there  was  a  time  tliut  would  license  the  reiteration  of  the  exclamation, 
that  time  is  now  arrived ;  for  the  man  who  is  the  source  of  all  the  misfortunes 
of  our  country,  is  this  day  reduced  to  a  level  with  his  fellow-citizens,  and  is  no 
longer  possessed  of  power  to  multiply  evils  upon  the  United  States.  If  ever 
there  was  a  period  for  rejoicing,  this  is  the  moment.  Eveiy  heart  in  unison  with 
the  freedom  and  hapniness  of  the  people,  ought  to  beat  high  with  exultation* 
that  the  name  of  VVasnington  ceases  to  give  currency  to  political  iniquity,  and 
legalize  corruption.  A  new  era  is  now  opening  upon  us,  an  era  which  promise?* 
much  tv.  the  people  j  for  public  measures  must  now  stand  upon  tlicir  own  me- 
rits, and  nefarious  projects  can  no  longer  be  supported  by  a  name.  When  a  re- 
trospect is  taken  of  tlie  Washington  administration  for  eight  years,  it  is  a 
Bul)ject  of  the  g^reatcst  astonishment,  that  a  single  individual  should  have  can- 
kered tlie  principles  of  reiiublicanism  in  an  enlightened  people,  just  emerged 
from  the  gulph  of  despotism,  and  should  have  carried  his  designs  against  the 
public  liberty  so  far  as  to  have  put  in  jeopardy  its  very  existence.  Such,  how- 
ever, are  the  facts :  and  with  tnesc  staring  us  in  the  face,  this  day  ought  to  be 
•  jubilee  in  the  United  States."  . 

March  5,  iri^r. 


t> 


i^. 


r"!/ 


CUA9. 82.]  REJECTION  OF  MONROE'S  TREATY.  469 


CHAPTER  LXXXII. 

Rejection  of  the  Treat;/  negociated  by  Messrs,   Monroe  and 
Pinkney.    Bankruptcy  of  the  Banks, 

There  is  no  part  of  this  work  that  has  been  so  much  censured 
by  the  democratic  party,  as  the  unqualified  disapprobation  of 
Mr.  Jefferson^s  rejection,  without  consulting  the  senate,  of  the 
treaty  negociated  by  Messrs.  Monro?  and  Pinkney  with  die  Bri- 
tish government.  Many  enlightened  men  among  them  regard 
this  denunciation  as  highly  improper  and  unjust.  I  have  re- 
ceived from  Mr.  Jefferson  a  letter  on  the  subject,  in  which  he 
endeavours  to  convince  me  of  my  error.  And  it  is  but  justice 
to  this  illustrious,  estimable,  and  much-abused  citizen,  to  com- 
municate his  view  of  the  suhject  tp  the  public,  that  if  I  be 
wrong,  he  may  have  an  opportunity  of  vindicating  himself. 

Poplar  Forest,  near  Lynchburg,  JV*ot>.  11,  1816r 

Dear  Sir, — I  received  here  (wlicre  I  pass  a  good  deal  of  my  time)  your  ft* 

vourof  Oct.  22,covcrin{f  a  Prospectuit  of  a  new  edition  of  your  Olive  Branch; 

I  subscribe  to  it  witli  pleasure,  because  I  believe  it  has  done  and  will  d'>  much 

good,  in  holdini;  up  the  mirror  to  both  parties,  and  exhibiting  to  both  their 

Solitical  errors.  That  I  have  had  my  share  of  them,  I  am  not  vun  enough  to 
oubt :  and  some  indeed  I  have  recognised.  There  is  one,  however,  which  I 
do  nut,  although  charged  to  my  account  in  your  book :  and  as  that  is  the  sub- 
ject of  th:3  letter,  and  I  liave  my  pen  in  my  hand,  I  will  say  a  very  few  words 
on  it.  It  is  my  rejection  of  u  Dntisli  treaty  without  laying  A  before  the  Senate. 
It  has  never,  I  believe,  been  denied  that  the  president  may  reject  a  treaty  after 
its  ratihcation  has  been  advised  by  the  senate.  Then  certainly  he  may  berore 
that  advice  ;  and  if  he  has  made  up  his  mind  to  reject  it,  it  is  more  respectfiil 
to  the  senate  to  do  it  without,  than  against  their  advice.  It  must  not  be  sud  that 
their  advice  may  cast  new  light  on  it.  Their  advice  is  a  bald  resolution  of  yea, 
or  nay,  without  assigning  a  smgle  reason  or  motive. 

*'  You  ask  if  I  mean  to  publish  any  thing  on  the  subject  of  a  letter  of  mine  to 
my  friend  Charles  Thompson  ?  Certainly  not.  I  write  nothing  for  publication : 
and  least  of  all  things,  should  it  be  on  the  siubject  of  rclinon.  On  the  dogmas  of 
religion,  as  disting\ilshed  from  moral  principles,  all  mankind,  from  the  begin- 
ning of  the  world  to  this  day,  have  been  quarrelling,  fighting,  burning  and 
torturing  one  another,  for  abstractions  unintelligible  to  tnemsclves  and  to  all 
others,  and  absolutely  beyond  the  comprehension  of  the  human  mind.  Were 
I  to  enter  on  that  arena,  I  should  only  add  an  unit  to  the  number  of  Bedlam- 
ites. Accept  the  assurance  of  my  great  esteem  and  respect, 
Mr.  Mathkw  Carbt.  TH:  JEFFERSON. 

I  have  given  this  letter  that  due  degree  of  consideration  to 
which  every  thing  emanating  from  so  respectable  a  source  is 
entitled.  To  whatever  cause  it  may  be  owing ;  whether  to  my 
perversity  or  to  the  want  of  cogency  in  its  arguments,  it  has  not 
altered  my  opinion.  I  still  believe  that  the  rejection  of  the  treaty, 
without  submitting  it  to  the  co.ordinate  bVunch  of  the  treaty 
making  power,  was  manifestly  wrong. 

It  was  treating  Mr.  Jefferson's  own  ministers  very  cavalierly, 

to  use  no  stronger  language.     But  this  was  by  no  means  the 

most  exceptionable  feature  of  the  transaction,     it  was  treating 

with  slight — perhaps  I  might  add,  with  contempt,  the  govern- 

O.B.  61 


■■'  / 


=t:t^ 


,t  ii. 


IT!''  I 

1  m. 


'i''»M 


i''tll 


m     :l   j 

C  \ 

•1;  \ 


470 


POLITICAL  OUVE  BRANCH. 


l€HA».82/ 


ment  of  a  mighty  nation,  entitled,  from  its  high  rank  among  the 
European  powers,  to  respect  and  attention.  But  the  worst  fea- 
ture remains.  It  indubitably  quadrupled  the  chances  of  war, 
which  ought  to  be  studiously  avoided  by  every  fair  and  honour- 
able means— of  which  the  issue  !s  at  all  times  precarious — and 
pre-eminently  so  between  two  nations,  so  unequally  matched  in 
point  of  resources,  as  the  United  States  and  England. 

But,  Mr.  Jefferson  says,  if  a  president  *^  has  made  up  his 
mind  to  reject  [a  treaty]  it  is  more  respectful  to  the  senate,  to 
do  it  without  than  against  their  advice." 

This  does  not  appear  to  touch  the  real  merits  of  the  question. 
If  a  president,  indeed,  be  determined  to  reject  a  good  treaty, 
then  perhaps  it  would  '*  be  more  respectful  to  the  senate,  to  do  it 
without  than  agaunst  their  advice."  But  if  the  treafty  be  really 
so  absolutely  bad  as  to  require  rejection,  it  is  not  to  be  supposed, 
that  the  senate  would  advise  its  ratification. 

We  therefore  put  entirely  out  of  the  question,  as  not  supposa. 
ble,  the  case  of  a  treaty  wholly  or  principally  pernicious  to  the 
public  interest ;  and  ask.  What  course  ought  a  president  to  adopt, 
who  disapproves  part  of  a  treaty,  of  which  the  residue  is  satis* 
factory  ?  The  path  is  plain.  It  has  been  distinctly  delineated  in 
the  case  of  Jay  s  treaty.  Ratify  the  part  which  is  satisfactory— 
and  submit  the  residue  to  further  negociation. 

I  cannot  doubt  that  this  wiU  be  the  sentence  pronounced  by 
history  on  this  injudicious  procedure.  Were  all  the  rest  of  my 
Book  as  correct  as  this,  I  should  unhesitatingly  dare  the  utmost 
malignity  of  criticism. 

Bankruptcy  of  the  Banks. 

About  the  close  of  the  month  of  August,  1814,  the  banks  in 
Baltimore,  Philadelphia,  and  New  York,  and  universally 
throughout  the  middle,  southern,  and  western  states,  were  im- 
periously driven  to  adopt  a  resolution  to  suspend  the  payment 
bf  specie.  This  measure,  a  virtual  bankruptcy,  had  become  in- 
dispensibly  necessary  by  the  constant  and  enormous  drains  of 
specie  to  Boston. 

In  the  53d  chapter  of  this  work,  I  have  charged  this  calami- 
tous event,  which  has  produced  such  ruinous  consequences,  to  u 
factious,  perhaps  a  treasonable  combination,  **  to  stop  the  wheels 
of  government."  A  reconsideration  of  the  subject  has  con- 
vinced me  that  I  took  a  too  confined  view  of  it ;  and  that  the 
ascription  6{  this  bankruptcy  exclusively  to  the  Boston  conspi- 
racy, is  the  greatest  error  in  the  work. 

Let  me  not  be  understood  to  say,  that  no  such  conspiracy  ex- 
isted, or  that  it  was  not  highly  influential  in  producing  the  bank- 
ruptcy of  the  banks.  This  would  be  a  still  greater  error  than 
thg  former.     A  formidable  conspiracy  did  exist  in  Boston  and 


VIAF.^.J 


BANKRUPTCY  OF  THE  BANKS. 


«ri 


eltewhere.  This,  I  trust,  is  fully  established,  beyond  the  power 
of  doubt  or  controversy,  in  the  53d  chapter.  Those  who  en- 
gaged in  this  conspiracy  were  powerful,  influential,  daring  and 
energetic.  They  were  guilty  of  a  heinous  offence,  which  in 
many  countries  would  have  subjected  them  to  the  severest  sanc- 
tions of  the  criminal  code.  But  the  lenity  of  our  constitution 
and  our  laws,  and  the  imbecility  of  the  administration,  secured 
them  from  molestation.  The  extent  of  the  conspiracy,  and  the 
audacity  with  which  it  was  carried  on,  may  be  conceived  from 
the  strong  circumstance,  that  those  who  lent  money  to  the  go- 
vernment were  obliged  to  do  it  clandestinely.     (See  page  289.) 

But  the  imprudence  of  the  banks  in  New  York,  Philadelphia, 
Baltimore,  the  district  of  Columbia,  and  elsewhere,  in  subscrib- 
ing so  immoderately  to  the  government  loans,  was  the  grand, 
i^urce  of  an  evil  which  has  produced  so  much  distress  and  ruin. 
It  required  the  most  transcendent  folly  for  %i  bank  to  subscribe 
to  nearly  the  whole  amount  of  its  capital  stock,  and  thus  incrcuse 
its  specie  responsibility,  so  as  to  subject  itself  to  the  danger,  and 
indeed  almost  to  the  absolute  certainty,  of  bankruptcy,  and  to  be 
at  the  mercy  of  any  four  or  five  very  wealthy  men,  who  might 
be  disposed  to  make  a  run  on  it,  and  to  drain  it  of  its  specie. 

I  shall  single  out  three  of  the  banks  established  in  Philadel- 
phia, and  give  a  slight  glance  at  the  operation  of  the  measure  of 
speculating  in  government  stock,  on  the  great  scale  to  which  it 
was  extended  by  those  institutions : 

Capital. 

Bank  of  Pennsylvania,  2>  2,500,000 

Bank  of  Philadelphia,  1,800,000 

Farmers'  and  Mechanics*  Bank,    1,250,000 


Government  Stock  oivneii 
in  Dec.  1815. 
•S  1,811,028 
275,000 
844,892 


jS  5,550,000  82,930,920 

A  friend  in  Baltimore  has  ^'tmished  me  with  a  statement  of 
the  extent  to  which  the  specuL  i  n  in  the  government  stock  was 
carried  by  some  of  the  banks  in  <.hat  city,  which  I  annex.  But  I 
wish  the  reader  to  observe  that  it  is  not  official,  and  may  not  be 
as  correct  as  the  preceding  one,  which  is  taken  from  official  do- 
cuments. The  error,  if  any,  I  have  reason  to  believe  to  be  trivial. 

Cafulal. 
Bank  of  Baltimore,  g  1,200,000 

Union  Bank,  2,200,000 

Commercial  and  Farmers'  Bank,      750,000 
Mechanics'  Bank,  750,000 

Marine  Bank,  150,000 


Government  Stock. 
•g  1,000,000 
900,000 
450,000 
.TOO.OOO 
100,000 


j^  2,950,000 


.^  85,050,000  552,950,000 

For  every  dollar  of  which  they  were  liable  to  be  called  on  for 
their  notes,  and  of  course  subject  to  a  demand  of  specie.  Could 


1 1 "  I , 


ii 


1 


! 


.'t;J 


I. 


m 


m 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[e*Ai.a3- 


such  a  Uioughtless  conduct  lead  to  any  other  goal  than  bank- 
ruptcy? It  may  be  furly  averred,  that,  considering  the  respect- 
able character,  and  the  sober,  orderly  demeanor  of  the  majority 
of  the  directors  of  those  institutions,  there  probably  never  oc- 
curred in  any  monied  incorporation,  a  more  extraordinary  or 
inconsistent  procedure. 

Suppose  a  merchant,  who  conducts  a  business  in  which  there 
is  a  due  proportion  between  his  engagements  and  his  ways  and 
means,  at  once  to  purchase  or  subscribe  for  government  stock, 
to  the  full  amount  of  one  half,  or  two-thirds  of  his  capital,  which 
is  principally  invested  in  such  a  way  that  it  cannot  be  withdrawn 
in  season.  Suppose  hiia  to  issue  notes  for  the  amount  of  this 
purchase,  for  which  payment  may  be  demanded  at  the  pleasure 
of  the  holder.  Is  there  a  possibility  of  his  escaping  bankruptcy? 

Such  was  the  conduct  and  the  situation  cf  some  of  the  banks 
in  Philadelphia.  Those  in  Baltimore,  the  district  of  Columbia, 
and  New  York,  pursued  the  same  system,  and  were  involved  in 
the  same  difficulties.  It  may  therefore  be  averred,  that  though 
the  conduct  of  the  person:  'n  Boston  hostile  to  the  government, 
who  accelerated  the  bankruptcy  of  the  banks,  was  highly  crimi- 
nal, the  culpability  of  the  directors  of  those  institutions  was 
thereby  nowise  diminished.  They  sowed  the  seeds  of  bank- 
ruptcy in  their  institutions,  which  germinated  rapidly,  and  pro- 
duced a  copious  harvest  of  ruin,  which  will  be  long  deplored 
by  the  numerous  victims  who  have  fallen  sacrifices  to  this  mis- 
guided policy. 

It  can  hardly  be  doubted,  that  even  without  the  conspiracy  in 
Boston,  the  banks  must  have  ultimately  been  obliged  to  stop  the 
payment  of  specie.  Such  superabundant  issues  of  paper  have 
never  failed  to  produce  this  effect. 

It  has  been  said,  in  defence  of  the  banks,  that  the  loans  they 
made  the  government  were  absolutely  necessary  to  save  the 
country  from  ruin.  This  is  an  inadmissible  plea.  These  loans 
encouraged  congress  to  continue  the  pernicious  system  of  post- 
poning die  imposition  of  taxes,  which  alone  could  support  the 
credit  of  the  government,  or  save  the  country.  If,  therefore,  we 
could  admit,  that  patriotic  motives  wholly  influenced  the  banks 
to  pursue  this  ruinous  course  of  overtrading  in  those  loans, 
which  is  inadmissible,  we  are  reduced  to  the  necessity  of  pay- 
ing a  tribute  to  the  hearts  of  the  directors,  at  the  expense  of 
their  heads. 


^'; 


'  '»: 


ciAP.  83.] 


HARTFOBD  COWBMTIOK. 


f'tv' 


CHAPTER  LXXXIII. 

Hartford  Convention, 

The  grand  ostensible  object  of  this  convention  was,  to  devise 
some  effectual  means  of  protecting  trade  and  commerce  against 
the  deadly  hostility  displayed  towards  them  by  the  anti-com- 
mercial {.  e.  the  southern  and  western  states. 

The  mass  of  the  people  of  the  eastern  states  had  been  led,  as 
is  stated  in  a  former  part  of  this  work,  by  a  series  of  the  most 
inflammatory  and  deceptious  publications,  to  believe,  that  they 
were  almost  exclusively  interested  in  commerce ;  and  that  a  sys- 
tematical plan  had  been  pursued  by  the  southern  and  western 
majorities  in  congress,  to  destroy  it,  for  the  purpose  of  impover- " 
ishing  them :  and  thus  the  most  violent  animosity  had  been  ex- 
cited in  the  eastern  states  against  their  southern  and  western 
brethren,  by  the  unfounded  and  often  repeated  accusation,  that 
the  latter  were  hostile  to  the  former. 

That  these  contemptible  opinions  should  have  ever  gained 
ground  among  a  people  so  intelligent  and  enlightened  as  the 
yeomanry  of  me  eastern  states,  mto  are  inferior  to  those  of  no 
nation  in  the  world,  was,  even  cotemporaneously,  a  matter  of  as- 
tonishment to  every  man  of  the  most  superficial  observation. 
But  the  astonishment  must  be  increased  a  thousand  fold,  by  a 
reflexion  on  the  relative  state  of  the  commerce  of  the  United 
States,  as  recently  developed  by  the  public  documents. 

The  object,  I  repeat,  was,  to  protect  commerce  from  southern 
and  western  hostility.  Virginia  was  regarded  as  a  species  of 
political  anti-commercial  planet,  round  which  the  other  anti- 
commercial  states  revolved  as  satellites,  and  by  which  their 
movements  were  regulated. 

Maryland,  South  Carolina,  and  Georgia,  were  among-those 
anti-commercial  states.  New  Hampshire,  Vermont,  Rhode 
Island,  and  Connecticut,  were  four  of  the  five  **  great  commer- 
cial states,**  forming  component  parts  of  "  the  Nation  of  New- 
England,"  to  use  the  inflated,  bombastic,  and  gasconading  phrase- 
ology of  the  day. 

Let  us  calmly  examine  the  ground  on  which  this  sublime, 
this  profound  idea  rested.  Let  us  compare  the  exports  of  those 
commercial  and  anti.commercial  states. 


No.  1. 

ExportSjforeign  and  domestic^  1816, 

>> 
>     '.'? 

New  Hampshire           ...                     ^  140,293 
Vermont           ...                  -             892,594 
Massachusetts           -           .                  -             -      10,136,439 
Rhode  Island       ...                  .                 612,794 
Connecticut           ....           -             593,806 

13.37 

f 

.  r 

5,926 

*1f!  ' 


4f%. 


VGLVnCAL  OUVE  BRANCH. 


[CBAf.83- 


Maiyland 

District  of  Columbia 
North  Carolina 
South  CaroUna 
6eor|^a 
Louisiana 


7,338,767 
8,212,860 
1,680,811 
1,328,735 
10,849,409 
7,511,929 
5,602,948 


-42,525,459 


It  is  impossible  to  regard  this  table  without  the  most  profound 
amazement  at  the  folly,  to  call  it  by  no  harsher  name,  of  those 
who  coidd  for  a  moment  be  blinded  by  such  absurd  and  frivo- 
lous pretences.  History  presents  no  instance  of  more  miserable 
insanity— -insanity  on  which  measures  were  predicated,  preg- 
nant with  perdition  to  our  union,  to  our  peace,  to  our  happiness- 
insanity  which  had  nearly  bestowed  on  us,  and  bequeathed  to 
our  posterity,  the  tremendous  gift  of  Peloponnesian,  Social, 
Ked-and-white-rose,  and  Guelph-and-GhibeUn  wars. 

Rhode  Island,  with  a  population  of  76,931,  and  an  export  of 
S  600,000,  sitting  in  grand  convention,  to  guard  the  interests  of 
commerce  against  the  machinations  of  Virginia,  with  a  population 
of  974,622,  and  an  export  of  $8,000,000,  must  be  an  object  of  at- 
tention to  an  admiring  world !  She  has  really  acquired  immor- 
tal honour  by  this  grand  exploit.  It  would  not  be  more  absurd 
or  irrational  for  a  skipper  of  Boston  or  Philadelphia  to  petition 
for  the  protection  of  commerce,  the  former  against  the  machina- 
tions of  William  Gray,  the  latter  against  those  of  Stephen  Girard. 

Cicero  is  reported  to  have  said  that  it  was  wonderful  how  the 
Roman  augurs  could  regard  each  other  in  the  face  without  down- 
right laughter  at  the  deception  of  the  trade  they  carried  on. — 
And  it  is  difficult  to  conceive  how  a  Rhode  Island  delegate 
could  look  in  the  face  of  his  colleague,  or  of  the  New  Hamp- 
shire delegate,  without  producing  a  similar  effect.  The  worthy 
delegate  from  New  Hampshire,  which  state  exported  2>140,000  in 
1816,  must  cast  a  retrospective  eye  on  this  portion  of  his  poli- 
tical career,  with  feelings  very  far  from  comfortable.  He  would 
surely  wish  the  memorable  event  of  the  meeting  of  this  conven- 
tion, were  buried  in  eternal  oblivion.  If  he  form  a  fair  esti- 
mate of  political  character,  he  would  purchase,  at  an  immense 
price,  were  it  possible,  the  erasure  from  the  tablets  of  history, 
of  the  part  he  has  acted  in  this  political  drama. 

In  the  preceding  table  of  exports  I  have  given  the  whole 
amount  of  foreign  as  well  as  domestic  articles.  This  does  not 
place  the  argument  in  the  strongest  point  of  light.  It  must  be 
obvious,  that  the  substantial  interests  of  a  country  are  more  pro- 
moted by  the  exportation  of  twenty  millions,  of  native  produc- 
tions, than  by  that  of  thirty  millions  of  foreign  articles.  The 
former  may  be  said  to  be  almost  all  clear  gain  to  the  exporting 
nation :  whereas  from  the  latter  it  derives  merely  the  freight 
and  profit — of  which  the  second  item  is  frequently  very  slight. 


lit.. 


gsAT.  83.] 


STATISTICS.     *-tt^ 


47S 


In  order,  therefore,  to  evince  more  completely  the  transcen- 
dent folly  and  arrogance  of  the  pretensions  of  the  eastern  states 
•~-and  their^comparative,  commercial  insignificance,  I  submit  a 
few  tables,  confined  wholly  to  domestic  articles  :— 


Domestic  Exports^  1816. 
No.  2. 


New  Hampshire, 
Vermont, 
Massachusetts, 
Bhode  Island, 
Connecticut, 


Geor^^a, 


%  119,486 
892,594 

5,008,974 
418,996 
587,00r 

87,027,057 
S  7,436,692 


Thus  it  appears,  that  of  domestic  productions,  which  are  the 
bone  and  marrow  of  the  commerce  of  a  nation,  the  single  state 
of  Georgia  exported  more  than  the  whole  of  **  the  nation  of  New 
England''—- notwithstanding  that  this  ^*  nation,''  in  its  exports, 
included  a  large  amount  of  cotton,  rice,  and  other  southern  pro- 
ductions. 

No.  3. 


84,834,490 
8,115,890 
1,555,572 
1,328,271 
10,446,213 
7,436,692 
5,251,833 


g  7,027,057 


"The  nation  of  New  England,"  (see  No.  2) 
^     Maryland,         -  -  • 

Virginia,  .  -  ,  . 

District  of  Columbia,  • 

North  Carolina,     .... 
South  Carolina,  .... 

Geoi^a,    ..... 
Louisiana,        ..... 

No.  4.      ' 

The  single  port  of  New  Orleans  has  exported  fifty  times  as 
much  as  New  Hampshire ;  nearly  six  times  as  much  as  Ver- 
mont; twelve  times  as  much  as  Rhode  Island;  above  eight 
times  as  much  as  Connecticut ;  and  somewhgt  more  than  Mas-* 
sachusetts. 


-58,968,961 


New  Orleans, 
New  Hampshire, 
Vermont,     • 
Massachusetts, 
Rhode  Island, 
Connecticut, 


g  119,486 
892,594 

5,008,974 
418,996 
587,007 


85,251,833 


-7,027,057 


No.  5. 

The  district  of  Columbia,  often  miles  square,  exported  forty 
per  cent,  more  than  New  Hampshire,  Rhode  Island,  and,  Con^- 
necticut. 


:;il 


?l:l 


ni: 


I' 


^• 


POUTICAL  OUV£  BRAMCM. 


[cmr.SS. 


Columbia, 
NewHampdure, 
Bhode  Island, 
Connecticut, 


0119,486 
418,996 
587,007 


%  1^55,572 


No.  6. 


-1,125,489 


South  Carolina  has  exported  twice  as  much  as,  and  Georgia 
^ty  per  cent,  more  than,  Massachusetts. 


South  Carolina, 

Geoif^ 

Maasachuaetts, 


S  10.446,213 

.      7,436,692 

5,008;9r4 


No.  r. 


Virginia,  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  and  Louisiana,  have  ex- 
ported almost  four  hundred  and  fifty  per  cent,  more  than  all  the 
eastern  states. 


Virpnia, 
South  Carulina, 
Georgia, 
New  Orleans, 


218,115,890 

10.446,213 

7,436,692 

5,251,833 


^1,250,628 
7,027,057 


Five  eastern  states,  ..... 

These  statements  fully  display  the  transcendent  superiority  of 
the  commerce  of  the  southern  states  over  that  of  "  the  nation  of 
New  England,''  in  domestic  productions.  That  in  those  articles 
they  have  a  superiority  over  all  the  rest  of  the  union,  was  never 
suspected.    But  it  is,  nevertheless,  true. 

No.  8. 


••  The  nation  of  New  England,"  (No.  2) 

New  York,      .... 

New  Jersey,  ... 

Pennsylvania, 

Delaware,  ... 

Eastern  and  middle  states, 


87,027,057 

-    14,168,291 

9,746 

■      4,486,329 

54,685 

825,746,108 


Southern  States,  (No.  3)  ....  838,968,961 

Thus  It  appears  that  the  domestic  exports  of  the  southern 
states  are  above  fifty  per  cent,  beyond  those  of  all  the  rest  of 
the  union. 

I  shall  conclude  these  overwhelming  statements,  with  one  still 
more  striking.  The  whole  of  the  exports  of  "  the  nation  of  New 
England,"  of  foreign  and  domestic  articles,  including  cotton, 
rice,  tobacco,  naval  stores,  &c.  derived  from  the  southern  states, 
was,  in  1816,  as  we  have  seen,  (No.  1)  only  8 12,375,928 

Whereas,  of  domestic  articles  alone,  the  exports 
from  Georgia  and  Louisiana  were, 

Georgfia,         -  -  -  7,436,693 


Louisiana, 


5,251,833 


.12,688,525 


MAP.  84.] 


STATISTICS. 


irr 


ThuSf  the  wonderful  fact  appears  incontestthle^  that  Georgig, 
and  Louisiana  exported^  in  the  year  1816^  more  domestic  produc- 
tionSy  than  "  the  nation  of  New  England"  exported  within  the 
sameperiodf  of  every  description^  foreign  and  domestic  !!! 

Reader,  ponder  well  on  these  strong  facts — and  then  answer 
this  simple  question— Has  the  world  ever  witnessed  more  tran- 
scendent  folly  than  the  eastern  states  have  displayed  in  assem- 
bling a  convention  at  Hartford,  to  guard  the  interests  of  com- 
merce against  the  hostility  of  the  southern  states,  at  the  risque  of 
civil  war  and  all  its  horrors  ? 

Import  Duties, 

On  the  subject  of  the  import  duties  paid  by  the  different 
states,  there  was  a  great  clamour  excited,  and  the  mass  of  the 
people  of  the  eastern  states  were  thoroughly  satisfied,  that  they 
bore  almost  the  whole  expense  of  the  government,  their  south- 
em  brethren  contributing  but  little  towards  it.  I  annex  two 
tables  of  the  duties  on  imports  for  the  year  1815. 

Georgia  paid  more  duties  than  the  four  minor  eastern  states. 

g  883,453 

92,316 

228,957 

233,024 


Georgia, 
New  Hampshire 
Vermont 
Rhode  Island 


Connecticut 


233,683 


787,980 

The  southern  states  paid  twenty-five  per  cent,  more  than  the 
eastern,  exclusive  of  the  duties  really  paid  by  them  on  foreign 
goods  bonded  to  the  eastward,  and  consumed  to  the  southward. 


Maryland,     .  .  .  . 

Virginia, 

Columbia,      .  .  -  • 

North  Carolina,   • 

South  Carolina, 

Gcorj^ia, 

Loiiisiana,    .  •  .  • 

Pour  minor  eastern  states,  as  above, 
Massachusetts,         ... 


g  4,050,504 
1,226,404 
482,426 
345,204 
1,429,498 
882,453 
984,909 


g  787,980 
5,771,667 


-9,401,398 


-7,559,647 


CHAPTER  LXXXIV. 

Freedom  of  the  seas.     Prophets,    Sedition,     Opposition  to  the 

war.    fury  Trial, 

The  hallucinations  of  minds  of  respectable  grade,  are  in  many 
cases  wholly  inexplicable,  and  excite  astonishment.  C.  C.  Brown, 
a  writer  of  very  considerable  celebrity,  published  "  an  address  to 
congress,"  in  rhiladelphia,  anno  1803,  in  which  he  openly  avow- 
ed the  monstrous  and  absurd  theory,  that  England  had  just  the 
same  right  to  exclude  us  from,  as  we  had  to  navigate,  the  ocean; 
that  our  conduct  to  Great  Uritain  and  France,  flowed  from  the 

o.  B.  oa 


I; 

'I     .    M 

ir    '11 


I 


# 


4:] 


I 


i- 


m 


POUTICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


Icaip:  84- 


same  source  as  theirs  towards  us;  that  vessels  unemployed  were 
worse  than  vessels  captured  or  shipwrecked;  and  that  the  real 
law  of  nations  is,  that  each'must  enrich  and  aggrandize  itself  by 
all  the  means  in  its  power.  These  crude  and  absurd  ideas  were 
delivered  with  as  much  solemnity  as  so  many  responses  of  the 
Delphic  Oracle.  They  form  the  sum  and  substance — ^the  pith 
and  marrow,  of  a  prolix  pamphlet  of  above  ninety  pages. 

t 

Prophets, 

In  all  ages,  prophets  have  been  highly  gratified  to  have  their 
predictions  fulfilled — and,  so  far  as  lay  in  their  power,  have  ge- 
nerally spared  no  pains  to  eifect  their  accomplishment.  O^  this 
propensity  the  United  States  have  exhibited  several  instances.  I 
cite  one. 

Some  of  the  high-toned  federalists,  about  the  time  of  the  for- 
mation of  the  federal  constitution,  ridiculed,  as  the  qmntessence 
of  political  absurdity — as  transcendently  Utopian — the  idea  of 
its  being  practicable  to  give  permanency  to  the  republican  form 
of  government  in  so  extensive  a  country  as  the  United  States. 
They  pitied  the  folly,  or  detested  the  wickedness  of  the  attempt. 
Some  of  these  gentlemen  in  Boston  and  elsewhere  have  made 
great  exertions,  to  secure  the  verification  of  their  predictions. — 
Th{mk  heaven  they  have  been  disappointed. 

Sedition* 

Although  I  have  given  numerous  instances  of  the  seditious 
spirit  that  prevailed  in  the  eastern  states,  during  and  subsequent 
to  the  embargo,  yet  it  can  hardly  be  unacceptable  to  the  reader 
to  put  a  few  more  on  record,  in  order  more  fully  to  evince  the 
dangerous  nature  of  the  precipice  from  which  we  have  escaped. 

A  memorial  to  the  legislature  of  Massachusetts,  presented  by 
the  citizens  of  the  town  of  Hadley,  contains  the  following  very 
significant  paragraph. 

"  Resolved,  that  in  our  opinion,  a  perseverance  in  that,  dcadlv  hostility  to 
commerce,  which,  we  believe,  ilerives  its  orifi^in  and  its  vijfoiir  from  a  (fecp 
rooted  jealousy  of  the  eastern  states,  will  inevitably  lead  to  a  DISSOLUTION 
OF  THR  UNION.  And  thoufi^h  we  most  sincerely  deprecate  such  an  event, 
yet  we  cannot  suppress  our  fears,  that  the  time  is  ut  hand,  when  A  SRl'AKA- 
TION  OF  TIIKSK  S  TA  TKH  will  be  enforced  by  the  most  irresistible  of  all 
motives— SELF-PRKSERVATION ! !'» 

The  citizens  of  Boston  at  the  same  period,  passed  the  follow- 
ing among  other  resolves. 

"  Resolved,  that  we  will  not  voluntarily  aid  or  assist  in  tlie  exectition  of  tli(» 
set  passed  on  tlie  ninth  of  this  montli,  for  cnforcintf  the  scvcml  embargtj  laws  : 
and  that  all  th«)se  who  shall  assist  in  enforcing  upon  othei-s  the  arbitrary  and 
unconstitutional  provisions  of  this  act,  ouf^ht  to  be  considered  as  enemies  to 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  hostile  to  the  hbcrtics  oflhi«pco« 
plo!!".  *^ 


OHAF.  84.] 


JURY  TBIAL. 


m 


■ '  At  a  meeting  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  County  of*  Hampshire 
in  Massachusetts,  a  number  of'inflammatoiy  resolutions  were 
passed,  of  which  the  tenor  may  be  calculated  from  the  following. 

"  Resolved,  that  causes  are  continually  occurring,  which  tend  to  produce  a 
most  calamitous  event — a  dissolution  of  the  tadon." 

'  '^  On  the  5th  of  August,  1812,  a  meeting  was  held  in  Castine, 
at  which  the  following  resolutions  among  others  were  passed :— • 

"  Resolved,  that  we  do  not  hold  ourselves  bound  in  honour  or  patriotism,  vo- 
luntarily to  enlist  in  the  army  destined  for  foreign  conquest :  but  that  we  will 
not  lag  behind  any  of  out' fellow -citizens  in  resisting  and  repelling  invasion  of 
our  rights,  our  liberty,  or  our  country. 

"  Resolved,  that  we  contemplate  with  pleasure  the  patriotic  spirit  whidb, 
animates  the  friends  of  peace  throughout  the  United  States ;  and  that  we  hul 
it  as  kindred  to  the  spirit  of  1775." 

How  far  the  pompous  pledge  given  in  the  first  resolution, 
was  redeemed,  the  unresisted  invasion  and  conquest  of  Castine, 
afforded  a  handsome  illustration. 

Opposition  to  the  War, 

Although  the  late  war  declared  against  Great  Britain  wAs  as 
just  as  any  war  ever  waged,  yet  those  who  opposed  the  declara- 
tion .to  the  very  last  stage,  can  offer  very  strong  arguments  in 
their  defence.  The  issues  of  wars  are  so  totally  uncertain— so 
many  nations  have  been  utterly  ruined  by  them— and  the  divi- 
sions of  our  citizens  were  so  mveterate  and  deep  rooted — that 
men  of  the  purest  hearts  and  clearest  heads,  might  well  hesitate 
before  they  would  consent  to  pass  the  Rubicon,  even  though  they 
might  be  well  satisfied  that  the  accumulation  of  injury  neaped 
on  this  country,  had  warranted  a  recourse  to  the  uitima  ratio  at 
a  much  earlier  stage  of  liggression. 

But  what  justification  can  be  offered  for  those  who,  after  war 
was  declarea  by  a  respectable  majority — after  it  had  become  the 
law  of  the  land — while  the  nation  was  in  jeopard}'  of  its  exist- 
ence— while  deep  perdition  stared  their  country  in  the  face, 
continued  to  embarrass  and  enfeeble,  and  endeavoured  to  stran- 
gle that  government  which  was  the  sole  barrier  between  them 
and  anarchy,  and  civil  war,  on  the  one  hand — and  subjugation 
by  a  foreign  foe  on  the  other !  When  they  cast  a  retrospective 
eye  on  their  infatuation  and  delusion,  they  must  be  preyed  on  by 
the  deepest  regret  and  remorse. 

jfury  Trial. 

James  Ross,  an  eminent  lawyer  of  Pittsburg,  was,  many  years 
since,  the  federal  candidate  for  governor  of  the  state  of  Penn- 
sylvania. Some  of  his  opponents  circulated  a  malicious  and  ly- 
ing report,  to  ruin  his  character,  that  he  had  administered  the 
sacrament  to  a  dog.  This  excited  a  deadly  hostility  against  him, 
among  the  sober  and  rdigious  part  of  his  fellow  citizens — lost 
him  many  friendsr— and  increased  the  ardour  and  the  energy  of 
his  enemies. 


'in 


'  M'  *' 1 . 

m 


sii 


m 


■ifil 


'    I. 


4M 


POUnCAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


(ciAt.  tS. 


The  report  was  traced  to  some  individual  whose  name  I  do 
ftot  tecoUect.  Mr.  Ross  sued  him  for  damages.  After  aU  the 
vexatious  and  irritating  delay  that  chicane  can  contrive,  the  case 
finally  came  before  a  jury.  A  verdict  was  given  against  the  de- 
fendant— with  damages.  And  how  much  damages,  reader, 
would  you  suppose  ?  You  might  guess  for  a  dozen  years,  be- 
ibre  you  could  guess  the  exact  sum.  It  was,  to  the  best  of  my 
recollection,  six  cents.  I  write  from  memory,  having  mislaid  the 
account  of  the  trial :  but  I  am  confident  it  was  beloW  a  dollar ! 

So  much  for  our  boasted  trial  by  jury. 


CHAPTER  LXXXV. 

Self-created  Societies.  Merit  unrewarded.  Compensation  Law, 

The  proceedings  of  parties  and  factions,  however  different 
their  principles,  views,  and  professions,  bear  a  wonderful  ana- 
logy to  each  other,  when  placed  in  similar  circumstances.  Those 
who  possess  power,  strain  every  nerve,  too  often  regardless  of 
tight  or  wrong,  to  preserve  it.  Those  who  are  divested  of  it,  too 
generally  use  every  possible  means  to  acquire  it,  equally  regard- 
less of  justice. 

During  the  inflammation  of  the  public  mind,  excited  by  the 
then  recent  French  revolution,  and  the  art  and  address  of  M. 
Genet,  the  democratic  party,  then  in  a  minority,  established  de- 
mocratic societies,  which,  by  their  affiliations  in  every  ramifica- 
tion of  the  United  States,  were  intended,  and  expected,  by  co- 
operation, to  overawe  the  administration,  to  dismount  their  an. 
tagonists,  and  to  enable  the  leaders  to  vault  into  the  vacant  sad- 
dles. This  effect  they  would  indubitably  have  produced,  but  that 
they  were  denounced  by  General  Washington,  and  both  houses 
of  congress,  as  having  b\en  implicated  in  encouraging  the  oppo- 
sition to  the  general  sovemment,  which,  finally,  led  to  the  west- 
em  insurrection.  This  was  a  mortal  stroke  to  them,  and  totally 
enfeebled  them  thenceforward. 

General  Washington,  after  detailing  the  various  steps  that  led 
to  the  final  explosion,  states,  in  his  address  to  congress,  anno 
1794 — 

••  rrom  a  holief  that  by  a  more  formal  concert,  the  ope  ration  of  the  excise 
laws  mifi^ht  l)c  defeated,  lertain  m-lf-created  Societies  assumed  the  tone  of  con- 
demnation. Hence,  while  the  jfrrater  jiart.  of  Pcnnsyivmiia  were  conforminR' 
themselves  to  tlie  acts  of  excise,  a  few  counties  were  resolved  to  prostrate  them. ' 

To  this  the  senate  replied—  . 

"  Our  anxiety,  arisinr  from  the  licentious  and  open  resistance  to  the  laws,  in 
the  western  counties  of  Penn«ylvania,  has  been  increased  by  the  proccedinjfs 
oicf^tuin*elf-erfttteilSodftie»,n\«\\\'t  to  the  laws  and  administration  of  the 
Ifovcrnmcnt ;  proccedini^,  in  out-  upprehensinn,  founded  in  political  error,  cal- 
culated, if  not  intended,  to  «liHorj(ani2c  our  (government,  and  which,  by  inHuir- 
in{|^  dehisivc  hopes  of  support,  hnve  been  innuential  in  misleading  our  fellow 
citizens  in  the  scene  of  insurrection." 


MAP.  85.  J 


SELF-CREATED  SOCIETIES. 


The  denunciation  of  the  house  of  representatives,  was  not 
quite  so  unequivocal.  It  excited  an  ardent  debate,  and  was  great- 
ly softened  down . 

"  We  learn,  with  the  gfreatest  concern,  th*t  any  misrepresentations  what< 
ever,  of  the  f^vernment  and  its  proceeding's,  either  by  individuals,  or  combina- 
tiont  of  men,  should  have  been  made,  and  so  far  credited,  as  to  foment  the  fla> 
grant  outrage  wiiich  lias  been  committed  on  the  laws." 

General  Washington  expressed  his  utter  disapprobation  of 
those  societies  much  more  pointedly  in  his  letters  to  his  friends : 

"  The  real  people,"  he  says,  "  occasionally  assembled,  in  order  to  exprrss 
'  their  sentiments  on  political  subjects,  ought  never  to  be  confounded  with  per» 
tnanma,  ie{f-appointed  Societiei,  usurping  the  right  to  controul  the  constituted 
authorities,  and  to  dictate  to  public  opinion.  While  the  former  was  entitled  to 
respect,  tlie  latter  was'incompatible  with  all  government,  and  must  either  sink 
iuto  general  disesteem,  or  finally  overturn  the  established  order  of  tilings." 

To  Mr.  Jay,  then  negociating  in  London,  he  wrote  as  follows  : 

"  That  the  lelf -created  Societiei,  who  have  spread  themselves  over  this  coun- 
try, have  been  labouring  incessantly  to  sow  the  seeds  of  distrust,  jealousy, 
and,  of  course,  discontent,  hoping  thereby  to  eflfect  some  revolution  in  the  go« 
vemment,  is  not  unknown  to  you.  That  thev  have  been  the  fomentersof  uia 
western  (Usturbances,  admits  of  no  doubt  in  the  mind  of  any  one  who  will  ex 
amine  their  conduct.  But,  fortunately,  they  have  precipitated  a  crisis,  for  which 
they  were  not  prepared ;  and  thereby  have  unfolded  views  which  will,  I  trust, 
effect  their  annihilation  much  sooner  than  itmig^t  have  happened.  An  occasion 
has  also  been  afforded  for  the  people  of  this  coimtry  to  show  their  abhorrence 
of  the  result,  and  their  attachment  to  the  constitution  and  the  laws ;  for  I  be- 
lieve,  that  five  times  the  number  of  militia  that  were  required,  would  have 
come  forward  in  support  of  them,  had  it  been  necessary."! 

The  Washington  Benevolent  Societies  owe  their  origin  to  the 
same  lust  of  power  that  engendered  the  Democratic  Societies. 
They  were  intended,  like  those  democratic  societies,  to  give  an 
undue  influence  to  the  meml^ers  beyond  what  their  numerical 
force  entitled  them  to.  And  the  advantages  of  concert  and  co- 
operation are  so  great,  that  wherever  they  are  established,  they 
cannot  fail  to  produce  this  effect. 

I'he  time  and  place  of  their  birth  are  considerably  against 
them.  They  origmated  in  Boston,  at  a  period  when  that  town 
was  the  grand  focus  of  disaffection  and  sedition— when  "  Moses 
and  Aaroii*^  were  invoked  to  lead  "  the  oppressed  Israelites'^  un- 
der the  standard  of  rebellion,  to  a  "  new  region,''  to  "  litlount 
Carmel."  And  the  prime  agents  in  all  these  rebellious  move- 
ments were  among  the  leaders  of  the  Washington  Benevolent 
Societies — ^leaders  whose  views  and  proceedings  were  as  diame- 
trically opposite  to  the  holy  admonitions  of  Washington,  as  light 
is  opposite  to  darknesR. 

That  among  the  Washington  Benevolent  Societies  are  to  be 
found  thousands  of  the  best  citizens  in  the  United  States— 

•  MarshttU's  Life  of  Woshington,  vol.  V.  pajrc  59'J 
]  Idem,  page  59.?. 


m 


?\i\ 


482 


POUTICAL  OUYE  BRANCH. 


[CHAF.  85. 


-^ 


that  the  objects  of  those  citizens  are  perfectly  pure-— that  they 
would  shudder  with  horror  at  the  idea  of  any  illegal  act,  I  most 
unhesitatingly  uJmit. — But  there  cannot  be  a  doubt,  that  when- 
ever the  views  of  such  societies  embrace  political  operations, 
as  they  almost  universally  do,  they  are  to  be  regarded  with 
great  watchfulness  and  jealousy.  They  are  liable  to  every  pos- 
sible objection  ever  made  against  the  Democratic  Societies. 

Merit  unrewarded. 

That  cbngress,  the  proper  organ  of  the  gratitude  and  liberali- 
ty of  the  nation,  has  not  dischargerl  the  debt  due  to  many  illus- 
trious individuals,  whose  talents  aud  patriotism  powerfully  aid- 
ed in  saving  this  country,  is  a  truth  which,  however  it  may  be 
regretted,  cannot  be  controverted.  The  instances  are  unfortu- 
nately but  too  numerous. 

The  defence  of  Baltimore,  and  the  defeat  of  the  British  there, 
were  among  the  most  fortunate  circumstances  of  the  war.  Had 
the  enemy  succeeded,  Philadelphia  would  probably  have  fallen 
the  next  victim— and  the  war  might  have  been  prolonged  for 
another  year,  with  the  most  calamitous  results  at  home  and 
abroad.  To  the  success  there,  major  Armistead,  who  command- 
ed Fort  M*Henry,  and  lieutenant  Webster,  who  commanded  a 
six  gun  battery,  mainly  contributed.  The  best  judges  of  the 
state  of  the  case,  are  of  opinion,  that  but  for  the  noble  efforts  6f 
skill  and  bravery  displayed  by  lieutenant  Webster,  the  British 
would  very  probably  have  succeeded.  With  his  six  guns,  and 
about  forty  men,  Me  kept  up  such  a  destructive  fire  upon  them, 
as  finally  induced  them  to  abandon  the  enterprize. 

It  is  painful  to  state,  that  neither  of  these  citizens  has  receiv- 
ed from  the  government  of  the  United  States  any  remuneration 
for  their  brilliant  and  most  useful  services,  of  which  it  has  hard- 
ly taken  any  notice  whatever. 

A  few  public  spirited  individuals  in  Baltimore  subscribed  to- 
ward the  purchase  of  a  handsome  piece  of  plate  for  major  Ar- 
mistead, and  a  sword  for  lieutenant  Webster — and  thus  ends  the 
sorry  tale  of  gratitude  for  such  important  services ! ! 

Lieutenant  Webster  was  induced,  by  the  advice  of  some  of 
his  friends,  to  establish  a  grocery  store  in  the  centre  of  Balti- 
more, and  calculated  upon  the  patronage  of  a  city  to  which  he 
had  rendered  such  substantial  services.  He  has  been  disappoint- 
ed even  in  those  moderate  expectations,  and  a  few  weeks  since 
was  closing  his  concerns  after  the  much-to-be-regretted  failure 
of  his  experiment.  • 

Compensation  Imw, 
Few  circumstances  have  occurred  of  late  years  more  discre* 
ditahle  to  the  nation,  as  well  as  to  its  representatives,  than  the 
proceedings  respecting  the  compensation  law. 


CHAF.  85.] 


COMPENSATION  LAW. 


48l 


The  wages  of  congress  were  fixed,  on  the  organization  of  the 
government,  dt  six  dollars  per  day.  They  remained  stationary, 
so  far  as  respects  the  house  of  representatives,  from  that  period 
till  the  operation  of  the  law  which  forms  the  subject  of  this  dis- 
cussion. 

A  factious  clamour  was  raised  by  the  democrats  against  the 
extravagance  of  the  compensation,  with  a  view  of  rendering  un- 
popular the  federalists  who  had  passed  the  six  dollar  law.  The 
clamour  was  nearly  as  great  as  that  raised  against  the  recent 
compensation  law.  But  as  it  was  founded  in  sordid  and  sinis- 
ter motives,  it  gradually  subsided.  The  public  acquiesced  in  the 
propriety  of  the  wages. 

Iwenty- eight  years  have  since  elapsed.  Money  has  greatly 
depreciated  in  value.  Some  articles  advanced  20,  30,  40,  and 
50  per  cent  in  price.  And  some  might  be  pointed  out,  of  which 
the  price  is  doubled.  Superfine  cloths  are  among  the  number. 

It  would  be  waste  of  time,  and  indeed  an  insult  to  the  reader, 
to  undertake  to  prove  the  necessity,  under  these  circumstances, 
of  increasing  the  compensation  of  the  members  of  congress.  It 
is  self  evident. 

This  being  assumed,  the  only  real  question  on  the  subject  is, 
whether  the  increase  were  too  great,  or  otherwise. 

In  forming  a  fair  estimate  of  the  proper  amount  of  compensa- 
tion for  any  species  of  service,  public  or  private,  it  requires  to 
be  regulated  by  a  compound  ratio  of  the  value  of  the  time  be- 
stowed— the  situation  of  the  parties — ^the  sacrifices  they  make-^ 
the  compensation  for  similar  or  other  services — and  the  expense 
of  living. 

Applyhig  all  these  tests  to  the  law  in  question,  it  can  be  un- 
answerably defended. 

There  are  large  and  important  classes  of  citizens,  embracing 
no  small  proportion  of  the  persons  suitable  for  the  situation  of 
members  of  congress,  whom  the  amount  of  the  compensation 
which  has  afforded  ground  for  so  much  factious  clamour,  or  even 
double  that  amount,  would  not  adequately  pay  for  the  sacrifices 
they  would  make,  by  accepting  seats  as  meml)ers  of  congress. 
I  mean  first-rate  lawyers,  doctors,  and  merchants.  What  com- 
pensation, for  instance,  would  1500  dollars  per  annum  be  to 
Mr.  Wirt,  Mr.  Pinkney,  or  Mr.  Emmet ;  to  Dr.  Wistar,  Dr. 
Physick,  or  Dr.  Monges ;  or  to  Wm.  Gray,  Mr.  Willing,  Mr. 
Ralston,  or  Mr.  Girard*  ...         -         •    ^ 

•  There  is  fVcnuently  a  considerable  difficulty  in  prevailing  on  suitable  per- 
sonri^o  stftnd  canaidatcs  for  congress  in  our  capital  cities.  I  was,  some  yeura 
nince,  a  member  of  a  committee  appointed  to  wait  on  sundry  ffentlemen  who 
were  contemplated  as  candidates.  Wc  consulted  four  in  succession,  who  de- 
clined.  This  was  the  year  in  which  Mr.  Clay  was  first  elected,  lie  was  the 
fifth  gentleman  applied  to ;  afi^reed  to  become  u  candidate  ;  and  was  success* 
f\x\f    He  WM  at  tlic  time  a  clerk  in  the  bunk  of  Nortli  America. 


^1 


l<TM 


484 


POUTICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


lOBAT.  8^. 


In  order  to  enable  the  reader  to  form  a  correct  idea  on  the 
execrated  compensation  of  the  members  of  congress,  I  annex  a 
statement  of  the  compensations  given  to  sundry  officers,  some  un- 
der the  general  government,  and  some  in  a  few  other  situations. 


Secretary  of  Statue  tjffite. 

Secretuy      •           •           •  £5000 

Chief  clerk          •           •  3000 

Second         .           •           •  1500 

Third       -           -           -  1350 

Four  others,  each      •           •  1150 

Treamry  department. 

Secretuy      •           •           -  g(5000 

Chief  clerk          -           -  2000 

Second         •           -           •  16«0 

Two  others,  each            •  1500 

Fifth             •           •           •  1400 

SUth       •           •           •  1300 

Comptroller* a  office. 

Comptroller              -           •  S3500 

Chief  and  second  clerk,  each  1500 

Third  and  fourth,  each         •  1300 

Fifth        -           -           -  1100 

Sixth  and  seventh,  each        •  1088 

Eighth  and  ninth,  each    •  1000 

Jluditot^$  office. 

Auditor         ■            .            .  $(3000 

Principal  clerk    -           -  1600 

Second          •            •            •  1300 

Four  others,  each           •  1150 
Three  others,  each    •           -1100 

One         -           •           •  1000 

Reguter't  ifffice. 

Renster       •           ■           •  <g3000 

Chief  clerk         -           -  1766 

Second          ...  1516 

Third  and  fourth,  each    .  1450 

Fifth             ■           •           .  1400 

Sixth       .            .            •  1066 

Three  others,  each    -           -  1000 

Treantrei^s  office. 

Treasurer      ■           •           .  g3000 

First  clerk           .           -  1700 

Second         -           -           .  1300 

Third       •           •           -  1240 

General  LatuI  office. 

Commissioner           •           .  g3000 

First  clerk            •            .  1600 
Second          •            •            -1100 

Three  others,  each          ■  1050 

War  department. 

Secretaiy      .           -           .  $!;4500 

Chiefclerk          •    .       -  1600 

Second         •           -           •  1430 


Third  and  fourth,  each    • 
Seven  others,  each    - 

Paymatter't  office. 
Paymaster  general    • 
Chiefclerk 
Second 
Third 

Fourth    ... 
Fifth 

Three  others,  each 
Five  others,  each 

Aceomaanfa  office. 
Two  accountants,  each 
Two  clerks,  each 
Four  others,  each 
Seventh 

Four  others,  each 
Twelfth 
Three  others 

Superintendan^a  office. 
Superintendant 
Chiefclerk 
Second 
Thiid 


Secretary  o/JVUv^«  tfffice. 


Secretary 

Chiefclerk 

Second 

Third  and  fourth,  each 


JVavy  Commiaaionera^  office. 


Three  commissioners,  eac)|, 

Secretary 

Three  clerks,  each 


AecowUant  ofJ^Tavj^a  office. 


Accountant    - 

First  clerk 

Second 

Third      . 

Fourth 

Three  others,  each 

Five  others,  each 

General  Poat  office. 
Postmaster  general 
First  assistant 
Second  do. 
Book-keeper 
Assistant 
Six  clerks,  each 
Three  others,  each 


Mayor  of  the  City  of  Pluladelphia       .... 

Presidentof  the  Bank  of  Pennsylvania        ... 
Cashier  of  do.    ..'.... 

Governor  of  the  State         .....' 

Secretary  ....... 

Sneaker  of  the  Senate,  should  he  exercise  the  office  of  Governor 
Coief  Justice  Supreme  Court  (and  J$  4  per  day  while  on  circuit) 


21300 
1000 

22500 
1840 
1495 
1250 
1200 
1150 
1100 
1000 

S2000 
1600 
1300 
1200 
1150 
1050 
1000 

23000 
160O 
1200 
1000 


24500 
2000 
1300 
1200 


23500 
2000 
1000 


22300 
1600 
1320 
1280 
1120 
1060 
1000 

23000 
1700 
1600 
1300 
1100 
1200 
1000 

23000 
4000 
4000 
5333 
1333 
3333  33 
2666  67 


UHAP.  85,] 


COMPENSATION  LAW. 


485 


1 


Assistant  Judges    -        •       1600 
and  g4  per  day,  while  on 
circuit. 
Treasurer        ....      1333  33 
Surveyor  General        •  1333  33 


Secretary  of  the  Land  office 
Iteceiver  general  of  Land 

Office 
Comptroller  General 
Register  General 


1333  33 

1533  33 

2133  33 
1333  33 


Let  it  be  observed  that  the  salaries  of  the  above  officers  of 
the  state  of  Pennsylvania  were  fixed  anno  1791,  when  money 
was  from  1 7  to  20  per  cent,  more  valuable  than  at  present. 

A  careful  examination  of  the  above  cannot  fail  to  satisfy  any 
man  whose  mind  is  open  to  conviction,  that  the  obnoxious  com- 
pensation was  no  more  than  reasonable ;  and  that  the  outcry 
against  it  was,  as  I  have  stated,  factious,  or  the  result  of  a  beg. 
garly  spirit  of  economy,  discreditable  to  the  nation,  of  which 
every  man  who  has  its  honour  at  heart,  must  feel  deeply 
ashamed. 

The  most  injurious  of  the  consequences  of  the  miserable 
clamour  against  this  law,  was,  that  some  of  the  most  valuable 
members  of  congress  fell  into  such  discredit  with  their  constitu- 
cnts,  as  to  be  superseded  by  rival  candidates.  Among  the  mem- 
bers who  shared  this  fate,  there  is  probably  none  who  ought  to 
be  more  regretted  than  Mr.  Hurlbut,  a  federalist,  of  Massa- 
chusetts, a  gentleman  of  considerable  talents,  and  remarkable  for 
fairness  and  candour,  qualities  of  inestimable  value  in  a  public 
character. 

It  may  seem  extraordinary,  at  the  first  glance,  that  while  the 
people  of  the  United  States  are  regarded  as  deserving  severe 
censure  for  the  factious  outcry  excited  against  this  law,  the  pro- 
ceedings of  congress  on  this  subject,  at  its  last  session,  are  deem- 
ed equally  deserving  of  reprobation.  Nothing  has  occurred 
in  the  variegated  annals  of  that  body  much  more  reprehensi- 
l)le.  Never  was  time  more  wretchedly  spent — never  talents 
more  misemployed.  It  is  not  improbable  that  a  third  or  a 
fourth  part  of  the  session  was  prostituted  to,  I  had  nearly  said, 
never-ending  debates  on  the  repeal  of  this  act.  Almost  every 
member  capable  of  making  a  speech,  filled  two,  three,  four,  or 
five  columns  of  the  newspapers,  until  the  public  v  as  disgusted 
not  more  with  the  act  than  with  its  defenders  and  opposers. 
The  subject  might  have  been  compressed  within  the  compass  of 
a  nutshell.  Any  man  of  tolerable  talents  might  have  exhausted 
all  that  was  worth  hearing  on  either  side  of  the  question  in  three 
hours.  And,  had  congress  possessed  the  firmness  that  becomes 
such  a  body,  it  would  have  scouted  the  idea  of  a  repeal — and, 
had  it  a  due  sense  of  its  own  dignity,  it  would  have  decided  the 
question  in  two  or  three  days. 

When  regard  is  had  to  the  number  of  all-important  laws 
which  might  have  been  enacted  in  the  time  thrown  away  on  this 
paltry  subject,  the  folly  displayed  on  it  must  be  a  subject  of  deep 
and  lasting  regret. 

O.  B.  U 


m 


486 


POLITICAL  Ol,rVE  BRANCH. 


[cBAr.  86. 


There  are  some  of  the  salaries  paid  by  the  United  States* 
government,  that  are  still  more  striking  cases  in  point  than  any 
of  those  I  have  given : 


Se7uUe. 
Secretary        -        -       -      £3000 
Principal  clerk    -        .  1800 

Two  engrossing  clerks  (each)  1500 
Serjeant  at  arms  -  .  1500 
Peputy  Door-keeper    -  IISO 


ffouae  of  Representatives. 

Clerk     ....  §3000 

Second  clerk      .        .  •       1800 

Four  other  clerks  (each)  1500 

Serjeant  at  arms         «  •      150Q 

Ooorkeeper            -        .  1500 

Assistant  doorkeeper  .       1450 


What  a  triumph  will  it  aiFord  in  Europe  to  those  who  hate 
and  affect  to  despise  this  country,  to  be  able  to  state,  that  the 
whole  nation  has  for  two  years  been  kept  in  a  state  of  commo- 
tion and  ferment,  because  the  members  of  the  legislature  of  the 
imion  dared  to  fix  their  own  salaries  at  the  same  rate  as  those 
of  clerks,  Serjeants  at  arms,  and  doorkeepers  !  It  is  really  inex- 
pressibly mortifying  to  reflect  on  the  subject. 

It  is  not  worth  while  to  offer  any  argument  derived  from  the 
heavy  expense  of  living  at  Washington,  where  board  and  lodg- 
ing are  probably  twice  as  high  as  at  the  seat  of  government  in 
any  of  the  eastern  or  middle  states.  A  rational  man  need  not 
take  this  point  into  consideration  to  enable  him  to  decide  the 
question. 

Seamen, 

The  clamour- made  by  the  British  government  on  the  subject 
of  the  seduction  of  their  seamen,  has  hardly  ever  been  exceeded 
in  point  of  inconsistency.  To  a  superficial  observer  it  might 
appear  that  Great  Britain  was  guiltless  of  enticing  or  receivmg 
the  seamen  of  any  other  nation — and  that  her  fleets  were  wholly 
manned  with  her  own  subjects.  This  inference  would  be  per- 
fectly natural — rbecause  on  no  other  ground  could  she  be  war. 
ranted  in  the  remonstrances  she  made  against  the  admission  of 
her  seamen  on  board  our  vessels.  But  the  astonishing  fact  is, 
that  in  war,  she  has  generally  more  foreigners  than  natives  in 
her  service.  The  following  is  a  statement  of  the  relative  pro- 
portions of  each,  for  three  years. 


1807 
1808 
181Q 


CHAPTER  LXXXVI. 

American  magnanimity^  generosity^  and  public  spirit. 

A  large  portion  of  this  work  cannot  be  perused  without  excit- 
ing mixed  sensations  of  surprise  and  pity  at  the  transcendent 
folly,  and  indignation  at  the  political  sins,  ot  both  the  parties 
by  which  the  country  is  divided.  As  a  relief  to  the  ^loom  this 


Natives. 

Foreigners. 

42,000 

43,000 

29,0(X) 

43,000 

34,000 

58,000 

m 


CBAV.  86.] 


MAGNANmrrv. 


487 


view  of  the  subject  naturally  inspires,  I  had  determined  to  de- 
vote a  long  chapter  to  record  various  traits  of  honour,  generosi- 
ty, ^magnanimity  and  justice,  which  elevate  the  national  charac- 
ter ;  place  it  on  a  level  in  some  cases  with  that  of  Greece  or 
Rome ;  and  hold  out  glorious  examples  to  posterity.  I  regret 
to  state,  that  most  of  the  materials  ot  which  it  was  to  have  been 
composed,  have  been  irrecoverably  mislaid.  It  is  therefore  ne- 
cessarily circumscribed  within  much  narrower  limits  than  I  had 
proposed. 

The  British  sloop  of  war,  Sylph,  was  wrecked  off  ihc  east  end 
of  Long  Island,  and  nearly  the  whole  of  her  crew  perished.  The 
few  survivors  were  destitute  of  almost  every  thing :  and  in  many 
countries  would  have  been  thrown  into  prison,  as  if  they  had 
been  captured  in  battle.  But  to  the  honour  of  our  government,  as 
soon  as  the  intelligence  reached  Washinjgton,  orders  were  issued 
not  merely  for  their  liberation,  without  exchange,  if  previously 
confined,  but  that  they  should  be  provided  with  whatever  was 
**  necessary  for  their  subsistence  and  comfort."  It  was  likewise 
ordered  that  "  they  should  be  either  sent  in  a  cartel  to  Halifax, 
or  conveyed  by  a  flag  to  one  of  the  ships  off  New  York  harbour." 

The  captain  of  an  American  privateer,  the  Midas,  having 
landed  some  of  his  men,  on  Royal  Island,  at  the  plantation  of 
a  Mr.  Barnett,  gave  them  orders  "  to  set  fire  to  the  buildings." 
Accordingly,  "  four  handsome  dwelling  houses,  and  fourteen 
negro  huts,*'  were  consumed. 

Intelligence  of  this  outrage  being  conveyed  to  the  seat  of  gov- 
ernment, by  the  collector  of  the  customs  at  Wilmington,  N.  C. 
the  president  of  the  United  States  immediately  sent  orders  to 
that  officer  to  revoke  the  commission  of  the  captain  of  the  Mi- 
das, for  "  the  wilful  deviation  from  his  imtructions,  which  en- 
joined the  strictest  regard  to  the  usages  of  civilized  nations." 

The  merit  of  this  order  is  greatly  enhanced  by  the  time  of  its 
occurrence.  It  is  dated  the  25th  of  November,  1814,  when  the 
feelings  of  the  natior  were  festering  under  the  then  recent  Van- 
dalic  destruction  of  the  public  buildings  at  Washington — and  the 
abominable  atrocities  perpetrated  at  Hampton  and  elsewhere — 
and  when  the  strict  laws  of  war  might,  perhaps,  in  retaliation, 
have  justified  the  infliction  of  a  desolating  vengeance  on  the  de- 
fenceless shores  of  the  West  Indies.  The  conclusion  of  the  or- 
der is  so  just  and  pointed,  that  I  most  cheerfully  present  it  to 
the  reader : 

••  In  communicating  this  determination  of  the  president,  it  is  proper  to  re- 
mark, that  by  wliatsoever  acts  of  flagrant  outrage  upon  defenceless  towns  and 
property  of  unarmed  and  unresisting  individuals,  the  British  naval  and  military 
officers  on  our  maritime  and  inland  frontiers  may  have  provoked,  or  may  here- 
afler  provoke,  severe  measures  of  retaliation,  it  is  for  the  government  (done  to 
prescribe  the  manner  and  the  means  of  retaliation." 


*H 


488 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[chip.  86. 


That  the  conduct  of  our  naval  heroes  towards  their  conquer- 
ed enemies  has  displayed  a  high  degree  of  magnanimity,  k  d- 
ness,  and  liberality,  there  is  not  the  shadow  of  a  doubt.  "  Proofs 
rise  on  proofs,  and  stiil  the  last  the  strongest."  It  is  delightful 
to  find  the  most  decisive  testimony  borne  on  the  subject,  even 
by  the  British  officers  themselves,  who  must  be  most  indisputa- 
ble evidence.  '^ 

Captain  Dacres,  to  his  honour  be  it  said,  expresses  himself  in 
the  most  unequivocal  terms  on  this  subject,  in  the  official  letter 
containing  an  account  of  his  capture : 

"  I  feci  it  my  duty  to  state,  th&t  the  conduct  of  Captain  Hull  and  his  officers 
to  our  men,  has  been  that  of  a  brave  enemy ;  the  greatest  care  being  taken  to 

?revent  oui*  men  losing  the  smallest  trifle,  and  the  greatest  attention  being  pud 
o  the  wounded."  .,  ,    . 

Of  the  conduct  of  the  amiable  and  universally-lamented  Cap- 
tain Lawrence,  the  following  decisive  testimonial  was  given  by 
the  officers  of  the  Peacock : 

JVew-Tork,  27th  JUarrh,  1813. 
"  Sir — ^We,  the  surviving  officers  of  his  Britannic  majesty's  late  brig  Pea- 
cock, beg  leave  to  return  you  our  grateful  acknowledgments  for  the  kmd  at- 
tention and  hospitality  we  experienced  during  tlie  time  we  remained  on  board 
the  United  States  sloop  Hornet.  So  much  was  done  to  alleviate  the  distress- 
ing and  uncomfortable  situation  in  which  we  were  placed  when  received  on 
board  the  sloop  you  command,  that  we  cannot  better  express  our  feelings  than 
by  saying,  "  We  ceased  to  consider  ourselves  prisoners;"  and  every  thing  that 
friendship  could  dictate,  was  adopted  by  you,  and  the  officers  of  the  Hornet,  to 
remedy  the  inconvenience  we  woidd  otherwise  have  experienced,  from  the 
unavoidable  loss  of  the  whole  of  our  property  and  clothes,  by  the  sudden  sink- 
ing of  tlie  Peacock. 

"  Permit  us,  then,  sir,  impressed  as  we  are,  with  a  grateful  sense  of  your 
kindness,  for  ourselves  and  the  other  officers  and  ship's  company,  to  return  you 
and  the  officers  of  the  Hornet  our  sincere  thanks,  which  we  shall  feel  obliged 
if  you  will  communicate  in  our  name ;  and  believe  us  to  remain,  with  a  high 
sense  of  tlie  kind  offices  you  have  rendered  us,  your  humble  senants, 

"  P.  A.  WRIGHT,  1st  lieutenant. 
C.  LAMTJRET,  2d  lieutenant.       | 
K  EDWARD  LOTT,  master. 

'  .1.  WHITTAKER,  surgeon. 

^^  P.  I).  UNWIN,  purser. 

"  James  Laivrence,  esq.  commander  U.  S.  sloop  Hornet" 

Captain  Cardan  bore  the  most  unequivocal  testimony  to  the 
chivalric  liberality  of  Commodore  Decatur  and  his  officers.  AU 
the  private  property  of  the  officers  and  men  on  board  the  IVIace- 
donian  was  given  up  to  the  owners — and  for  some  wine,  and 
other  articles,  which  nine  officers  out  of  ten,  similarly  circum- 
stanced, would  have  seized,  without  any  "  compunctious  visit- 
ings  of  conscience,"  the  commodore  paid  the  captain  eight  hun- 
dred dollars. 

To  the  humanity,  kindness,  and  liberality  of  commodore  Bain- 
Imdge  towards  the  prisoners,  captured  in  the  Java,  General  His- 
lopbore  the  most  honourable  testimony.     Next  to  the  gratifica-. 


1 


CKip.  86.] 


MAGNANIMITY. 


48» 


tion  which  a  liberal  mind  feels  in  the  contemplation  of  the  con- 
duct of  the  victor,  is  that  felt  in  reading  the  candid  acknowledg- 
ments of  the  vanquished. 

Gen  IRslop  to  Commodore  Sainbridge. 

Dear  Sir,  St.  Salvador,  Januaiy  3d,  1813. 

I  am  justly  penetrated  with  the  fullest  sense  of  your  very  handsome  and 
kind  treatment,  ever  since  the  fate  of  war  placed  me  in  your  power :  and  I 
beg  once  more  to  renew  to  you  my  sincerest  acknowledgments  for  the  saitie. 

Your  acquiescence  with  my  request  in  granting  me  my  parole,  with  the  ofii* 
cers  of  my  staff,  added  to  the  obligation  I  had  previously  experienced,  claims 
from  me  this  additional  tribute  of  my  tlianks.  May  I  now  finally  flatter  myself, 
that  in  the  further  extension  of  your  generous  and  humane  feelings,  in  the 
alleviation  of  tlie  misfortunes  of  war,  you  will  have  the  goodness  to  fulfil  the 
only  wish  and  request  I  am  now  most  anxious  to  see  completed,  by  enlarging 
on  their  parole,  (on  the  same  conditions  you  have  acceded  to  with  respect  to 
myself)  all  the  officers  of  the  Java,  still  on  board  your  ship — a  favour  I  shall 
never  cease  duly  to  appreciate,  by  your  acquiescence  thereto. 

I  have  the  honour  to  subscribe  myself,  dear  sir,  your  much  obliged  and  very 
humble  servant, 

(Signed)  T.  HISLOP. 

Commodore  Sainbridge. 


■  '  Answer  of  Commodore  Bainbridge.  . 

~-       '•  ^      United  States'  Frigate  Constitution.,  St.  Salvador,  3d  Jan.  1813. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  have  received  your  letter  of  this  date,  conveying  sentiments  of  your  feel- 
ings for  mv  treatment  towards  you  since  the  fate  of  war  placed  you  in  my 
power.  The  kind  expressions  which  you  have  been  pleased  to  use,  are  justly 
appreciated  by  me,  and  far  overbalance  those  common  civilities  shewn  by  me, 
and  which  are  always  due  to  prisoners.  I  regret  that  the  lumbered  state  of 
my  ship  prevented  me  from  making  you  as  comfortable  on  board,  as  I  sincerely 
wished  to  have  done.  I  have  complied  with  your  last  request,  respecting  pa- 
roling all  the  officers  of  the  Java.  In  doing  so,  your  desire,  in  addition  to  my 
disposition  lo  ameliorate,  as  much  as  possiUe,  the  situation  of  those  officers, 
considerably  influenced  me. 

Permit  me  to  tender  you  (notwithstanding  our  respective  countries  are  at 
war)  assurances  of  sincere  esteem  and  high  respect,  and  to  assure  *you  that  I 
shall  feel  at  all  times  highly  gratified  in  hearing  from  you.  With  fervent  wishes 
fbr  the  recovery  of  the  g^allant  Captain  Lambert, 

I  have  the  honour  to  subscribe  myself,  very  respectfully,  &c. 

(Signed)  Wm.  BAINBRIDGE. 

Ideiit.  Gen.  Hislop,  of  the  British  army. 


i: 


%\ 


General  Hislop  to  Commodore  Sainbridge. 
Dear  Sir,  St.  Salvador,  4th  January,  1813. 

Allow  me  once  more  to  express  my  sincerest  acknowledgments  for  this  last 
instance  of  your  kind  attention  to  my  wishes,  by  having  complied  with  my  re- 
quest  in  behalf  of  the  officers  of  the  Java. 

Lieutenant  Chads  delivered  to  me  your  very  polite  and  obliging  letter :  and 
be  assured,  that  I  aliall  feel  no  less  gratification  at  all  times  to  hear  from  you, 
than  that  which  you  are  so  good  as  to  express  you  will  derive  in  receiving 
information  respecting  myself. 

Miiy  I  request  now  that  you  will  be  so  good  as  to  cause  to  be  looked  for,  a 
small  chest,*  containing  articles  of  plate,  mora  valuable  to  me  on  account  of 

•  The  c/iest  was  merely  mislaid,  It  had  been  restored  by  orders  of  Commodore 
Bainbridge,  prior  to  the  receipt  of  this  letter. 


490 


POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[CHAF.   87. 


having  been.presented  to  me  by  the  colony  of  Demarara,  where  I  commanded 
for  several  years.  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c. 

(Signed)  T.  HISLOP. 

Commodore  Bainbridge. 

CHAPTER  LXXXVII. 

Miscellaneous  articles. 
The  people  of  the  eastern  states,  thank  heaven,  are  recover- 
ing fast  from  the  paroxysms  of  the  malignant  political  fever» 
whereby  they  were,  during  the  war,  driven  to  the  utmost  excess 
of  insanity  and  idiocy.  With  aching  hearts,  they  look  back  on 
their  wild  career.  There  is  no  point  of  view  in  which  it  can  be 
placed,  to  produce  this  effect  more  forcibly,  than  by  a  contrast 
with  the  heroism,  patriotism,  and  liberality  of  the  western  states, 
which  have  elevated  the  national  character  to  a  level  with  those 
of  Greece  and  Rome,  in  their  proudest  days  of  glory. 

The  following  instance  of  devotion  to  country,  and  of  alacrity 
in  preparation  for  her  defence,  has  perhaps  hardly  ever  been 
exceeded. 

Governor  Meigs,  at  Chilicothe,  received  an  express,  requir- 
ing aid,  to  support  General  Hull  against  the  enemy,  on  Satur- 
day the  18th  of  July,  1812.  On  Sunday  the  ladies  of  the  place 
(heaven  reward  them  for  "  doing  good  on  the  Sabbath^^")  worked 
all  day  to  equip  their  fathers,  husbands,  brothers,  and  lovers,  for 
the  service.  On  Monday  the  drums  beat  to  arms — and  before 
noon  of  that  day,  a  new  and  complete  company  of  sixty  men 
paraded  and  marched,  fully  equipped  and  uniformed.  Several 
of  the  most  respectable  citizens  of  the  place  were  among  the  vo- 
lunteers. It  has  been  affirmed  that  empire  and  science  are  tra- 
velling to  the  westward.  And  certain  it  is,  that  glory  and  public 
spirit  follow  in  their  train— or,  to  speak  more  correctly,  lead 
them  forward  on  their  route. 

The  legislature  of  Tennessee  passed  an  act  the  25th  of  Sep- 
tember, 1813,  for  raising  .35(X)  men,  to  march  against  the  Creeks, 
and  authorising  the  banks  of  the  state  to  lend,  and  the  governor 
to  borrow,  any  sum  of  money  not  exceeding  S300,000,  for  arm- 
ing and  equipping  them. 

The  act  contained  a  clause  directing,  in  the  event  of  the  gene- 
ral government  refusing  to  pay  the  debts  thus  contracted,  "  that 
at  the  next  session  of  the  legislature  of  that  state,  a  tax  should 
be  laid  upon  the  taxable  property  within  the  same,  sufficient  to 
raise  the  sum  and  the  interest  thereon,  which  might  be  borrow- 
ed by  the  governor." 

Contrast  this  act,  in  the  enaction  of  which  presided  exalted 
liberality  and  the  purest  patriotism,  with  the  following  mistnihlc 
act  passed  in  Massachusetts,  about  four  months  afterwards— an 


CHAP.  87.] 


TOOTHLESS  MALIGNITY. 


401 


act  displaying  as  much  toothless  malignity  as  ever  entered  into 
any  public  document. 

Commonwealth  of  Jilassachusetts. 

An  act  declaratory  of  the  true  intent  and  meaning  of  anact  entitled,  "  An  act  to 
provide  for  the  safe  keeping  of  all  prisoners  committed  under  the  authority 
of  the  United  States,  in  the  several  gaols  within  this  commonwealth." 

Sec.  1.  Be  it  enacted  by  the  senate  and  house  of  representatives  in  general 
couit  assembled,  and  by  the  authority  of  the  same.  That  nothing  contained  in 
a,n  act  entitled,  "  An  act  to  provide  for  the  safe  keeping  of  all  prisoners  commit- 
ted under  the  authority  of  the  United  States,  in  the  several  gaols  of  this  com- 
monwealth," shall  be  so  construed  as  to  authorise  the  keepers  of  said  gaols  to 
take  custody  of,  and  keep  within  said  gaols,  any  prisoners  oummitted  by  any 
other  autliority  than  the  judicial  authority  of  the  United  States. 

And  whereas,  several  prisoners  of  war  have  been  con)mitted  to  gaols  within 
this  commonwealth,  under  the  executive  authority  of  the  United  States : 

Sec.  2.  Be  it  further  enacted.  That  the  keepers  of  the  said  gaols  are  hereby 
authorised  and  required  to  discharge  from  said  gaols  all  such  prisoners  of  wiir, 
after  the  expiration  of  thirty  days  from  the  passing  of  this  act,  unless  they  sliall 
be  sooner  discharged  by  tlie  authority  of  the  United  States.  Feb.  1814. 

The  same  toothless  malignity  that  the  house  of  representa- 
tives, senate,  and  governor  of  the  very  respectable  and  enlight- 
ened state  of  Massachusetts  exhibited  in  the  above  act,  actuated 
the  citizens  of  New  Bedford,  in  their  attempt  to  prevent,  as  far 
as  lay  in  their  power,  the  destruction  of  the  enemy's  commerce 
by  our  privateers,  by  the  following  resolutions  : 

Voted,  unanimousli/.  As  expressive  of  the  sense  of  tlie  inhabitants  of  this  town, 
that  inasmuch  as  we  have  uniformly  disapproved  of  the  impolitic,  unnecessary, 
and  ruinous  war  in  which  the  United  States  are  engaged,  we  have  consiilered 
it  to  be  our  duty  to  abstain,  and  have  scnipulously  abstiiined  from  all  interest 
and  concern  in  sending  out  private  armed  vessels,  to  harass  the  commerce  of 
tlie  enemy,  and  from  all  voluntary  acts  which  appeared  to  us  to  have  a  tendency 
to  prolong  the  duration,  encourage  the  prosecutirm,  or  increase  th.>  ravages  of 
the  "  unprofitable  contest  ;•'  tliat  we  have  seen  with  disapprobation  several 
private  armed  vessels  belonging  to  other  ports,  taking  shelter  in  our  peaceful 
waters  ;  and  regret  that  we  have  not  authority,  by  law,  wholly  to  exclude  them 
from  our  harbour,  where  they  serve  to  increase  our  dangers,  and  to  excite  tu- 
mult, disorder,  riot,  and  oonhision. 

Voted,  uHanimomhj,  As  exf)resslve  of  the  sense  of  the  inhabitants  of  this  town, 
that  private  armed  vessels,  while  cruising  in  various  climates,  and  visiting  siiipit 
and  vessels  from  every  country,  are  extrcmel\  liable  to  contiiut  iuid  receive 
on  board  infectious  diseases  j  and  that  in  sucii  eiusos  there  is  every  rciisoii  to 
suspect  that  SUCH  vessels,  and  the  persons,  baggage,  and  chtthing,  on  board, 
may  be  infected  with  some  contagious  distemper — 

I'^ottd,  utuiidmousli/,  As  expressive  of  the  sense  of  the  inhabitants  of  this  town, 
that  the  sal'ety  of  the  inhabitants  thereof  requires  that  any  private  armed  vessel 
or  vessels,  which  shall'arrive  or  be  bound  to  the  harbour  of  New  Bedford,  from 
any  port  or  place,  shall  Be  required  to  peiform  quarantine  dining  ii  term  of 
not  less  than  forty  days;  and  that  the  selectmen  and  health  committee  of  tho 
town  be  reciucsted  to  cause  all  such  vessiln  to  perform  (piurantine  at  such  place 
as  they  shall  appoint,  and  under  such  restrictions  ami  re^uluti()lls  us  they  may 
judge  expedient.  JVt-w  lieilfurd,  July  21,  1814. 

By  these  insidious  resolves,  a  privateer,  dirert  from  New  York, 
Philadelphia,  or  Baltimore,  woidd  l)e  obliged  to  perform  qua- 
rai^tine  of  "  ngt  less  ihau  forty  days,"    Thus,  so  far  as  dcpcnd- 


492 


POUTICAL  OUVE  BRANCH. 


[chap.  87. 


ed  on  the  "  patriotic  citizens"  of  New  Bedford,  while  the  num- 
berless government  vessels  and  privateers  of  the  enemy,  were 
preying  on  our  exposed  commerce,  they  would  cut  up  our  pri- 
vateering by  the  roots ! 

To  these  striking  examples  of  infatuation,  I  shall  add  one 
more — and  then  close  the  scene.  But  the  reader  may  rest  assur- 
ed, that  there  are  enough  on  record  to  fill  a  handsome  pocket 
volume,  and  that  not  printed  on  very  large  type. 

Some  of  the  disairected  citizens  of  the  state  of  New  York 
were  in  the  habit  of  seizing  British  deserters,  and  conveying 
them  across  the  lines,  to  receive  punishment  for  the  abandon, 
ment  of  their  sovereign.  To  deter  from  a  continuance  of  this 
foul  crime,  the  legislature  of  that  state  passed  the  following  act : 

Be  it  enacted  by  the  people  of  the  state  ofA*eiiu  Vovh,  represented  inscnate  and  an- 
semblij,  Tliat  if  any  person  or  persons  witliin  tliis  state  shall  apprehend,  arrest, 
or  detain,  or  assist,  or  aid  or  abet,  in  the  apprehension,  arrest,  or  detention,  ot 
any  British  deserter  or  deserters,  knowing  him  or  them  to  be  snch,  and  with 
intent  to  return  him  or  them  to  the  enemy,  such  person  or  persons,  on  beinf^ 
tliereof  convicted,  shall  be  deemed  guilty  of  felony,  and  shall  be  sentenced  to 
imprisonment,  in  the  state  prison,  for  the  term  of  ten  years.  Passed  October 
11,1814. 

The  spirit  of  disaffection  that  existed  during  the  war,  appears 
in  no  way  more  disgusting,  than  in  the  elaborate  attempt  made 
in  certain  newspapers  to  depreciate  the  merits  and  the  glory  of 
the  defenders  of  their  country.  In  this  they  ran  a  race  with  the 
most  envenomed  of  the  ministerial  papers  in  London. 

After  the  defeat  and  capture  of  the  army  of  general  Proctor, 
which,  treading  on  the  heels  of  the  illustrious  Perry's  glorious 
exploit,  excited  a  general  burst  of  joy  among  all  the  friends  of 
this  country,  the  following  comments  on  the  subject  were  pub- 
lished in  two  influential  eastern  papers  : — 

"At  Icngtli,  the  handful  of  British  troops,  which,  for  more  than  a  y<ar,  hud 
baffled  the  numerous  armiis  of  tlie  I'niti-d  States,  in  the  invasion  of  (!anu(la, 
deprived  of  the  genius  of  the  immortal  Hrorh;  have  been  obliged  to  yield  lo 
superior  power  and  numbers."     Salum  Uazi-tli;  Oct.  22,  1814. 

"  \\c  shall  surrender  all  our  conquests  at  a  peace.  H  is  indeed  a  hopiful 
exploit  for  Harrison,  with  five  thousiuid  troops,  wiio  have  been  assembling  and 
preparing  ever  since  .luly,  li\V2,  to  fight  and  eoucpier  four  hundred  and  fifty 
worn-out,  exhausted  British  regtdars,  whom  the  Indians  hud  previously  de- 
serted."   Jioilon  Daily  .iUvaHner,  Oct.  '23,  1814. 

Kstrnrt  nf  a  letter  fhimJUlmii;/.  A'ov.  24,  181,]. 
"  Every  lioiir  is  fraught  with  tlolcftd  tidings  from  tlie  n(U'th.  Humanity 
groans  fniin  the  frontiers.  Hampton's  army  is  redured  to  about  2000  ;  Wilkin- 
son's cut  up  and  fai)\isliing.  (Jriminatiou  and  recrimination  are  the  order  of 
the  (lav.  l)emorracy  has  rolled  hei-self  up  in  weeds,  and  lain  down  fin-  her 
last  wallowing  in  the  slough  of  disgrace.  Armstrong,  the  cold-blooded  din  e 
tor  of  all  this  ntilitary  anunciiy,  is  still  here,  but  chop-fallen.  No  [irofane  ullu- 
Bion,  but 


Now  lift,  yc  saints,  your  heads  on  high. 
And  shout— for  your  rcdcin|ilion'»  nigli." 


Ji9ston  Gaxcitr. 


..atuMdnMVaMW^fj 


eaAf .  Q7.] 


THEORIES  OF  GOVEBNiMENT. 


493 


Public  Spirit. 
Shortly  after  the  declaration  ot  war,  a  company  of  aged  citi- 
zens was  formed  in  Rowan  County,  North  Carolina,  of  which 
the  members  were  from  45  to  80  years  of  age.  1  hey  were  em- 
bodied under  the  title  of  "  The  Company  of  Silver  Locks." 
The  foUpwing  is  the  preamble  to  their  articles  of  association. 

*'The  undersigned  soldiers,  having  many  of  us  fought  for  our  liberty  in  the 
revolution,  and  now  from  our  advanced  age  arc  unable  to  undergo  the  same 
hardships  in  the  field  as  formerly  ;  yet  our  bosoms  swell  with  indignation,  when 
we  hear  of  our  honour  4nd  independence  being  insulted  by  foreign  enemies, 
who  have  not  only  begun  the  awnd  work  of  deatli  themselves,  but  encouraged 
the  savage  tribes  to  spill  the  blood  of  our  innocent  brethren  on  our  frontiers, 
regarding  neither  sex  or  age  : 

"  We,  therefore,  are  willing  to  aid  our  bt-lovcd  country,  in  opposing  tlie  ene- 
my and  suppressing  the  influence  of  datigcrous  and  ill-designing  men  (as  we 
fear  may  exist  among  us)  in  every  instance,  so  fur  as  we  may  be  justified  by 
the  laws  of  our  country." 

In  the  city  of  Richmond,  shortly  after  the  declaration  of  war, 
a  subscription  was  opened  for  raising  a  sum  of  money  for  the 
benefit  of  such  poor  persons  and  their  families,  as  might  leave 
Virginia  in  the  service  of  the  United  States  ;  and  on  the  spur 
of  the  occasion,  the  sum  of  5,282  dollars  was  collected.* 

The  following  resolution  was  agreed  to  by  both  houses  of  the 
legislature  of  New  York,  on  the  22d  of  October,  1814,  without 
u  dissenting  voice,  notwithstanding  thnt  a  considerable  portion 
of  the  members  were  high-toned  federalists,  and,  of  course,  hos- 
tile to  the  administration. 

"  Retohmd  unanimou$lt/.  That  the  house  of  assembly  of  the  state  of  New- 
York,  view  with  mingled  emotions  of  surprise  and  indignation,  the  extravagant 
and  disgraceful  terms  proposed  by  the  British  commissioners  at  Ghent^and 
howiN er  anlently  tlu-y  may  desire  the  restoration  of  peace  to  their  country, 
they  ran  never  consent  to  receive  it,  at  the  sacrifice  of  national  honour  and 
dignity — that  they  therefore  strongly  recommend  to  the  national  legislature 
the  adoption  of  the  most  vigorous  and  efficacious  measures  in  the  prosecution 
of  the  war,  us  the  best  means  of  bringing  the  contest  to  an  honourable  termina- 
tion, and  of  transmitting  unimpuirod  totlicir  posterity  their  rights,  liberty,  and 
indepeiulenci'." 

Tfieories  of  Government. 

Wc  have  lived  through  a  most  eventful  period,  a  period  in 
which  as  man)'  strong  and  important  facts  have  been  compress- 
ed into  the  space  of  a  yiar,  as  in  former  times  would  have  of- 
fordid  ample  materials  for  the  history  of  half  a  century. 

It  is  (lillicult  for  the  mind  to  grasp  these  mighty  events—to 
trace  cflccts  to  their  causes — and  to  deduce  lessons  of  instruc- 
tion from  the  whole  for  ourselves  and  our  posterity. 

One  consequence  resulting  from  a  deep  contemplation  on 
the  subject — is,  that  it  staggers  our  faith  in  some  of  the  generally 

*  Compare  this  liberality  with  tlie  paltry  conduct  of  Philadelphia  in  simiUr 
finumstiHiccs,  as  stated,  page  316,    what  uu'»wj\il  contrwt! 
O. «.  04 


494 


POLITICAL  OUVE  BRANXH. 


[crap.  87, 


received  maxims  of  the  most  celebrated  writers  on  political 
economy. 

In  this  superficial  sketch,  I  confine  myself  to  the  affairs  of 
this  country  only.  The  French  revolution  is  one  of  those  poli- 
tical phenomena,  that  bid  defiance  to  all  the  ordinary  powers  of 
calculation. 

That  the  people  of  the  United  States,  taken  in  mass,  are  more 
generally  well  informed  than  those  of  any  other  country  with 
which  we  are  acquainted,  can  hardly  be  denied.  And  it  ap- 
pears equally  true,  that  there  is  np  part  of  this  country,  in  which 
information  is  more  generally  spread,  than  among  the  people  of 
the  eastern  states.  This  is  the  result  of  the  most  admirable 
system  of  education  which  has  prevailed  among  them  for  so 
long  a  period, 

While  this  claim  of  superior  mental  cultivation  is  unhesita- 
tingly advanced  for  the  mass  of  our  citizens,  it  would  be  the 
extreme  of  arrogance  to  pretend  to  compare  our  higher  orders 
with  those  of  France,  England,  and  Germany,  among  whom 
will  be  found  numbers  of  illustrious  men  who  far  excel  the  most 
highly  cultivated  among  our  citizens.  Compared  with  Europe, 
on  the  ground  of  intellect,  we  stand  nearly  as  we  do  with  respect 
to  wealth.  There,  both  are  in  extremes  : — a  small  number  im- 
mensely wealthy,  and  the  mass  of  the  community  in  penury. 
Here  we  have  hardly  any  in  penury — and  as  few  immensely 
rich.  Thus  it  is  with  endowments  of  mind.  We  have  no  La- 
lands,  nor  La  Places,  nor  Buffons,  nor  Robertsons,  nor  Scotts, 
nor  Opies.  But  we  have  none  buried  in  such  deplorable  igno- 
rance as  prevails  in  various  parts  of  Europe. 

Every  theory  of  government  that  has  met  with  the  approba- 
tion of  the  friends  of  mankind,  has  presumed,  that  a  people 
circumstanced  as  we  are,  enjoying  all  the  advantages  of  a  mild 
and  rational  government,  woiild  duly  appreciate  its  value,  cling 
to  it  in  all  its  difficulties,  and  risk,  or,  if  necessary,  sacrifice  for- 
tune and  life  in  its  defence. 

Is  not  this  the  fact,  rcadf  r  ?  Is  it  not  a  beautiful  and  enchant- 
ing theory  ?  Who,  among  us,  has  not  hung  delighted  on  the 
pages  of  Locke,  Sydney,  Harrington,  Price,  and  Junius,  in 
which  this  captivating  view  is  given  of  human  nature  ? 

But  what  have  we  had  the  misfortune  to  witness  ? 

A  most  awful  and  till  now  a  most  incredible  reverse.  We 
have  seen,  that  a  most  enlightened  portion  of  our  common  coun- 
try was  in  a  state  of  (Ulusion  and  insanity  that  could  not  lie 
exceeded  by  the  most  ignorant  and  (ipprcHsed  populace  in  the 
worst-governed  part  of  Kuront' — that  they  were  proceeding, 
Ktep  by  step,  to  anarchy  and  civil  war — that  they  wire  on  the 
point  of  Belling  their  sacred  their  holy  birthright  for  a  mess  of 
pottage — and,  finally,  that  the  wealthy  and  the  higher  orders  of 
society  were  zealously  tearing  down  the  pillars  ol  government, 


idHUSSL 


OBAF.  88.] 


CONSCRIPTION. 


4S9. 


of 

bli- 

ot 


while  the  middle  and  lower  classes  were  as  zealously  guarding 
them  from  destruction ! ! ! ! 

CHAPTER  LXXXVIII. 

Conscription.     Impressment* 

It  is  a  curious  subject  of  investigation,  to  trace  the  influence 
and  effects  of  faction,  in  different  countries  and  in  different  pe- 
riods. And  it  will  be  found,  that  the  most  violent  bodily  disor- 
ders in  different  parts  of  the  world,  and  at  different  eras,  are  not 
more  uniform  in  their  symptoms  and  operations  than  are  those 
of  the  mind. 

The  lamentable  and  disgraceful  defeat  of  the  noble  plans  of 
defence  suggested  by  the  secretary  of  state,  and  by  Mr.  Giles, 
has  been  fully  detailed  in  a  preceding  part  of  this  book.  They 
were  falsely  asserted  to  be  of  French  oi  igiu  : — and  to  this  false- 
hood, it  is  not  improbable  at  least  one  half  of  the  factious  and 
senseless  violence  with  which  they  were  opposed,  may  be  traced. ' 

The  history  of  England  affords  a  case  of  the  most  perfect 
analogy,  that  can  be  conceived. 

The  atrocious  practice  of  impressment  had  been  long  a  sub- 
ject of  the  loudest  and  most  unqualified  complaint  and  disappro- 
bation. The  nation  was  to  the  last  degree  tenacious  of  its  liber- 
ties :  and  yet  an  entire  class  of  a  most  useful  description  was 
put  out  of  the  protection  of  the  law,  and  subjected  to  the  most ' 
enormous  violence  and  outrage — as  well  as  to  what  may  be 
justly  termed  a  most  galling  slaverj'. 

The  British  ministry  in  1 748,  attempted  to  apply  a  remedy 
to  this  crying  evil.  A  bill  was  submitted  to  parliament,  where- 
by the  mariners  throughout  the  kingdom  were  to  be  registered — 
a  certain  portion  of  them  to  receive  some  small  amount  of  pay 
— and  to  be  liable,  in  cases  of  emergency,  to  serve  in  the  royal 
navy  for  a  limited  time. 

It  requires  but  a  very  superficial  consideration  of  the  subject, 
to  be  convinced,  that  the  interests  of  humanity,  as  well  as  of  the 
seamen,  would  be  promoted  by  such  a  bill,  the  provisions  of 
which  were  as  guarded  as  could  be  conceived. 

But  faction  defeated  this  wise  plan.  It  was  run  down  by  the 
same  senseless  clamour  as  our  conscription.  It  was  branded  with 
the  foul  charge  of  being  "  Frenchified."  This  was  enough.  The 
ministry  were  compelled  to  abandon  it. 

"The  mcmbcni  in  tlic  opposition,  affectinfj  to  represent  this  measure  in  an 
fldioiiH  li^lit,  iw  ail  iniitation  of  the  Frencli  metlKMl  of  reeisterinff  seamen,  with- 
out tlicir  consent,  Mr.  I'eiliani  dropped  it  us  an  unpopular  project."* 

The  intrinsic  merit  of  this  plan  induced  an  attempt  to  revive  it 
in  1758,  with  considerable  improvements,  one  of  wnich  was,  that 

'  Smollet's  Eiiplnnd,    rhiladclphia  edition,  1810,  vol.iii.p,  68; 


m 


POLITICAL  OUVE  BRANCH. 


[chap.  38. 


where  any  number  of  seamen  were  required  by  the  government, 
they  should  be  drawn  by  lot.  The  same  success  attended  this 
attempt  as  had  done  the  former.f  It  was  run  down  by  the  same 
absurd  outcry. 

Another  effort  was  made  in  1 759,  to  rescue  the  seamen  from 
the  horrors  of  impressment,  by  improvements  on  the  bill  of  the 
preceding  year.  A  still  greater  clamour  was  excited — and  the 
bill  was  rejected. 

In  order  to  shew  the  excessive  absurdity  of  the  objections 
made  to  the  plan  of  Mr.  Pelham,  on  the  ground  of  its  being  of 
French  original,  I  annex  a  statement  of  the  regulations  of  the 
French  seamen,  so  far  as  respects  compulsory  service.  They  are 
as  far  superior  to  those  of  the  British  navy,  as  the  British  go- 
vernment is  superior  to  that  of  Turkey.  For  this  statement  I 
acknowledge  myself  indebted  to  P.  S.  Duponceau,  Esq.  an  emi- 
nent French  barrister  of  this  city. 

"  The  French  law  for  the  classification,  or,  as  it  might  per- 
haps be  called,  for  the  conscription^  of  seamen,  was  enacted 
by  Lewis  XlVth,  in  the  year  1668,  under  the  ministry  of  the 
great  Colbert.  Before  the  enactment  of  that  law,  the  French 
government  had  no  resource  left,  when  the^  wanted  seamen, 
but  to  lay  a  general  embargo  on  merchant  vessels  in  all  their 
ports  J  by  which  means  mariners  were  left  without  employ- 
mentf  and  compelled  by  necessity  to  enlist  on  board  the  king's 
ships.  But  the  classification  system  having  been  suggested 
by  Colbert  in  the  year  1667,  was  put  in  force,  by  way  of  ex- 
periment, in  the  governments  of  La  Rochelle^  Brouage^  and 
the  Isles  of  Re,  Oleron,  and  Aix,  where  it  operated  so  suc- 
cessfully, that  the  next  year  its  provisions  were  extended  to 
the  whole  kingdom. 

"  This  Ordonnance,  which  bears  date  the  22d  of  September, 
1668,  provides  in  substance  :  That  all  persons  who  have  been 
employed  two  years  in  maritime  service  on  board  of  a  mer- 
chantman, shall  be  considered  as  seamen  btj  profession^  and  as 
such  shall  be  enrolled  or  registered  in  a  public  office  estab- 
lished within  each  maritime  district  or  department.  In  time 
of  war,  the  seamen  so  registered  are  divided  into  three  classes : 
and  each  class  is  bound  alternately  to  serve  for  one  year  on 
board  the  king's  ships  when  required.  After  having  thus 
served  one  twelvemonth,  they  arc  discharged  and  free  to  en- 
gage again  in  the  merchants'  service ;  the  next  class  in  order 
takes  their  place ;  and  so  on  in  rotation,  until  the  end  of  the 
war. 

"  Seamen  who  are  constantly  employed  on  board  of  fishing 
vessels^  are  exempt  altogether  from  the  operation  of  this  law. 
In  order  to  encourage  the  fisheries,  the  edict  declares  that 


t  Idem,  page  521. 


ii^  u  ,im>t^^ii.mtf1k'a:il>it^ 


CHAF.  88.] 


THE  PULPIT. 


49T 


those  who  are  regularly  employed  in  that  line,  shall  not  be 
classed  like  other  mariners,  and  shall  not  be  compelled  to 
serve  on  board  the  ships  of  the  royal  navy. 
"  The  seamen  who  are  classed  as  abovementioned,  enjoy 
many  important  privileges,  to  make  them  amends  for  this 
compulsive  service.  They  are  exempt  at  all  times  from  serv- 
ing in  the  militia.  Soldiers  cannot  be  quartered  or  billetted 
in  their  houses.  They  are  exempt  from  all  the  burdensome 
offices  of  the  state,  such  as  with  us  that  of  constable,  guardian 
of  the  poor,  and  the  like :  and  while  in  actual  service,  no  legal 
process  can  be  served  upon  them,  and  all  suits  actually  de- 
piending,  are  superseded." 
For  further  details,  see  1st  Valin,  page  509,  and  following. 


I 


The  Pulpit, 

Chapter  56  exhibits  an  awful  view  of  the  deplorable  infatua- 
tion which  led  to  the  prostitution  of  the  pulpit,  in  Boston,  to 
excite  to  anarchy,  rebellion,  and  c'rnl  war.  It  is  delightful  to 
contemplate  its  application  in  New- York,  to  the  sacred,  I  had 
almost  said  the  divine,  purpose,  of  defending  our  fathers,  our 
mothers,  our  sisters,  our  brothers,  our  wives,  our  children,  our 
homes  and  our  altars.  The  rev.  Mr.  M'Leod,  a  gentleman  of 
powerful  talents,  preached  a  set  of  sermons,  entitled,  "  A  Scrip- 
tural View  of  the  Character,  Causes,  and  Ends  of  the  Present 
War ;"  in  which  are  displayed  a  holy  zeal — a  glowing  spirit  of 
patriotism,  a  profound  knowledge  of  scripture,  and  an  eloquence 
not  unworthy  of  a  Massillon  or  a  Bourdaloue.  I  intended  to 
have  given  copious  extracts  from  them,  but  my  limits  forbid 
the  indulgence  of  that  intention,  and  confine  me  to  a  few  para- 
graphs—enough, however,  I  trust,  to  induce  readers  of  taste  to 
possess  themselves  of  the  whole  work. 

"  I  affirm  the  justice  of  the  war  from  its  commencement.  Our  neutral  trade 
was  violently  opposed,  and  almost  totally  destroyed ;  our  property  was  cap- 
tui-ed;  our  fellow-citizens  were  enslaved,  while  peaceably  pursuing  their  pro- 
per employment ;  and  negociation  failed,  after  the  exertions  of  years,  to  pro- 
cure redress  for  the  past,  or  immunity  for  the  future.  To  recover  und  preserve 
property,  to  redeem  and  to  defend  men,  these  are  lawful  causes  of  war.  These 
are  the  causes  of  the  present  war.  The  argJiment  requires  neither  art  nor 
eloquence.  It  is  obvious  to  every  capacity.  It  is  irresistible.  It  may  be  evaded, 
but  it  cannot  be  refuted.  If  it  fail  in  extorting  confession,  it  cannot  fail  in 
producing  conviction. 

"  American  property  has  been  seized  and  destroyed :  American  citizens 
have  been  impressed  and  enslaved.     Tliese  are  the  fads. 

"  War,  in  defence  of  properly,  of  Ubcrty,  and  of  life,  is  lawful.  This  is  the 
prinripK'. 

*'  Api)ly  the  priiu'ii)le  to  the  facts.  The  United  States  have  declared  war, 
in  order  to  vindiiatc  the  riplils  of  property,  of  liberty,  and  of  life.  Therefore 
is  the  present  war,  from  its  origin,  a  dei'ensivc  and  a  just  war.  Tliis  is  the 
argument. 

"  You  may  speak  about  it,  and  write  about  it ;  you  may  close  yo\ir  eyes  upon 
it ;  vou  may  go  round  about,  and  fly  from  it :  but  you  will  in  vain  ofter  resist- 


498 


POUTICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[map.  88. 


uice  to  its  truth.    The  facts  are  notorious.    The  principle  is  confessed.    The 
application  is  necessary. 

"  I  Avould  urge  the  support  of  the  war,  because  I  earnestly  long  for  a  per- 
manent  peace.  You  know  the  enemy.  His  claims  will  rise  by  his  successes ; 
and  fall,  in  proportion  to  his  defeats.  The  more  he  suffers,  the  more  will  he 
be  disposed  to  relinquish  the  contest-  The  greater  his  danger,  the  sooner  will 
he  come  to  an  accommodation.  By  consistency  and  unanimity,  America  might 
have  finished  this  war  as  soon  as  it  had  commenced.  It  b  only  by  affecting  the 
feai-s  of  the  foe,  that  he  can  be  made  to  listen  to  the  voice  of  equity. 

"  1  would  recommend  the  support  of  this  war,  because  it  is  just.  The  United 
States  ask  for  nothing  but  wliat  they  ought  to  have  ;  what  it  is  lawful  for  the 
enemy  to  give ;  what  is,  in  its  very  nature,  moral — ^the  protection  of  property, 
and  personal  liberty.  I  pray  for  success  to  these  righteous  claims.  I  pray  for 
courage  lo  the  warrior,  and  for  success  to  the  armaments  by  which  tlie  plea  is 
urged,  because  the  cause  is  just — because  it  is  necessary  to  the  repose  of  the 
world — because  God  has  promised  tliat  this  cause  shall  universally  ptevsul. 

♦•  When  your  country  is  at  war,  in  defence  of  her  rights,  it  is  your  duty  to 
encourage,  by  all  lawful  means,  her  exertions  in  the  strife.  It  is  criminal  to 
diminish  her  strength,  or  impede  her  progress.  To  this  principle  I  would  call 
your  noUce  from  tlie  pulpit,  while  our  friends,  and  our  brethren  from  the  adja- 
cent country  are  assembled  round  our  city,  to  defend  it  from  attack.  While 
those  among  our  feUow-worshippers  in  this  house,  who  are  fit  to  bear  arms,  are 
practising  in  the  field,  the  arts  of  defensive  warfare ;  while  all  ranks  and  classes 
of  our  fellow-citizens  are  employing  their  hands  and  their  money  in  raising 
bulwarks  on  every  assailable  point,  to  protect  our  homes  and  our  places  of  pub- 
lic worship,  let  us  accompany  them  with  our  wishes  and  our  prayers,  lest  we 
become  an  enslaved  people. 

"  Those,  who  witlihold  tlieir  support  from  the  war  in  which  their  country- 
is  engaged,  do  what  tends  to  prolong  the  evil. 

"  When  appeal  is  once  made  to  the  law  of  force,  the  parties,  if  they  do  not 
cease  to  reason,  employ  discussion  only  as  an  auxiliary  to  the  sword.  It  then 
becomes  a  contest  fur  victory.  The  aggressor,  influenced  originally  bv  prin- 
ciples of  injustice,  is  not  likely  to  be  corrected  by  his  own  success.  The  his- 
toiy  of  nations  affords  no  instance  of  claims  which  occasioned  war,  being 
relinquished  by  the  offending  party  merely  because  the  resistance  of  the  other 
was  feeble.  When  a  people  are  divided,  they  offer  themselves  an  easy  prey 
to  the  aggressor ;  and  even  if  tiiey  should  ultimately  succeed  in  redressing  the 
evil,  their  weakness  and  discord  certainly  prolong  the  contest.  A  protracted 
warfare,  although  ultimately  successful,  is  a  present  evil ;  and  the  friends  of  a 
speedy  peace  will  always,  in  war,  be  desirous  to  employ  the  energy  which  alone 
can  deserve  and  secure  a  peace.  With  the  work  of  death  none  should  trifle. 
It  is  ruinous — it  is  cruel,  to  prolong,  unnecessarily,  even  a  war  of  defence.  In 
so  far  as  any  member  of  the  community,  in  public  or  in  private,  distracts  the 
councils,  or  impedes  the  progress  of  tliose  who  conduct  tne  war,  he  evidently 
prolongs  the  contest,  and  does  what  he  can  to  prevent  the  return  of  peace.  So 
tar  the  guilt  of  a  protracted  warfare  is  chargeable  upon  him.  It  is,  indeed,  an 
evidence  of  tlie  displeasure  of  the  Deity,  when  a  people,  instead  of  unani- 
mously co-opemting  for  punishing  the  aggressor,  arc  so  divided  and  enfeebled, 
as  to  prolong,  for  years,  a  contest  which  might  be  brought  to  a  successful  issue 
almost  immediately  after  its  commencement.  The  man  who  withholds  his 
support  in  such  a  case,  is  tlie  enemy  of  peace :  he  loves  his  party  more  than 
he  does  his  country,  more  than  he  does  hononr  and  justice ;  more  even  than 
humanity  or  his  own  interest,  connected  with  the  return  of  peace,  who  strives, 
for  the  sake  of  party,  to  enfeeble  the  arm  of  authority,  to  withhold  the  ieces> 
sury  resources,  and  to  discourage  the  soldier. 

"  The  Deity  is  a  God  of  justice  and  of  truth.  He  will  have  us  to  judge 
righteous  judgment.  He  commands  us  to  love  the  truth  and  the  peace ;  and 
to  promote  the  knowledge  and  practice  of  equity.  Tlieretbre  he  reproves 
those  who  do  not  support  an  equitable  war,  as  tlie  cause  of  God,  the  Supreme 
Judge.  Judges,  v.  23.  "  Curse  ye  .Ifcios,"  (said  tlie  angel  of  the  Lord,)  "curse 
ye  bitterly  the  inhabitants  Ihereqfi  because  tfiey  came  not  lo  the  ftelp  of  the  Lord,  to 
the  help  of  the  Lord  aguinst  the  mghty." 

THE  END. 


M'^ 


*.l 


inl 


.V*  ■ 


INDEX^ 


M 


Achilles's  tender  heel,               -            •           -            -            -           -  4^6 

Adams's  Defence  of  tlie  American  Constitutions,  tribute  to,             -  39 
Administration  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  weakness  of,     -          -            -            -    56,  57 

Admiralty  address  to  the  British  navy,        ....  65 

Alexander,  emperor,  his  opinion  of  the  justice  of  the  war,        -            -  240 

Alien  law,  extract  from,        .-----  51 

Alien  and  sedition  laws,  83,  opposition  to,          -            -            -            -  50 

American  revolution,  barbarities  perpetrated  in,      -            -            -  44 

American  merchants,  true  policy  of,        -          -            -            -            -  105 

Americans  vindicating  the  outrages  of  Oreat  Britain,            -            -  124 

American  impressed  sailors  scourged  for  trying  to  procure  redress,  187 

American  slaves  on  board  British  men  of  war,        .        -            -            -  210 

American  magnanimity,  generosity  and  public  spirit,            -            -  486 

Appointment  of  Mr.  Gallatin,  as  minister,  impolitic,                  -            -  63 
Armistice,  proposed  by  admiral  Warren,  59 — rejected  by  Mr.  Madison, 

60— impolicy  ot  the  rejection,                -              -            .            -  6S 

Armistice  proposed  by  Mr.  Madison,  61 — rejected  by  Lord  Castlereagh  61 

Aniold,  Benedict,  treason  of,                -               -            -            -            -  317 

Associations  to  prevent  the  success  of  the  loans,                -            -  285 

Attack  on  the  Chesapeake,  statement  of  tlie,  108— Remarks  on,             -  173 

Baltimore  Mercantile  Memorial,  extracts  from,        ...  93 

Bank  of  the  United  States,  non-renewal  of  tiie  character  of  the,             -  58 

Banks,  bankruptcy  of  the,               -            .            -            -            .  470 

Bankruptcies,  pumemus,  in  middle  and  southern  states,    -            -  295 

Baring,  Sir  Francis,  purchased  2200  shares  in  the  Bank  U.  States,        -  59 

Baron,  commodore,  letter  fram,          -            -            -            -•  114 

Bayard,  James  A.  iiis  opinion  of  the  orders  in  council,     ...  242 

Baring's  inquiry  into  the  effects  of  the  orders  in  council,                -  125 

Berlin  Decree,  JVovemlier  21,  1806,        .....  115 

Berlin  decree  not  enforced  against  American  vessels,  for  12  months,  1 17 

Blake,  Fmncis,  remarks  on,            .....  313 

Blind  leading  the  blind,  .  .  -  -  -  .304 

Blockade  of  the  coa,st  from  the  Elbe  to  Brest,            -            •            -  115 

Blockade,  British  definition  of,              .....  342 

Blue  lights,                .......  457 

Donapartccomplainsof  being  libelled  by  Peletier,            .            -  435 

Boston  Mercantile  Memorial,  extracts  fi-om,               -                -            -  88 

Boston  banks,  abstract  of  the  state  of  the,            -              -             -  296 

Boston  has  44  members  in  the  H.  of  II.  of  Massachusetts,          .            .  388 

Boston,  turbulence  of,             -----            ■  253 

BourbonsftndGuises,  deadly  animosity  between,         -           .           .  430 


SQO 


INDEX. 


Boyle's  (captain)  blockade  of  the  British  dominions,      -  -  116 

British  depredations  brought  on  the  tapis  in  the  senate  of  the  U.  S.      -        106 
British  importations,  law  limiting,  ....  107 

British  proclamation,  ordering  the  impressment  of  British  subjects  on 

board  American  vessels,      ......        I14 

British  government  bills,  advertisement  for  the  sale  of,      •  •  297 

British  prizes  sent  into  Boston,  •  ....        294 

British  depredations,  calculation  of  the  amount  of,  •  -  339 

British  depredations,  governor  Flumer's  opinion  on,  -  .        240 

British  ministry  deceived  by  their  friends,  -  -  -  223 

British  government  bills  openlv advertised  for  sale  in  Boston,  ■        297 

British  depredations,  mercantile  meetings  against,  .  .  H7 

British  privateers,  horrible  picture  of  the  rapacity  of,  -  .        125 

Britislt  system  towards  United  States,  impoUcy  of,  -  -  330 

British  ministers,  indefensible  conduct  of,        •  •  •  .        339 

Brougham,  Henry,  extract  from  speech  of,  ...  332 

Caning,  Mr.  George,  instruction  of,  to  Mr.  Erskinc,    •  •  .        174 

Caucuses,  observations  on,  .....  459 

Catlct,  Dr.  report  of,  .....  -77 

Certiticatc  of  Lieutenant  B.  Van  Hoffman,        ....        201 

Chesapeake,  proceedings  respecting  the  attack  upon  the,    •        110,111,112 
Chesapeake,  murderous  attack  on  the,  108,  17.1 — Indignation  excit. 

ed  by  tlie 110,  112,  113 

Change  in  the  prospects  of  the  country,  -  .  .  40 

Church  is  in  danger,  magical  effects  of  the  deceptious  cry,  .  166 

Civil  war,  danger  of,  39,  endeavours  to  product:,        -  .  .41 

Civil  wars  of  France  and  England,  ....        431, 422 

Classification  system,  excellence  of,  356, 357,  358 — a  measure  of  the  Ame- 
rican revolution,  ...  -  .  .      378, 379 
Cobbett,  W.  reflections  of,  on  the  impressment  of  American  seamen,  182 
Colonial  trade,  report  of  King's  advocate  upon,             -            •           .  86 
Combination  to  pai-alize  the  government,  295,  ruinous  consequences  of, 
288,  particulars  of,               ......        300 

Combination,  treasonable,  to  b  ki;^.u'upt  the  government,    .  -  285 

Commerce  of  America,  alUimportant  to  England,  330 — extent  of  -        329 

Commerce  of  different  parts  of  the  United  States,  .  -  260 

Commercial  intercourse  with  Great  Britain  and  France,  act  to  interdict,       158 
Committee  of  Congress,  report  of,        .  ....  77 

Compensation  Law,  ......  482 

Conflagration  at  Wash'ngton,  ef!ects  of,  ..  -  -  73 

Congress,  lamiyttablo  imbecility  of,  ...  .  67,  68 

'■  ■  •  -  .        458 

440,  441, 442 

378 

495 

126 

358 

363,  364 

344 

144 

145 

131 

39 

202 

70 

207 

39 

317 

401 

248 

457 


Congress,  imbecile  proceedings  of. 
Congressional  caucus,  unconstitutional  and  illegal, 
Conscription  of  Militia,  Pennylvania  law  respecting. 
Conscription,  ...... 

Consular  certificates  of  origin,  a  cause  of  capture. 

Constitutions  of  various  states,  extracts  from. 

Congress  empowered  to  call  out  the  militia  in  case  of  invasion, 

Copenhagen,  destruction  of,  Mr.  Roscoe's  account  of  the, 

Cniig,  Sir  James,  his  instrftctions  to  John  Henry, 

Credentials  from  Sir  James  Craig,  to  John  Henry, 

Credulity,  wonderful,  of  faction, 

Critical  situation  of  the  United  States, 

Dacrcs,  captain,  address  of,  to  the  court  martial,     . 

Dartlin's  (Amy)  horae,  proceedings  respecting, 

Danes,  Port-iguese  and  Swedos,  impressed  in  American  vessscls, 

Davila's  history  of  French  civil  wars,  reference  to, 

Deane,  Silas,  treason  of,         -  -  •  -  • 

Debts  of  the  United  States,  diminution  of  the. 

Declaration  of  war  against  Trance,  motion  for,  rejected,    . 

Decatur,  letter  of,  rcsjiectiiig  blue  lights, 


■f* 


'• 


tSDt   .. 


501 


39£ 


6 

47 

200 
201 
402 
255 


Democrats  threatened  with  vengeance  as  friends  of  Bonaparte, 
Democrats  rail  at  the  appointment  of  Judge  Jay  to  negociute  wit' 

England,  .  .  .  - 

Democratic  Societies,  - 

Democrats,  errors  of,  respecting  government. 

Deposition  of  Isaac  Clark,  .  .  -  - 

Deposition  of  Kichard  Thompson,        -  .  .'       . 

Direct  taxes  repealed  under  Mr.  Jeffei-son's  administration. 
Discord,  attempts  to  produce,  between  eastern  and  southern  states. 
Documents  on  the  subject  of  impressment,  annexed  to  the  report  of  the 
committee  of  tlie  legislature  of  Massachusetts,  211 ;  Deposition  of  J. 
Eldridge,  211 ;  of  William  Parsons,  ibid;  of  Caleb  Loring,  ibid ;  of  An- 
drew Haraden,  212;  of  Josiah  Ome,  214;  of  Nathaniel  Hooper,  ibid; 
of  B.  T.  Iteod,  ibid. 
Domestic  improvements  and  industry,  progress  of. 
Duties  paid  by  tlie  ditterent  states,  from  1791  to  1812, 
Dyson,  captain,  unjust  treatment  ofj 

Eastern  states,  pretensions  of,  to  superiority  over  the  southern. 
Eastern  states,  cliaracter  of,  at  various  periods, 
Eastern  states,  greatly  dependent  upon  the  southern. 
Eastern  states,  deeply  interested  in  manufactures, 
Eaton,  Gen.  -  -  ... 

Eight  per  cent,  loan,  opposition  to,     - 

Embargo,  act  to  enforce  the       .  .  -  - 

Embargo,  flagrantly  violated,  136— repealed, 
Embargo,  recommended  to  congfress  by  merchants  of  New  York, 
Embargo,  not  duly  enforced  by  Mr.  Jefferson, 
Embargo,  factious  clamour  against. 
Embargo,  a  wise,  prudent,  and  necessary  measure. 
Embargo,  British  proclamation  invites  to  violation  of. 
Embargo,  Philadclpliia  resolutions  against, 
Enforcnig  law,  extracts  from, 

Englisli  outrages,  details  of,       ... 
English  canaille  detest  foreigners  of  all  descriptions, 
England,  magnanimous  example  of, 
England  struggling  for  her  existence,  a  mere  delusion, 
England  more  ably  defended  in  America  than  in  London, 
England,  elaborate  defences  of,  -  -  -  177,  178 

England  carries  on  with  France  the  trade  interdicted  to  the  U.  States,        239 
England  makes  war  without  any  declaration,  -  -  436 

Error,  egregious,  committed  by  the  author  of  the  Olive  Branch,  -        217 

Errors  ot  the  democratic  party,  ...  46 

Erskine  arrangement,  liberal  and  ma^animous,  .  .  162 

Erskine  arrangement,  loudly  and  universally  applauded,  -  166 

F^skine  arrangement,  newspaper  extracts  respecting,  1 68,  169, 170 

Erskine  arrangement,  analysis  of,         -  -  -  171 

Erskine  arrangement,  cause  of  its  rejection,  -  -        172 

Erskine,  Hon.  David  M.  letters  to  the  secretary  of  state,  -  163,  164 

Ei"skine,  Mr.  George  Canning's  instructions  to,       -  -  174 

Exports  of  the  United  States,  ...  473 

Exports  of  the  United  States,  statements  of  the      -  -  399 

Exports  of  the  United  States,  increase  of,     -  -  -  86 

Exports  of  the  United  States,  foreign  and  domestic,  260 — foreign,  262, 

domestic,  264 — various  comparisons  of  the  -  261, 262 

Extract  from  the  proceedings  of  the  legislature  of  Massachusetts,  236 

Extract  from  the  report  of  the  committee  recommending  a  declaration  of 

war,  -  -  .  .  -237 

Extract  from  the  memorial  of  the  merchants  of  Salem,  .  96 

Extract  from  New  York  memorial,  -  -  89,  198 

Extntct  from  the  memorial  of  the  merchants  of  BaUimore,        -  93,  199 

Extract  from  the  memorial  of  the  merchants  of  Newhuvcn,  95,  199 

Faction,  a  tremendous  scourge,  -  .  .  403 

o.  B.  e.T 


398 
276 

78 
257 
258 
283 
354 

47 

52 
136 
158 
160 

57 
132 
129, 130,  132,  133 
135 
137 
137 
342 
315 
315 
341 
123 


;v;3 . 


m 


INDEX. 


Faction,  consequences  of,          •                  •                  •  •           39 

Faction,  deleterious  effects  of,  respecting  impressment,  •                  207 

Federal  convention,  proceedings  in,              -                   -  •            81 

Federal  party,  division  among,              .                   .  •                     81 

Federal  constitution,  formed  with  great  difficulty,           -    .  -            83 

Federal  party,  their  unavailing  struggles  for  power,  -                   409 

Federal  constitution,  happy  consequences  of,                   •  •          405 

Federalists,  errors  of,        -                   -                   •  •                     81 

Federalists,  address  of  the  author  to,            -                  •  •         321 

Federalists  pursued  the  policy  they  reprobated  in  the  democrats,  46 

Federalists  m  1793,  4  and  5,  friends  of^order  and  good  government,  312 

Foreigners,  iUiberality  of  prejudices  against,          •  •                   314 

Foreigners,  list  of,  who  supported  the  cause  Of  America,  -          319 

Foreign  commerce,  progress  of,           -                   -  •                   399 

Fort  Washingfton,  capture  of,     -                   -                   •  •            78 

Foster,  Augustus,  Esq.  extract  of  a  letter  from,      -  -                   249 

Fox's  (Charles  James)  blockade  from  the  Elbe  to  Brest,  .          115 

France,  American  injustice  to,             -                   -  •                   103 

France,  urbanity  of, — hideous  change  in  its  manners,      -  .43 

Freedom  of  the  seas,         ....  477 

French  influence,  utter  want  of  foundation  of  the  charge  of,  113,  166 

Gardiner,  Rev.  J.  S.  J.  extracts  from  his  political  sermons,  -                   307 

General  government,  wonderful  pusillanimity  of  the,       -  -          391 

General  tickets,  extremely  partiad  and  unjust,        -  •                    386 

Gerrymanderism,  definition  and  injustice  of,                     -  -          383 

Generosity  of  nations,  a  nonentity,       -                   -  -                     38 

Gilman,  governor,  extract  from  his  speech,                      -  -          394 

Gottenburg,  negociation  at,  impolitic,                     -  -                     64 

Government,  theories  of,            -                   -                   •  -          493 

Governor  of  Massachusetts,  his  praise  of  Mr.  Madison,  -                   169 

Great  Britun  egregiously  deceived  by  her  friends,          -  •          223 

Great  Britain  vulnerable  in  her  commerce,             -  -                   4^9 

Griswold,  governor,  extract  from  an  address  of,                -  -          243 
Griswold,  governor,  his  opinion  of  the  conduct  of  France  and  England,     243 

Guci-riere,  particulars  of  tlie  capture  of  the,                     -  -          202 

Guerriere,  extracts  from  the  logbook  of  the,           -  -                   202 

Guises  and  Bourbons,  deadly  animosity  between,             •  •          430 

Hanulton's  views  of  the  Federal  Constitution,         -  -                     88 

Hartford  Convention,                  ....  473 

Hartford  convention  censures  the  repeal  of  direct  taxes,  -                   403 

Hartford  convention,  extract  from  an  address  to,             -  -          424 

Henry,  John,  ill  requited  by  the  British,                 -  -                   456 

Henry,  John,  extravagant  bonus  given  to,                        -  -          456 

Henry,  John,  statement  of  the  mission  of,               -  -                   143 

Henry,  John,  letters  from,        ...  144^  145 

Hillhouse,  Mr.  invites  to  insurrection,                    -  »                   143 

Horizon,  atrocious  case  of  the,                      -                   -  117,  130 

Horizon,  letter  respecting  the  capture  of  the,        -  -                   117 

Imbecility  of  the  government,  reproaches  of  Uie,             •  •          220 

Import  duties,                   .                   -                   -  -                   477 

Impressment,          -                   -                   -                   -  -          495 

Impressment,  resolution  of  the  senate  of  the  United  States,  ag^nst,  106 

Impressment  011  board  the  Baltimore,  vessel  of  the  U.  S.  -          412 

Impressment  of  American  seamen,  reflections  on,  -        181,  2,  3, 4 

Impressment  of  American  seamen,  various  views  of,      -  180— -199 

Ingratitude  of  the  United  States,        ...  49 

Insurrection  and  civil  war,  easily  excited,  difficult  to  suppress,  -          327 

Instructions  of  Mr.  Madison  to  Mr.  Monroe,          -  -                   181 

Instructions  from  Timothy  Pickering,  Esq.  to  Rufus  King,  Esq.  185, 186 

Ireland  and  Irislimen,  strong  federal  tribute  to,      -  •                   320 

Ireland  and  Irishmen,  elegant  defence  of,    >                   -  •          320 

Irish  and  Frenchmen,  objects  of  jealousy,             -  •                 315 


f-mt 


INDEX. 


5Q8 


IHshmen  in  Penmylvanialine,  sufferings  and  hardships  of, 
Irishmen,  zealous  in  their  support  of  the  government, 
Izard,  departure  of  from  Plattsburg,  highly  injudicious, 
Jackson,  Francis  James,  Esq.  extract  of  a  letter  from,    • 
Jackson,  General,  exploits  of,    - 
Jacobin  and  Jacobinism,  definition  of. 
Jay's  Treaty,  factious  opposition  to, 
Jefferson,  Thomas,  malignant  abuse  of, 
Jews,  deplorable  and  factious  state  of  the,  - 
Jury  Trial,  fact  respecting. 

King,  Rufus,  Esq.  vote  of  thanks  to  him  on  the  classification  bill. 
King,  Cyrus,  speech  of,  on  the  classification  bill) 
King,  Rufus,  conduct  of,  respecting  impressment, 
Knox,  General,  his  plan  for  classification  of  the  Militia,  • 
Ladd,  Eliphalet,  deposition  of. 

Legislature  of  Ohio,  their  declaration  respecting  the  war, 
Letter  from  the  Secretary  of  State  to  Admiral  Wan-en, 
^  Letter  from  M-.  Russel,  to  Lord  Castlereagh, 

Letter  of  John  Quincy  Adams,  Esq.  to  Harrison  G.  Otis,  Esq. 

Letter  from  Thos.  Jefferson,  secretary  of  state,  to  Rufus  King,  Esq 

Letter  from  Rufus  King,  Esq.  to  Timothy  Pickering, 

Letter  from  Silas  Talbot,  to  Timothy  Pickering,  Esq.    • 

Letter  from  Timothy  Pickering,  secretary  of  state,  to  Silas  Talbot, 

Letter  from  John  Marshall,  secretary  of  state,  to  Rufus  King, 

Letter  from  T.  Pickering,  secretary  of  state,  to  president  Adam?, 

Letter  from  Benjamin  Stoddart,  Esq.  secretary  of  the  navy,  to  do. 

Letter  from  Oliver  Wolcott,  Esq.  to  do.  -  - 

Letter  from  James  M'Henry,  Esq.  secretary  at  war,  to  do. 

Letter  from  Commodore  Rodgers,        ... 

Letter  from  Commodore  Porter  to  the  author  of  the  Olive  Branch, 

Letter  from  John  Nichols, 

Letter  from  John  Davis,  of  Abel,  ... 

Letter  from  Commodore  Decatur  to  the  secretary  of  the  navy, 

Letter  from  Captain  Capel  to  Commodore  Decatur,    - 

Letter  from  Commodore  Decatur  to  Captain  Capel, 

Liberality  and  forbearance  of  the  United  States, 

Licentiousness  of  the  Press,  instances  of. 

Listen's,  Mr.  projet  of  a  convention  respecting  deserters 

Liverpool,  Lord,  letter  of,  respecting  John  Henry, 

Lloyd,  James,  Esq.  extract  from  a  speech  of, 

Lloyd,  James,  Esq.  extract  of  a  letter  from, 

Lloyd,  James,  his  opinion  of  the  Orders  in  Council, 

Loans,  ruinous  dependence  upon. 

Loans  to  government,  treasonable  efforts  to  prevent  the  success  of. 

Loans,  advertisements  of  Boston  brokers,  respecting, 

Lyon,  Matthew,  severe  case  of,  - 

Machiavelian  advice  of  John  Henry, 

Madison,  James,  administration  of, 

Maryland  representation,  unequal,  unjust,  and  oppressive, 

Massachusetts  degraded  by  faction,  302 — compared  with  Tennessee, 

303 — invaded  without  resistance, 
Massachusetts  has  a  representative  of  her  black  population, 
Massachusetts,  factious  and  turbulent  spirit  of, 
Massachusetts,  representation  in,  very  lU  arranged. 
Members  of  the  nouse  of  representatives  oftlie  United  States, 
Merchants,  character  of,  by  Edmund  Burke, 
Merchants  utterly  fail  to  redeem  their  pledge. 
Merchants  miserably  mistake  their  true  policy  and  interests,     - 
Mercantile  meetings  to  remonstrate  against  British  depredation, 
Merit  unrewarded,  .  .  - 

Miltm  Decree,  December  17,  1807 
Milan  decree,  atrocious  wickedness  of  the,  •  •   ' 


186. 


316 
319 

79 
248 

48 
312 

52 
167 

13 
479 
382 
364 
206 
380 
195 
241 

61 

61 
182 
184 

.  *" 


VJ3 
194 
201 
201 
202 
203 
204 
204 
205 
107 
431 
193 
156,  157 
242 
250 
242 

80 
285 
291 

51 
150 
460 
388 

303 
350 
284 
387 
353 
101 
102 
1U4 
87 
482 
120 
131 


504 


INDEX. 


364 
358 
360 
369 
367 
358 
360, 361 
366 


Miller,  Mr.  Speech  of  on  the  classification  biU,        -  -        * 

Militia,  extracts  from  state  constitutions  respecting  the, 
Militia,  extracts  fronr.  state  laws  respecting  the. 
Militia,  extracts  from  the  letters  of  Gen.  Washington  on  the  subject  of. 
Militia  defence,  examination  of  its  efficiency. 
Militia  sei-vice,  right  of  society  to  coerce. 
Militia  laws  of  various  states,  extracts  from. 
Militia  drafts,  oppressK'e,  unequal,  and  unjust. 
Militia  defence,  mefliciency  of,  368 — Gen.  Washington's  denuncia- 
tions of,        .....    369,370 

Minor,  col.  report  of,        -                   -                   .        •           .  76 

Minority,  inexplicable  conduct  of  the,          ....  224 

Money,  the  sinews  of  war,                      ...  285 

Monroe's  Treaty,  rejection  of,                     -                    -                    -  469 

Monroe  and  Pinkney,  extract  of  letter  from,  -  -  87 
Monroe  and  Pinkncy's  treaty  rejected  by  Mr.  Jefferson,             -              53,  469 

Morals,  horrible  tlcpravation  of,            .                    -                    -  293 

Morse,  Kcv.  Jedidiah,  extracts  from  a  political  sermon  of,                 -  393 

Muster  books  of  Moselle  and  Sappho,          ...  201 

National  reflections,  hig;hly  unjust,              -                   .                   -  432 

Navy,  democratic  opposition  to,            -                   -                   .  47 

National  debt  of  the  United  States,  tables  of  the,            -                   -  401 

Newspaper  statements,  erroneous,        -                    .                    .  222 

Neglect  of  public  opinion,  ruinous  consequences  of,      .                    -  70 

Newhavcn  Mercantde  Memorial,  extracts  from,  -  -  95 
Newspaper  misrepresentation,  ruinous  consequences  of,                  -    220,  221 

Newburyport  Mercantde  Memorial,  extracts  from,          -                    -  96 

Newburvport  threatens  to  resist  the  government "  even  unto  blood,"  100 

New  Orleans,  remarks  on  the  occlusion  of,                .  231 

Newspaper  denunciations  of  subscribers  to  government  loans,            -  289 

New  York  Mercantile  Memorial,  extracts  from,         •  89 

New  York  Memorial,  recommending  an  embargo           -                   -  401 

Nominations,  improvement  in,                 -                    -                    .  461 

Non-intercourse  reprobated  by  democrats,  57 — and  byfederalists  161 

Non-importation  law,  tenor  of,               .                   -                   .  107 

Non-intercourse  law,  view  of  the,  ...  160 
NorUiern  Grievances,  extracts  from,        .                    -                    .            41,42 

Note  of  tlie  Uritisli  Commissioners,  appended  to  Monroe's  treaty,  54 

O'Brien,  Barnard,  impressed  seaman,  certificate  respecting,              -  204 

Opposition  to  tlie  government,  ruinous  consequents  of  tlic,        .  311 

Orders  in  Council,  and  Decrees,  resolution  respecting  the  -  246 
Orders  in  Council,  evidence  respecting  the  operation  of  the           -        334, 335 

OrderinCouneil,  Nov.  1793,85— Nov.  11,  1807,  -  •  117 
Orders  in  Council,  denunciation  of,  by  James  I.loyd,  242— by  James 

A.Hayniil,243— by  H.  G.  Otis,           -                    -                    .  245 

Orders  in  Council,  1793,  ruinous  consequences  of,  -  85 
Or-iers  in  Council,  Nov.  11, 1807, 117— Nov.  25, 1807, 120— defended 

by  .\m<'ricunH,                  ....  123 

Orders  in  Council  required  to  be  resisted,  -  .  329 
Oi-dcrs  in  Council,  inquiry  into  the  effects  of  the,  333 — testimony  against,  834 
Osgood,  Uev.  Dii\i(l,  c.vtMcts  from  the  political  sermons  of,             -     307,  393 

Otis,  Harrison  Gray,  Ksq.  extract  of  a  letterfrom,           •            •  345 

Outnigt  s,  sneression  of,  perpetrated  on  this  country  by  the  British,  330 

...        I.                  ..                                 _              _  j^j2 


Pacific  MiraBiiresiIefiated  by  mercantile  opposition, 

Parish,  Hev,  I'JiJah,  extnicts  from  his  political  sermons, 

Parliumentui'v  proceedings  in  Fingland, 

Party  and  taction  the  bane  of  republics, 

Parly  writers,  dcceptio<iscoi\duct  of, 

Parly  men,  thorough-going,  rarely  Ixmest  politicians, 

ParticH  change  nanicH  a. ul  principles, 

Patrititic.  proceedings,  Mtatenient  of, 

Itcacc  party,  ruinous  consequences  of  their  exertions,    ' 


309,  393 

68 

37 

45 

13 

311 

141 

3U^ 


T*; 


INDEX. 


505 


■Peace  party,  composed  of  warlike  materials,        -        -  -  -       2.30 

Peletier,  prosecuted  for  a  libel  on  Bonaparte,  -  -  -  435 

Pelham's  Essays,  extracts  from,  .....        255 

Pennsylvania  hne,  sufferings  and  heroism  of,  -  -  -  316 

Perceval,  Spencer,  assassination  ofi        -  -  -  -  -        339 

Perry,  consequences  of  his  victory,  ....  48 

Philadelphia  Mercantile  Memorial,  extracts  from,         •  -  -  91 

Philadelphia,  citizens  of,  as  religious  as  those  of  Boston,     -  -  259 

Philadelphia,  ingratitude  of,         -  -  -  -  -  -        316 

Pickering,  Mr.  Timothy,  vote  of,  against  British  depredations,  106 — 

i^inst  impressment,  ......        106 

Pickering,  T.  wonderful  contrast  of  the  opinions  of,  -  -  133 

Pinkney,  Wm.  character  of,        -  -  -  -  -  -        339 

Political  writers,  partiality  of,  -  -  -  •  -  45 

Political  sermons,  extracts  from,  ....  307,  308 

Popular  delusion,  influence  of,  -  -  •  -  -  37 

Popular  delusion,  extraordinary  instance  of,      -  -  -  -        287 

Population  of  the  United  States,  progress  of  the,  -  -  404 

Plumer,  governor,  extract  from  Ins  speech  1812,  -  -  240 

Proclamation  inviting  to  a  violation  of  the  embargo,  -  .         135 

President's  proclamatit)n  restoring  intercourse  with  fircat  Britain,  165 

Population  of  the  United  States,  tables  of  the  progress  of  the,  -        404 

Pickering,  Mr.  Timothy,  letters  of,  respecting  impressment,         .        188,  190 
Pittsburg,  Insurrection  at,  .  -  -  -  -  -        453 

Proclamation,  interdicting  otir  ports  to  British  ves.sels  of  war,        -  108 

Power  of  congress  over  the  mditia,  inquiry  into  the,  -  -        363 

Preparations,  neglect  of,  .....  64 

Preparations  for  war,  .....        217,218,219 

"  President  Madison  to  Elba,"  a  favourite  idea  with  many,  -         -  11 

Pretensions  of  Great  Britain  exposed  by  Boston  merchants,  •  88 

Pretensions  of  England,  exti-avagant,  ...  .        174 

Printer  at  Reading  scourged  by  a  band  of  Philadelphia  volunteers,  228 

Proceedings  of  congress,  nnbecility  and  folly  of,  -  .  -    67,  68 

Prosperity  of  the  United  States,  view  of,        -  -  -  396,398,407 

Prophets,  .........        473 

Pulpit  politics,  a  hideous  abomination,        -  -  -         41,305,  to  310 

Quincey,  Josiuh,  inexpUcable  and  inconsistent  conduct  of,        -  .        227 

Quiucey,  Josiah,  seditious  speech  of,  .  -  •  •  348 

Randolph,  John,  resolutions  of,  in  favour  of  Mr.  Madison,         -  .        169 

Repeal  of  orders  in  council,  extract  from  the,         ...  53 

Rcpcalof  orders  in  council,  very  e(|uivocul,      •  -  -  -  62 

Report  of  Timothy  Pickering,  Esq.  secretary  of  state,  to  congress,  195 

Reproitchcs  by  the  nunority  of  Congress  against  tlie  majority,  -        220 

Republics,  history  of,  not  duly  studied  by  the  democrats,  -  47 

Resolution  of  the  senate  U.  States  against  the  rule  of  1756,       -  .        106 

Resolutions  of  tile  Federal  Republiciins  of  New  York,        -  .  199 

Resolution  of  the  towik  of  Gloucester  resporting  the  embargo,  141— of 

Batit,  ibid;  oi  ^the  town  of  Boston,  ibid;  of  the  town  of  TopsHeld, 

142 — of  the  town  of  Augusta,  .....        142 

Resolutions  of  the  revolutionary  congress,  respecting  intercourse  with 

the  enemy,  .......        297 

Retaliation,  a  mere  pretence  on  the  part  of  England,  .  -       2t3,  J4.i 

RevemioH  of  the  United  States,  increase  of  the,  -  -  400,401 

Iticl'ur<l  CiirttT,  deposition  of,         -  •  -  -  •        .         195 

Road  to  Kiiin, delusion  and  misrepresentation  of,  -  •  304 

Rule  of  1756,  utterly  abandoned  by  the  Britisli  government,  86 — a  more 

pretext  to  covi-rprctlutory  sei/.iires,  ■  -  -        -  95 

Rnssiuii  niniiiUion,  misrcpiTsiMilation  respecting,       ...  72 

Ryland,  II.  W.  Iiis  htters  to  Jolin  Henry.  -  -  U4,  154,  l'")7 

Salein  .Mfrcantilc  MiMnoriul,  eMniclsfrom,  ...  % 

Hucrelary  of  state's  letters  to  llun.  U.  M.  Emkinc,  -  •  163,164 

» 


506 


INDEX. 


Sedition  law,  extract  from,  .  .  »  .  .50 

Sedition,  -  -  •  •  •  .        .  .  478 

Senate  of  New  Hampshire,  extract  froiQ  the  reply  of,  •  .       394 

Senate  of  Massachusetts,  their  declaration  respecting  the  war,      >  240 

Senate  of  Maryland,  their  declaration  respecting  the  war,        •  -        241 

Senate  and  house  of  representatives  of  Massacnusetts,  their  praise  of 

Mr.  Madison,  -      .     •  •  -  -  •  •        170 

Senatorial  representation,  iiuquitous  arrangement  of,         .  .     384,  385 

Separation  oi  the  states,  project  for  a,  in  1796,  .  .     255,256,257 

Sepafationof  the  states,  steadily  advocated  in  Boston,  -  -         56 

Septembrization  perpetrated  by  a  small  portion  of  tiie  mob  of  Patis,  433 

Smuggling  carried  to  great  excess  in  Boston,  -  •  292,  293 

Sober  chfracter  of  the  Americans  no  security  against  civil  war,  •         43 

Southern  states,  unfavourable  anticipations  respecting,  belied  by  events,  411 
Southern  states,  shameful  libel  ag^nst  the,  ....  255 
Sf  ecie,  accumulation  of  in  Boston,  ....  294 

Specie,  oppressive  drafts  for,  on  middle  and  southern  states,  •        295 

Speech  of  Henry  Brougham,  Elsq.  extract  from  a,         .  •  332 

Stansbuiy,  general,  report  of,    •        -  .         -  <•  .76 

Statement  of  applications  on  the  subject  of  impressment,  to  the  Bijitish 

government,  ......  215, 251 

Thayer,  Hiram,  hard  case  of  ....  >  .        204 

Thompson  Hichard,  impressed  seaman,  sufferings  of,        •  .  201 

Tonnage  of  the  United  States,  view  of,  •  .  274, 403 

Transit  duties,  tariff  of,  payable  by  American  vessels,        .  •        .        121 

Transit  duties,  121  — F.  J.  Jackson's  view  of  the  payment  of,  .  248 

United  States,  gforioas  prospects  of,  40— remarks  upon»         •  .41 

United  States,  not  sufRciently  munificent  towards  gnat  merit,  .  48 

United  States,  view  of  the  prosperity  of,  ....    14,396 

Van  Ness,  gen.  report  of,  to  a  committee  of  congress,       •  -  75 

Virginia  representation,  unequal,  uniiut,  and  oppressive,        •  ■       389 

War,  constant  cause  of  with  Englana,        ....  53 

War,  violenUv  opposed  by  the  minority,  .  -  .     228,  229, 230 

War  ptticeeding^m  congress,  detjuls  of  the,         •  -  334 

War  with  England  inevitable  but  by  sacrifice  of  national  character,  339 

War,  repeated  cUmour  for,  .  ■  -  .  .        230, 231 

War,  inquiry  into  the  justice  of,  .        -  .  .  .  336 

War  proceedings  in  congress— yeas  and  nays,  ...        324 

War,  view  of  the,  -  .....  455 

War,  opposition  to  the,  ......        479 

Washington,  general,  his  great  merits  and  services,  .  .  405 

Wasiiing^n,  capture  of,  ^uments  respecting,  .  .  75,  76,  77 

Washingfton  Benevolent  Societies,  .....        48I 

Washington,  libels  against,  •  ...  467 

Wealthy  men  lending  their  aid  to  overturn  the  government,  •         13 

Wellington,  lonl,  immensely  rewarded,  ...  49 

Western  Insurrection,  .....  .        453 

AVhitby,  captain,  honourably  acquitted  for  the  murder  of  C^  tain  Pearce,  200 
Wilkinson  and  Hampton,  violent  cnt-mies,  •  .  -  .  67 

Winder's  onlers  to  destroy  i'ort  Washington,  ...  78 

Wolcott,  O,  objections  to  Mr.  Listen's  projct  respecting  deserters  •  193 
Yeas  and  Nays  "n  various  questions  regarding  war,         •     .     •  8B|| 


* 


'4 


THE  P'STD. 


'-*        -. 


V 


^ 


'§- 


# 


* 


* 


# 


<r 


**" 


-41 


•-• 


'Jr 


»* 


